The history of England, from the accession of James the Second

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THB

HISTORY or ENGLAND

iroM

THE ACCESSION OF JAMES n.

• < ■•

• .. * '^ r \ *■ « • • i •

BT

THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY.

/ .

VOLUME III.

PHILADELPHIA:

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO

1878.

. ; •v '/ .

764420

CONTENTS

OF

THE THIRD VOLFM*.

CHAPTER XI.

William And Mary proclaimed in London I

Rejoicings throoghoat England ; Rejoicings in Holland 9

Dbcontent of the Clergj and of the Armj 3

Reaction of Public Feeling • 4

Temper of the Tories 6

Temper of the Whigs 9

Min istcrial Arrangements 10

William his own Minister for Foreign Affairs U

Danhy IS

Halifax 13

Nottingham 15

Shrewshnrj 15

The Board of Admiralty; the Board of Treasury 16

The Great Seal 17

The Jodgcs 18

The Honsehold 19

Bobordinate Appointments 91

The Conrention tamed into a Parliament 21

The Members of the two Hoases required to take the Oaths 25

Qnestions relating to the Rerenne 26

Abolition of the Hearth Money 28

Repayment of the Expenses of the United Provinces SO

Mutiny at Ipswich 81

The first Mutiny Bill 85

Baspension of the Habeas Corpus Act 87

(Tapopnlarity of Wniiam 98

OOHTBMTt. V

Ptfft

#«iief determines to go to IreUnd 119

Anistjuioe fiirobhed bj Lewii to James • ••••• Iftl

Choice of a French Ambasssdor to socompaGj James las

Tlie Count of Avatix « 13J

James lands at Kinsaie 134

James enters Cork ; 135

Journey oi James from Cork to Dublin • 136

Discontent in England 133

Factions at Dublin Castle 140

James determines to go to Ulster 145

Jonme J of James to Ulster 143

The Fail of Londondeny expected 148

Succours arriTe finom England •••• 149

Treachery of Lundy ; the Inhabitants of Londonderry reiolTO lo

defend themselTes 150

Their Character 15f

Londonderry besieged •••••••••• • .. 155

The Siege turned into a Blockade 157

Naral Skirmish in Bantry Bay 159

A Parliament summoned by James sits at Dublin 150

A Toleration Act passed ; Acts passed for the Confiscation of the

Property of Protestanu 164

Issue of base Money 169

The great Act of Attainder 171

James prorogues his Parliament ; Persecution of the Protestants in

Ireland 173

Eflfect produced in England by the News from Lieland 177

Actions of the EnniskiUeners 179

Distress of Londonderry 180

Expedition under Kirke arrires in Loch Foyle 180

Cruelty of Rosen 181

The Famine in Londonderry extreme 183

Attack on the Boom 185

The Siege of Londonderry raised 187

Operations against the EnniskiUeners 190

Battle of Newton Butler 193

of the Irish 193

CHAPTER XIII.

TV Berrolntion more riolent in Scotland than in England 1 9C

(elections for the Conrention ; Rabbling of the Episcopal Clor^ . . 1 ?f

CONTKNT8. vil

liifiur J Character of the H ighlanders SM

Qoarreb in the Highland Armj 267

Dondee applies to James for Assistance ; the War in the Highlands

suspended 270

Scruples of the Covensnters aboat taking Arms for King William.. 271

The Cameronian Begiment raised 271

Edinburgh Castle surrenders • 274

Session of Parliament at Edinburgh 271

Ascendencj of the Club 27f

Troubles in Athol 277

The War breaks out sgain in the Highlands 280

Death of Dundee 280

Retreat of Mackaj 287

Effect of the Battle of Killiecrankie ; the Scottish Parliament ad-
journed 288

The Highland Armj reinforced 291

Skirmish at Saint Johnston*s 293

Disorders in the Highlxmd Armj 294

Mackaj's Advice disregarded by the Scotch Miuibters 295

The Cameronians stationed at Dunkeld 296

The Highlanders attack the Cameronians and are repulsed 297

Dissolution of tlie Highland Army ; Intrigues of the Club ; State

of the Lowlands 298

CHAPTER XIV.

Disputes in the English Parliament 800

The Attainder of Russell reversed 301

Other Attainders reversed ; Case of Samuel Johnson 302

Case of Devonshire 304

Case of Gates 304

Bill of Rights 311

Disputes about a BUI of Indemnity 313

Last Days of Jeffreys 315

The Whigs dissatisfied with the King 320

Intemperance of Howe 321

Attack on Caermarthen 321

Attack on Halifax ' 322

Preparations for a Campaign in Ireland 325

Vkrhombeig 326

liecess of the Parliament 328

State of Ireland ; Advice of Avaux ....««.. 3*2^

1

COMTBNT5. Xi

laoMt ftiea to France ; Dablin eyaoiated bj the French and Irish

Troops 508

Entry of William into Dablin 509

Effect protlaoed in France by the News from Ireland 509

Effoci produced at Rome bj the News from Ireland 510

Eflfect produced in London by the News from Ireland 51 1

James arrives in France ; his Reception there 518

Toorville attempts a Descent on England 514

Teignmoath destroyed 516

Excitement of the English Nation against the French 518

^Tbe Jacobite Press 520

The Jacobite Form of Prayer and Hnmiliation 521

Clamour against the nonjuring Bishops 523

Ifilitary Operations in Ireland ; Waterford taken 524

The Irish Army collected at Limerick. Lauznn pronounces that the

Place cannot be defended 525«

The Irish insist on defending Limerick 526

Tyroonnel is agiinst defending Limerick ; Limerick defended by the

Irish alone 528

Sarsfield surprises the English iVrtillery 530

Arrival of Raldearg O'Donnel at Limerick 532

The Besicf;;ers suffer from the Rains 533

Unsucceerful Aasault on Limerick. The Siege raised 534

Tyrconnc) and Lauzun go to France ; William returns to England ;

RTiCcption of William in England 535

Exped'tion to the South of Ireland 537

Maribofough takes Cork 538

Marlborough takes Kinsale 53S

Affairs of Scotland ; Intrigues of Montgomery with the Jacobites. . 539

War in the Highlands 541

Fort William built ; Meeting of the Scottish Parliament 542

Melville Lord High Commissioner ; the Government obtains a Ma-
jority 543

Ecclesiastical Legislation 545

The Coalition Ijctween the Club and the Jacobites dissolved 551

The Chiefe of the Club betray each other 552

Qeneral Acquiescence in the new Ecclesiastical Polity 554

Complaints of the Episcopalians 555

The Presbyterian Nonjurors 556

William dissatisfied with the Ecclesiastical Arrangements in Scot-
land 560

MeetiTi<> of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 560

Bute of Affairs '^n the Continent ■ Kl

M. avri

the leading Conipiraton

iratora detcnnine to send Preston to S&int Germaini

listed to Preston

n of the Plot gireo to CaernnAitfaeo ; Aireet of Pr
his Compaiiioiis

1

%

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER XL

The RevolatioD had been accomplished* The decrees of
the Convention were everywhere received with submission.
London, true during fifty eventful years to the cause of civil
freedom and of the reformed religion, was foremost in profess-
ing loyalty to the new Sovereigns. Grarter King at arms, after
making proclamation under the windows of Whitehall, rode in
state along the Strand to Temple Bar. He was followed by
the maces of the two Houses, by the two Speakers, Halifax
and Powle, and by a long train of coaches filled with noble-
men and gentlemen. The magistrates of the city threw open
their gates uid joined the procession. Four regiments of
militia lined the way up Ludgate Hill, round St. PauFs Ca-
thedral, and along Cheapside. The streets, the balconies, and
the very housetops were crowded with gazers. All the steeples
from the Abbey to the Tower sent forth a joyous din. The
proclamation was repeated, with sound of trumpet, in front of
the Royal Exchange, amidst the shouts of the citizens.

In the evening, every window from "NVliitechapel to Picca
dilly was lighted up. The state rooms of the palace were
thrown open, and were filled by a gorgeous company of cour-
tiers desirous to kiss the hands of the King and Queen. The
Whigs assembled there, flushed with victory and prosperity.
Tliere were among them some who might be pardoned if a
vindictive feeling mingled with their joy. The most deeply
injured of all who had survived the evil times wsu? absent.
Lady Russell, while her fiiends were crowding the galleries
of Whitehall, remained in her retreat, thinking of one who,
Tox. jzr« 1

8 BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

if he Imd been still living, would have held no undistinguished
phi •a; in the ceremonies of that great day. But her daughter,
who had a few months before become the wife of Lonl Cav-
endish, was presented to the royal pair by his mother, the
Countess of Devonshire. A letter is still extant in which the
young lady described, with great vivacity, the roar of the
populace, the bhize in the streets, the throng in the { r^-s^nce
chamb'sT, the beauty of Mary, and the expression which enno-
bled and soflened the harsh features of William. But the
most interesting passage is that in which the orphan girl
avowed the stern dehght with which she had witnessed the
tardy punishment of her father's murderer.*

The example of London was followed by the provincial
towns. Dunng three weeks, the Gazettes were filled with
accounts of the solemnities by which the public joy manifested
itself, cavalcades of gentlemen and yeomen, processions of
Shenffs and Bailiffs in scarlet gowns, musters of zealous Prot*
' estants with orange flags and ribbons, salutes, bonfires, illu-
minations, music, balls, dinners, gutters running with ale anc
conduits spouting claretf

Still more cordial was the rejoicing among the Dutch, when
they learned that the first minister of their Commonwealth
had been raised to a throne. On the very day of his accession
he had written to assure tlie States Grenend tliat the cliange Iq
his situation had made no change in the affection which he
bore to his native land, and that his new dignity would, he
hoped, enable liim to discliarge his old duties more efficiently
than ever. Tliat oligarchical party, which had always been
hostile to the doctrines of Calvin and to the House of Orange,
muttered faintly that His M;\|esty ought to resign the Stadt-
holdership. But all such mutterings were drowned by the
acclamations of a people proud of the genius and success of
their great countryman. A day of thanksgiving was appointed.

♦ Letter from Lady Cavendish to Sylvia. Lady Cavcndidh, like most
of tlic clever girls of that generation, liud Scudery's romances always in
her head. She is Dorinda: her correspondent, supposed to be her cousin
Jane Allington, is Sylvia: William is Ormanzor, and Mary Phenixana.

London Gazette, Feb. 14, 168|; Narcisstis Luttreirs Diary. LuttreU'a
Diiiry, whicli I shall very often (\\iotc, is in the librarv of All Souls' Col-
lege. I nm greatly obliged to the Warden for the kindness with which
he allowed me access to this valuable manuscript.

t See the London Gazettes of February and March 168|, and Narciisvt
Lttttreil'* D'mcj,

BIBTOKT OF SVOLASD. $

In afl the dties of (he Seven ProTinces, the public joj imiiii*
Tested itself by festiyities, of which the expense was chieflj
defrayed by volnntary gifts. Every class assisted. The poor-
est laborer oookl help to set op an arch of triumph, or to
bring sedge to a bonfire. Even the ruined Huguenots of
France could contribute the aid of their ingenuity. One art
whidi they had carried with them into banishment was the art
of making fireworks ; and they now, in honor of the victorious
champion of their faith, lighted up the canals of Amsterdam
with showers of splendid constellations.*

To superficial observers it might well seem thai William
was, at this time, one of the most enviable of human beings.
He was in truth one of the most anxious and unhappy. He
well knew that the difficulties of his task were only beginning.
Already that dawn which had lately been so bright was over-
cast ; and many signs portended a dark and stormy day.

It was observed that two important classes took little or no
part in the festivities by which, all over England, the inaugur»>
tion of the new government was celebrated. Very seldom
could either a priest or a soldier be seen in the assemblages
which gathered round the market crosses where the King and
Queen were proclaimed. The professional pride both of the
clergy and of the army had been deeply wounded. The doc-
trine of non-resistance had been dear to the Anglican divines.
It was their distinguishing badge. It was their favorite theme.
If we are to judge by that portion of their oratory which has
eome down to us, they had preached about the duty of pa^^sive
obedience at least as often and as zealously as about the
Trinity or the Atonement.t Their attachment to their politi-
cal creed had indeed been severely tried, and had, during a
short time, wavered. But with the tyranny of James the
bitter feeling which that tyranny had excited among them ha^
passed away. The parson of a parish was naturally unwilling
to join in what was really a triumph over those principles
which, during twenty-eight years, hb flock had heard liim

♦ Wagenaar, Ixi. He quotes the procecdinjrs of the States of the 2d
of March, 1689. London Gazette, April 11, 1689; Monthly Mercury foi
\pril, 1689.

t **I may l»e (KWitivc," says a writer who had been educated ot Wcst-
oiixister School, '^ where I heani one sernion of repenunce, faith, and th«
renewing of the Holv Ghost, I heard three of the other; and 'tis hard to
tav whether Jiwus Christ or Kinir Ch:irlcs the First were oftenor niezi>
tiooed and maguifiud." Bistict'ii Mo'duru Fanuiick, 1710.

i BISTORT OF ENOLAKD.

proclaim on every anniversary of the Martyrdom and od
every anniversary of the Restoration.

The soldiers, too, were discontented They hated Popery
indeed ; and they had not loved the banished King. But
*hey keenly felt that, in the short campaign which had decided
the fate of their country, theirs had been an inglorious part.
Forty fine regiments, a regular army such as had never before
marched to battle under the royal standard of Enfrland, had
retreated precipitately before an invader, and had then, with-
out a struggle, submitted to him. That great force had been
absolutely of no account in the late change, had done nothing
towards keeping William out, and had done nothing towards
bringing him in. The clowni^, who, armed with pitchforks and
mounted on cart-horses, had straggled in the train of Lovelace
or Delamere, had borne a greater part in the Revolution than
those splendid household troops, whose plumed hats, embroid-
ered coats, and curvetting chargers the Londoners had so of\en
\een with admiration in Hyde Park. The mortification of the
irmy was increased by the taunts of the foreigners, taunts
which neither orders nor punishments could entirely restrain.*
At several places the anger which a brave and high-s))irited
body of men might, in such circumstances, be expected to feel,
showed itself in an alarming manner. A battalion which lay
at Cirencester put out the bonfires, huzzaed for King James,
and drank confusion to his daughter and his nephew. The
garrison of Plymouth disturbed the rejoicings of the Coun\y
of Cornwall : blows were exchanged ; and a man was killed
in the fray.f

The ill humor of the clergy and of the army could not but
be noticed by the most he^less ; for the clergy and the army
were distinguished from other clasps by obvious peculiarities
of garb. ^ Black coats and red coats," said a vehement Whig
in the House of Commons, ^ are the curses of the nation." |
But the discontent was not confined to the black coats and the
red coats. The enthusiasm with which men of all classes had
welcomed William to London at Christmas, had greatly abated
before the close of February. The new king had, at the very

• Fans Gazette, ^^ 1689. Orange Gazette, London, Jan. 10, 168|

t Grey's Debates ; Howe's speech ; Feb. 26, 168| ; Boscawen's tpeec*>
Harch 1 ; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Feb. 2^-27.
I Grey's Debates ; Feb. 26, 16b^.

HISTORY OF ENOLAITD. $

moynent at wUich his fame and fortune reached the highest
point, predicted the coming reaction. That reaction might, io*
deed, iiave been predicted by a less sagacious observer of
human affairs. For it is to be chiefly ascribed to a law as
eertain as the kiws which regulate the succession of the seasons
and the course of the trade-«winds. It is the nature of man to
OTerrate present evil, and to underrate present good ; to long
for what he has not, and to be dissatisfied with what he has.
This propensity, as it appears in individuals, has oflen been
Dotieed both by laughing and by weeping pliilosophers. It
was a favorite theme of Horace and of Pascal, of Voltaire and
of Johnson. To its influence on the fate of great conmi unities
may be ascribed most of the revolutions and counter revolutions
recorded in history. A hundred generations have elapsed
since the first great national emancipation, of which an account
has come down to us. We read in the most ancient of books
that a people bowed to the dust under a cruel yoke, scourged
to toil by hard taskmasters, not supplied with straw, yet com-
pelled to furnish tlie daily tale of bricks, became sick of life,
and raised such a cry of misery as pierced the heavens. The
slaves were wonderfully set free : at the moment of their liber-
ation they raised a song of gratitude and triumph : but, in a
few hours, they began to regret their slavery, and to mui*mur
against the leader who had decoyed them away from the savory
fitre of the house of bondage to the dreary waste which still
separated them from the land flowing with milk and honey.
Since that time the history of every great deliverer has been
the history of Moses retold. Down to the present hour rejoic
ings like those on the shore of the Red Sea have ever been
speedily followed by murmurings like those at the Waters of
Strife.* The most just and salutary revolution must produce
much suffering. The most just and salutary revolution cannot
produce all the good that had been expected from it by men of
oninstructed minds and sanguine tempers. Even the wisest
cannot, while it is still recent, weigh quite fairly the evils which
it has caused ag^nst the evils which it has removed. For the
evils which it has caused are felt ; and the evils which it has
removed are felt no longer.

* This illastration is repeated to satiety in semions and pamphlet** 3f
the time of William the Third. Thcro is a poor .imitation of Absalom
and AhitopheU entitled the Marmurers. William is Moses ; Corah,
Dathan, and Abiram, nonjaring Bishops; Balaam, I think Drydon; and
Pbinehas Shrewsbury

6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Tlius it wns now in England. The public was, as it alwaji
is during the cold fits whict) follow its hot fits, sullen, hard to
please, dissatisfied with itself, dissatisfied with tliose who had
lately been its favorites. The truce between the two great
parties was at an end. Separated by the memory of all that
had been done and sufiei*ed during a conflict of half a century,
they had been, during a few months, united by a common
danger. But the danger was over : the union was dissolved ;
and the old animosity broke forth again in all its strength.

James had, during the last year of his reign, been even
more hated by the Tories than by the Whigs ; and not without
cause : for to the Whigs he was only an enemy ; and to the
Tories he hiid been a faithless and thankless friend. But the
old royalist feeling, which had seemed to be extinct in the time
of his lawless domination, had been partially revived by his
misfortunes. Many lords and gentlemen, who had, in Decem-
ber, taken anus for the Prince of Orange and a Free Parlia-
ment, muttered, two months later, that they had been drawn
in ; that they had trusted too much to His Highness's Declar*
ation ; that they had given him credit for a disinterestedness
which, it now appeared, was not in his nature. They had
meant to put on King James, for his own good, some gentle
force, to punish the Jesuits and renegades who had misled him,
to obtain from him some guarantee for the safety of the civil
and ecclesiastical institutions of the realm, but not to uncrown
and banish him. For his mal-administration, gross as it had
been, excuses were found. Was it strange that, driven from
his native land, while still a boy, by rebels who were a disgrace
to the Protestant name, and forced to pass his youth in conn*
tries where the Roman Catholic religion was established, he
should have been captivated by that most attractive of all
superstitions? Was it strange that, persecuted and calumniated
as he had been by an implacable faction, his disposition should
have become sterner and more severe than it had once been
thought, and that, when those who had tried to blast his
honor and to rob liim of his birthright were at length in his
power, he should not have sufliciently tempered justice with
mercy? As to the worst charge which had been brought
against him, the charge of trying to cheat his daughters out
of their inheritance by fathering a supposititious child, on what
grounds did it rest? Merely on slight circumstances, such as
might well be imputed to accident, or to that imprudence which
was but too much in harmony with his character* Di<^ ^ver

HI8T0BT OF EN0LAlf0. 7

tke most stopid oountrj justice put a boy in the stodLS frithoul
requiring stronger eyklence than that on which the English
people had pronounced their King guilty of the basest and
most odioud of all frauds ? Some great faults he had doubtlesa
eommitted : nothing could be more just or constitutional than
that for those faults his advisers and tools should be called to
a severe reckoning ; nor did any of those advisers and tools
more richly deserve punishment than the Roundhead sectaries
whose adulation had encouraged him to persist in the fiital exer-
cise of the dispensing power. It was a fundamental law of the
land that the King could do no wrong, and that, if wrong were
done by his authority, his counsellors and agents were respon-
sible. That great rule, essential to our polity, was now inverted.
The sycophants, who were legally punishable, enjoyed impu-
nity ! the King, who was not legally punishable, was' punished
witb merciless severity. Was it possible for the Cavaliers of
Enf^and, the sons of the warriors who had fought under Rupert,
not to feel bitter sorrow and indignation when they reflected
on the ftkie of their rightful liege lord, the heir of a long line
of princes, lately enthroned in splendor at Whitehall, now an
exile, a suppliant, a mendicant? His calamities had been
greater than even those of the Blessed Martyr from whom he
sprang. The father had been slain by avowed and mortal
foes ; the ruin of the son had been the work of his own children.
Surely the punishment, even if deserved, should have been in-
flicted by other hands. And was it altogether deserved ? Had
not the unhappy man been rather weak and rash than wicked r
Had he not some of the qualities of an excellent prince ? His
abilities were certainly not of a high order ; but he was dili-
gent ; he was thrifly ; he had fought bravely ; he had been his
own minister for maritime affairs, and had, in that capacity,
acquitted himself respectably ; he had, till his spiritual guides
obtained a fatal ascendency over his mind, been regarded as a
man of strict justice ; and, to the last, when he was not misled
by them, he generally spoke truth and dealt fairly. With so
many virtues he might, if he had been a Protestant, nay, if he
had been a moderate Roman Catholic, have had a prosperous
and glorious reign. Perhaps it might not be too late for him
to retrieve his errors. It was difficult to believe that he could
be 8it dull and perverse as not to have profited by the terrible
liscipline which he had recently undergone ; and, if that dis*
dpline had produced the effects which might reasonably be ex-
pected from it, England might still ei\joy, under her legitimate

8 HI8TORT OF ENGLAND.

ruler, a larger measure of happineBS and tranquillity tliaii she
could expect from the administration of the best and ablest
usurper.

We should do great injustice to those who held this language,
if we supposed that they had, as a body, ceased to regard
Popery and despotism with abhorrence. Some zealots might
indeed be found who could not bear the thought of imposing
conditions on their King, and who were ready to recall him
without the smallest assurance that the Declaration of Indul«
gcnce should not be instantly republished, that the High Com«
mission shouM not be instantly revived, that Petre should not
be again seated at the Council Board, and that the fellows of
Magdalene should not again be ejected. But the number of
these men was small. On the other hand, the number of those
Royalists, who, if James would have acknowledged his mis-
takes and promised to observe the laws, were ready to rally
round him was very large. It is a remarkable fact that two
able and experienced statesmen, who had borne a chief part in
the Revolution, frankly acknowledged, a few days af\er the
Revolution had been accomplished, their apprehension tliat a
Restoration was close at hand. ^ If King James were a Prot-
estant,*' said Halifax to Reresby, '^ we could not keep him
out four months." ^ J£ King James," said Danby to the same
person about the same time, '^ would but give the country some
satisfaction about religion, which he might easily do, it would
be very hard to midie' head against him." * Happily for
England, James was, as usual, his own worst enemy. No word
indicating that he took blame to himself on account of the past,
or that he intended to govern constitutionally for the future,
could be extracted from him. Every letter, every rumor,
that found its way from Saint Germains to England, made
men of sense fear that, if, in his present temper, he should be
restored to power, the second tjrranny would be worse than the
first. Thus the Tories, as a body, were forced to admit, very
unwillingly, that there was, at that moment, no clioice but be-
tween William and public ruin. They therefore, without al-
together relinquishing the hope that he who wa^ King by right
might at some future time be disposed to listen to reason, and
without feehng any thing like loyalty towards him who was
King in possession, discontentedly endured the new government

It may be doubted whether that government was not, during

* Reresby's Memoirs.

HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND. ^

die first montlis of its existence, in more danger from the aA
fection of the Whigs than from the disaffection of the Tories*
Enmity can hardly be more annoying than querulous, jealous,
exacting fondness ; and such was the fondness which the
Whigs felt for the Sovereign of their choice. They were loud
in his praise. They were ready to support him with purse
and sword against foreign and domestic foes. But their attach*
ment to him was of a peculiar kind. Loyalty, such as had
animated the gallant gentlemen who fought for Charles the Firsti
loyalty such as had rescued Charles the Second from the fearful
dangers and difficulties caused by twenty years of mal-adminis*
tration, was not a sentiment to which Uie doctrines of Milton
and Sidney were favorable ; nor was it a sentiment which a
prince, just r^sed to power by a rebellion, could hope to inspire.
The Wliig theory of government is that kings exist for the
people, and not the people for the kings ; that the right of a
king is divine in no other sense than that in which the right of
a member of parliament, of a judge, of a juryman, of a. mayor,
of a headborough, is divine ; that, while the chief magistrate
governs according to law, he ought to be obeyed and rever-
enced ; tliat, when he violates the law, he ought to be with-
stood ; and that, when he violates the law grossly, system-
atically and pertinaciously, he ought to be deposed. .On
the truth of these principles depended the justice of William's
title to the throne. It is obvious that the relation between
subjects who held these principles, and a ruler whose accession
had been the triumph of these principles, must have been al-
together different from the relation which had subsisted be-
tween the Stuarts and the Cavaliers. The Whigs loved
William indeed ; but they loved him not as a King, but as
a party leader ; and it was not difficult to fbresee that their
enthusiasm would cool &st if he should refuse to be the mere
leader of their party, and should attempt to be King of the
whole nation. What they expected from him in return for
their devotion to his cause was that he should be one of them-
selves, a stanch and ardent Whig ; that he should show favor
to none but Whigs ; that he should make all the old grudges of
the Whigs his own ; and there was but too much reason to
apprehend that, if he disappointed this expectation, riie only
section of the community which was zealous in his cause would
be estranged from him. *

^ Here, and in numj other places, I abstain from citing authorities,

1*

10 BlSTpBT OF ENOLUYD.

8<ich were the difficulties by which, at the moment ot his
elevatio.i, he found himself bc^eL Where there was a good
^Hith he had seldom failed to choose iU But now he had only
to choivX' among paths every one of which seemed likely to lead
to destruction. From one faction he could hope for no cordial
support. The cordial support of the other faction he could
retain only by becoming himself the most &ctious man in hig
kingdom, a Shaftesbury on the throne. If he persecuted the
Tories, their sulkiness would infallibly be turned into fury. If
he showed favor to the Tories, it was by no means certain that
be would gain their good-will ; and it was but too probable that
he might lose his hold on the hearts of the Whigs. Something
however he must do ; something he must risk ; a Privy Ck>uncil
must be swoni in ; all the great officers, pohtical and judicial,
must be filled. It was impossible to make an arrangement that
would please everybody, and difficult to make an arrangement
tliat would please anybody ; but an arrangement must be
made.

What is now called a ministry he did not think of forming.
Indeed what is now called a ministry was never known in
England till he Jiad been some years on the throne. Under
the Plantagenets, the Tudors, and the Stuarts, there had been
ministers ; but there had been no ministry. The servants of
the Crown were not, as now, bound in frank pledge for each
other. They were not expected to be of the same opinion
even on questions of the gravest importance. Often they were
politically and personally hostile to each other, and made no
secret of their hostility. It was not yet felt to be inconven-
ient or unseemly that they should accuse each other of high
crimes, and demand each other's heads. No man had been
more active in the impeachment of the Lord Chancellor Clar*
endon than Coventry, who was a Commissioner of the Treas-
ury. No man had been more active in the impeachment of
the Lord Treasurer Danby than Winnington, who was Solic-
itor GreneraL Among the members of the Grovemment there
was only one point of union, their conmion head, the Sover-
eign. The nation considered him as the proper chief of the
administration, and blamed him severely if he delegated his

bocaose my authorities are too numerous to cite. My notions of the
temper and relative position of political and religious parties in the reigo
of William the Third, have been derived, not from any single work, bat
Orom tliousaiids of foi^tten tracts, sermons, and satires \ in fact, firi m a
«rhole Uterature which is mouldering in old Ubnuiea.

HI8T0»^ OF neLAMOk 11

hoffik funetioiis to mny subject. Clarendon has told ua thai
nothing was so hatet'ui to the Euglbdunen of his time as a
Prime Minister. Thej would rather, he said, be subject to
an usurper like Oliver, who was flrst magistrate in fact as well
as in name, than to a legitimate King who referred them to a
Grand Vixier. One of the diief accusations which the ooun^
try }Nirtj had brought against Charles tlie Second was that ho
was too indolent and too fond of pleasure to examine with
care the balance sheets of public accountants and tho inven-
tories of military stores. James, when he came to the crown,
had determined to appoint no Lord iligh Admiral or Board
af Aduuiulty, and to keep the entire direction of maritime
afikirs in his own hands ; and this arrangement, whicli would
now be thought by men of all parties unconstitutional and
pernicious in the highest degree, was then generally applauded
even by people who were not inclined to see his conduct in a
favorable lighL How completely the relation in which the
King stood to his Parliament and to his ministers had been
altered by the Revolution was not at first undej*slood even by
the most enlightened statesmen. It was universally supposed
that tlie government would, as in time past, be conducted by
functionaries independent of each other, and that William
would exercise a general superintendence over them alL It
was also fully expected that a prince of William's capacity
and experience would transact much important business with*
out having recourse to any adviser.

There were therefore no complaints when it was understood
that he had reserved to himself the direction of foreign affairs.
This was indeed scarcely matter of choice : for, with the single
exception of Sir William Temple, whom nothing would induce
to quit his retreat for public life, there was no Englishman
who had proved himself capable of conducting an important
negotiation with foreign powers to a successful and honorable
issue. Many years had elapsed since England had interfered
with weight and dignity in the affairs of the great common-
wealth of nations. The attention of the ablest English poli-
ticians had long been almost exclusively occupied by disputes
cxMiceming the civil and ecclesiastical constitudon of their own
oonntry. The contests about the Popish Plot and the Exelu-
fion Bill, the Habeas Corpus Act and the Test Act, had pro-
duced an abundance, it might almost be said a glut, of those
talents which raise men to eminence m societies torn by in<"
lemal factions. A^\ the Continent could not show such skilful

12 HI8TORT or ENGLAITD.

and wary leaders of parties, such dexterous parliamentaij
tactitians, such ready and eloquent debaters, as were assembled
at Westminster. But a very different training was necessary,
to form a great minister for foreign affairs ; and the Revolu-
tion had on a sudden placed England in a situation in which
the services of a great minister for foreign affairs were indis*
pensable to her.

William was admirably qualified to supply that in which the
most accomplished statesmen of his kingdom were deficienL
He had long been preeminently distinguished as a negotiator.
He was the author and the soul of Uie European coalition
against the French ascendency. The clue, without which it
was perilous to enter the vast and intricate maze of Continental
politics, was in his hands. His English counsellors, thereforoi
however able and active, seldom, during his reign, ventured to
meddle with that part of the public business which he had
taken as his peculiar province.*

The internal government of England could be carried on
only by the advice and agency of English ministers. Those
ministers WUliam selected in such a manner as showed that
he was determined not to proscribe any set of men who were
vrilling to support his throne. On the day after the crown had
been presented to him in the Banqueting House, the Privy
Council was sworn in. Most of the Councillors were Whigs ;
but the names of several eminent Tories appeared in the list-f
The four highest offices in the state were assigned to four
noblemen, the representatives of four classes of politicians.

In practical ability and official experience Danby had no
superior among his contemporaries. To the gratitude of the
new Sovereigns he had a strong claim ; for it was by his dex-
terity that their marriage had been brought about in spite of
difficulties which had seemed insuperable. The enmity which
he liad always borne to France was a scarcely less powerful
recommendation. He had signed the invitation of the thirtieth
of June, had excited and directed the northern insurrection,
and had, in the Convention, exerted all his infiuence and elo-
quence in opposition to the schen^e of Regency. Yet the

* The following passage^ in a tract of that time, expresses the genera)
opinion. " Uo has lictter knowledge of foreign affairs than we have ; bal
in English business it is no dishonor to him to be told his relation to ns.
the nature of it, and what is fit for him to do." An Honest Commoaar t
Speech.

t London Gazette, Feb. |8, 168|.

HI8T0BT OF BNOLAND. 18

^Vliigs regarded him with anconquenible distrast and ayervion.
Thej could not forget that he had, in evil days, been tho first
minister of the state, the head of the Cavaliers, the champion
of prerogative, the persecutor of dissenters. £ven in becom-
ing a rebel, he had not ceased to be a Tory. If he had drawn
the sword against the Crown, he had drawn it onlj in defence
of the Church. J£ he had, in the Convention, done good hj op*
posing the scheme of Regency, he had done harm hj obstinatelj
maintaining that the throne was not vacant, and that the £state0
had no right to determine who should fill it. The Whigs wer
therefore of opinion that he ought to think himself amply re
warded for his recent merits by being suffered to escape the
pumshment of those offences for which he had been impeached
ten years before. He, on the other hand, estimated his own
abilities and services, which were doubtlei^ considerable, at
their full value, and thought himself entitled to the great place
of Lord High Treasurer, which he had formerly held. But
he was disappointed. William, on principle, thought it de-
sirable to divide the power and patronage of the Treasury
among several Commissioners. He was the first English
King who never, from the beginning to the end of his reign,
trusted the white staff in the hands of a single subject. Danby
was offered his choice between the Presidency of the Council
and a Secretaryship of State. He sullenly accepted the Pres-
idency, and, while the Whigs murmured at seeing him placed
so high, hardly attempted to conceal his anger at not having
been placed higher.*

Halifax, the most illustrious man of that small party which
boasted that it kept the balance even between Whigs and Tories,
took charge of the Privy Seal, and continued to be Speaker of
the House of Lords.t He had been foremost in strictly legal
opposition to the late Grovemment, and had spoken and written
with great ability against the dispensing power; but he had
refused to know any thing about the design of invasion ; he had
labored, even when the Dutch were in full march towards Lon-
don, to effect a reconciliation ; and he had never deserted Jamei
till James had deserted the throne. But, from the moment of
that shameful fiight, the sagacious Trimmer, convinced that com
promise was thenceforth impossible, had taken a decided part
He had distingubhed himself preeminently in the Convention

• London Gaxette, Feb. 18, 16s| Sir J. Rercsby's Memoirs,
t London Gaiette, Feb. 18 168| Lords' Journals,

i^ Blttt^&t or EMOLANU

DM was it without a peculiar propriety that he had been ap-
pointed to the honorable office of tendering the crown, in tha
name of all the Estates of England, to the Prince and Prin-
cess of Orange ; for our Revolution, as far as it can be said to
bear the character of any single mind, assuredly bears the
character of the large yet cautious mind of Halifax. The
Whigs, however, were not in a temper to accept a recent service
as an atonement for an ' old offence ; and the offence of Hali*
fax had been grave indeed. He had long before been conspio
uous in their fh)nt rank during a hard fight for liberty. When
they were at length victorious, when it seemed that Whitehall
was at their mercy, when they had a near prospect of dominion
and revenge, he had changed sides ; and fortune had changed
sides with him. In the great debate on the Exclusion Bill, his
eloquence had struck them dumb, and had put new life into the
inert and desponding party of the Court. It was true that|
though he had left them in the day of their insolent prosperity,
he had returned to them in the day of their distress. But, now
that their distress was over, they forgot that he had returned
to them, and remembered only that he had lefl them.*

The vexation with which Uiey saw Danby presiding in the
Council, and Halifax bearing the Privy Seal, was not dimin-
ished by the news that Nottingham was appointed Secretary of
State. Some of those zealous churchmen who had never ceased
to profess the doctrine of non-resistance, who thought the Rev-
olution uiyustifiable, who had voted for a Regency, and who
had to the last maintained that the English throne could never
be one moment vacant, yet conceived it to be their duty to sub-
mit to the decision of the Convention. They had not, they
said, rebeUed against James. They had not selected William*
But, now that they saw on the throne a Sovereign whom they
never would have placed tliere, they were of opinion that no law,
divine or human, bound them, to carry the contest further.
They thought tliat they found both in the Bible and in the Stat*
ute Book, directions which could not be misunderstood. The
Bible enjoins obedience to the powers that be. The Statute Book
contains an act providing that no subject shall be deemed a
wrongdoer for adhering to the King in possession. On these
grounds many, who had not concurred in setting up the new gov-
ernment, believed that they might give it their support without
offeuce to Grod or man. One of the most eminent politicians of

* Burnet, IL 4.

mSTOBT OF BXQLAMD. II

this school was NottiDghaai. At his instance the Cooventiot
had, before the throne was filled, made such changes in the oath
of allegiance as enabled him and those who agreed with him ti
take that oath without scruple. ^My principles,'* he said,
*^ do not permit me to bear anj part in making a King. Bat
when a King has been made, my principles bind me to pay hin
an obedience more strict th«ui he can expect from those who
ha^e made him.** He now, to the surprise of some of thos«
who mo8t esteemed him, consented to sit in the council, and to
accept the seals <^ Secretary. William doubtless hoped that
this appointment would be considered by the clergy and the
T017 country gentlemen as a sufficient guarantee that no evil
was meditated against the Church. £yen Burnet, who at a
later period felt a strong antipathy to Nottingham, owned, in
some memoirs written soon after the Revolution, that the
King had judged well, and that the influence of the Tory Secre*
tary, honestly exerted in support of the new Sovereigns, had
saved England from great cahunities.*

The other Secretary was Shrewsbury .f No man so young
had within living memory occupied so high a post in the govem-
menL He had but just completed his twenty-eighth year. No-
body, however, except the solemn formalists at the Spanish em
bassy. thought his youth an objection to his promotion.^ He had
already secured for himself a place in history by the conspicu-
oos part which he had taken in the deliverance of his country.

* These memoin will be fband in a mannscript Tolnme, woich is part
of the Harieian Collection, and is nnmbered 6584. They are, in fact, th«
first Midines of a great part of Bamet's History of His Own Times.
The dates at which the different portions of this most corious and in-
teresting book were composed, are marked. Almost the whole was
written before the death of Mary. Bnmet did not begin to prepare his
HistorT of William's reign for the press till ten rears later. By that
time, ilia opinions, both of men anid of things, had undergone great
duLogei, The Taloe of the rongh draft is therefore very great ; for it
contains some facts which he afterwards thought it advisable to suppress,
■nd some judgments which he afterwards saw cause to alter. I must
•WB that I generally like his first thoughts best. Whenever his History
b reprinted, it onght to be carefully collated with this volume.

When I refer to the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584, 1 wish the reader to andoi^
stand that the MS. contains something which is not to be found in the
History.

As to Nottingham's appointment, see Burnet, ii. 8 ; the lK>ndon (Hsotif

sf Bftarch 7, ISSf; and Clarendon's Diary of Feb. 15.

t London Gazette, Feb. 18, 168|.

t Don Pedro de Bonquillo makes this objection.

16 mSTORT OF ENGLAND.

His talents, his accomplislunents, his graceful manners, his bland
temper, made him generally popular. By the Whigs especially
he was almost adored. None suspected that, with many grexU
and many amiable qualities, he had such faults both of head and
of heart as would make the rest of a life which had opened
under the fairest auspices burdensome to himself and almost
useless to his country.

The naval administration and the financial administration
were confided to Boards. Herbert was First Commissioner of
the Admiralty. He had in the late reign given up wealth and
dignities when he found that he could not retain them with
honor and with a good conscience. He had carried the memo-
rable invitation to the Hague. He had commanded the Dutch
fleet during the voyage from Helvoetsluys to Torbay. Hia
character for courage and professional skill stood high. That
he had had his follies and vices was well known. But his re-
cent conduct in the time of severe trial had atoned for all, and
seemed to warrant the hope that his future career would be
glorious. Among the commi.*«8ioner8 who sate with him at the
Admiralty were two distinguished members of the House of
Commons, William Sacheverell, a veteran Whig, who had great
authority in his party, and Sir John Lowther, an honest and
very moderate Tory, who in fortune and parliamentary interest
was among the first of the English gentry.*

Mordaunt, one of the most vehement of the Whigs, was
placed at the head of the Treasury ; why, it is difficult to say.
His romantic courage, his flighty wit, his eccentric invention,
his love of desperate risks and startling effects, were not quali-
ties likely to be of much use to him in financial calculations and
negotiations. Delamere, a more vehement Whig, if possible,
than Mordaunt, sate second at the board, and was Chancellor
of the Exchequer. Two Whig members of the House of
Commons were in the Commission, Sir Henry Capei, brother
of that Earl of Essex who died by his own hand in the Tower
and Richard Hampden, son of the great leader of the Long
Parliament. But the Commissioner on whom the chief weight
of business lay was Grodolphin. This man, taciturn, clear-
minded, laborious, inoffensive, zealous for no government and
useful to every government, had gradually become an almost
uidispensable part of the machinery of the state. Though a
churchman, he had prospered in a Court governed by Jesuits.

* London Gasette, Marh \l, 168f.

BISTORT OF BNOLAK1>. 1/

Thoogh be bad voted for a Regency, be was tbe real bead of a
treasury filled witb Wliigs. His abilities and knowledge, wliich
had in tbe late reign supplied tbe deficiencies of Bellasyse and
Dover, were now needed to supply tbe deficiencies of Mordaunt
and Delamere.*

Tbere were some difficulties in disposing of tbe Great SeaL
Tbe King at first wisbed to confide it to Nottingbam, wbosa '
fallier had borne it during several years witb bigh reputarion«t
Nottingbam, bowever, declined tbe trust ; and it was offered to
ILdiiux, but was again declined. Botb tbese Lords doubtleM
felt that it was a trust which they could not discliarge witb
honor to themselves or witb advantage to tbe public. In old
times, indeed, tbe Seal bad been generally held by persons who
were not lawyers. Even in tbe seventeenth century it bad
been confided to two eminent men, who had never studied at
any Inn of Court Dean Williams bad been Liord Keeper to
James tbe First Shaftesbury bad been Lord Chancellor to
Charles the Second. But such appointments could no longer
be made without serious inconvenience. Equity liail been gi-ad-
uaUy shaping itself into a refined science, which no human
faculties could master without long and intense application.
Even Sbaflesbury vigorous as was his intellect, had painfully
felt his want of technical knowledge ; I and, during the fifteen
years which had elapsed since Shaflesbury bad resigned tbe
Seal, technical knowledge had constantly been becoming more
and more necessary to bis successors. Neither Nottingham,
therefore, though he had a stock of legal learning such as is
rarely found in any person who has not received a legal educa-
tion, nor Halifax, though, in the judicial sittings of the House
of Lords, the quickness of his apprehension and the subtlety of
his reasoning had often astonished the bar, ventured to accept
the highest office which an English layman can fill. Afler some
delay the Seal was confided to a commission of eminent lawyers,
with Maynard at their head.§

• rx>ndon Gazette, March 11, IGSf.

t I hare followed what seems to me the raof^t probable story. Bat it
as been doubted whether Nottingham was invited to be Chancellor, or
onlj to be First Commissioner of the Great Seal. Compare Burnet, it
3, and Hover's History of William, 1702. Narcissus Luttrcll repeatedly,
and even as late as the close of 1692, speaks of Nottingham as likely to
ic Chancellor.

I Roger North relates an amusing story about Shaftesbury's embai»
%Miiients.

I Loadcn Gazette, March 4, 168#.

18 ' HI8T0BT or E!rOLA.M1>.

The choice of Judges did honor to the now goyemmenU
Every Privy Counciilnr was directed to bring a list. The lists
were compared ; and twelve men of conspicuous merit were
si^lected.* The professional attainments and Whig principles
of Pollexfen gave him pretensibns to the highest place. But
it was remembered that he had held briefs for the Crown, in
the Western counties, at the assizes which followed the battle
of Sedgemoor. It seems indeed from the reports of the trials
that he did as little as he could do if he held the briefs at alL
and that he lefl to the Judges the business of browbeating wit
nesses and prisoners. Nevertheless, his name was inseparably
associated in the public mind with the Bloody Circuit He,
thei*efore, could not with propriety be put at the head of the
first criminal court in the realin.t AAer acting during a few
weeks as Attomey-Greneral, he was made Chief Justice of Uie
Common Pleas. Sir John Holt, a young man, but distinguished
by learning, integrity, and courage, became Chief Justice of
the King's BencL Sir Robert Atkyns, an eminent lawyer,
who had passed some years in rural retirement, but whose
reputation was still great in Westminster Hall, was appointed
Chief Baron. Powell, who had been disgraced on account of
his honest declaration in favor of the Bishops, again took hia
seat among the Judges. Treby succeeded Pollexfen as At-
torney Greneral ; and Somers was made Solicitor.}

Two of the chief places in the Royal household were filled
by two English noblemen eminently qualified to adorn a court
The high-spirited and accomplished Devonshire was named
Lord Steward. No man had done more or risked more for
England during the crisis of her fate. In retrieving her lib-
erties he had retrieved also the fortunes of his own house. His
bond for thirty thousand pounds was found among the papers
which James had left at Whitehall, and was cancelled by Wil-
liam.!

Dorset became Lord Chamberlain, and employed the in*
fluence and patronage annexed to his Hinctions, as he had long
employed his private means, in encouraging genius and in
alleviating misfortune. One of the first acts which he was under

^ Bnraet, ii. 5.

t The Protestant Mask taken off from the Jesnited Eni^lishmnn, 1692.

i These appointments were not annonncod in the Gazette till the 0th
of May ; bat some of them were made earlier.

\ Kcnnct's Funeral Sermon on the first Doke of Devonshire, and
Memoirs of the Family of CaT^mdish, 17C8.

BISTORT OP svoujm. 19

die neoeflsitj of peHbrming must hare beea fminfal to a maa
of 80 generoiM a natare* fuid of so keen a relish for whatever
was exoeUent in arts and letters. Dryden could no longer re-
main Poet Laureate. The public would not have borne to see
any Papist amon^ the servants of their majesties ; and Diyden
was not only a Papist, but an apostate. He had, moreover
i^gravated the gnilt of his apostasy by calomniating and ridi-
culing the Church which be had deserted. He had, it was
fiMetioosly said, treated her as the Pagan persecutors of old
treated her children. He had dressed her up in the skin of a
wild beast, and then baited her for the public amusement* He
was removed ; but he received from the private bounty of the
magnificent Qiamberlain a pension equal to the salary which
had been withdrawn* The deposed Laureate, however, as poor
of sfurit as rich in intellectual gifls, continued to complain
piteously, year afler year, of the losses which he had not su^
fered, tUl at length his wailings drew forth expressions of well-
merited contempt from brave and honest Jacobites, who had
sacrificed every thing to their principles without deigning to
utter one word of deprecation or lamentation.t

In the Royal household were placed some of those Dutch
nobles who stood highest in the favor of the King. Bentinck
had the great office of Groom of tlie Stole, with a salary of
&ve thousand pounds a year. Zulestein took charge of the
robes. The Master of the Horse was Auverquerque, a gallant
soldier, who united the blood of Nassau to the blood of Horn,

* See a poem entitled, A VotiTC Tablet to the King and Queen.

t See Prior's Dedication of his Poems to Dorset's son and sQccessoi
and Drjden's Essaj on Satire prefixed to the Translations from JurenaL
There is a bitter tneer on Drjaen's effeminate qnemloasness in Ck)Iiicr'8
Short View of the Sta^^ In Blackmore's Prince Arthur, a poem which,
worthless as it is, contains some carioos allosioni to oontemporaiy meo
and erentSy are the following lines : —

"The poets* nation did obseonions wait

For the kind dole dividea at his gate.
Laoms among the maa^ crowd appeared.
An old, revolted, anbelieving bard.
Who thronged, and shoved, and pressed, and would be beaid.

Sakil*s hieh roof, the Muses* palace, rung
With endfess crie^. and endless songs he sung.
To bless good Sakll Laurus would be first;
But Sakirs prince and SakiPs God he curst
Sakil without distinction threw his bread.
Despised the flatterer, but the poet fed.**

I need not say that Sakil is Sackviile, or that Lavas is a translatioo
•f the &moos nickname Bayea.

20 mSTORT OF BKOLAKD.

and who wore with just pride a costly sword presented to hia
by the States Greneral in acknowledgment of the courage with
wliich lie had, on the bloody day of Saint Dennis, saved the
life of William.

. The place of Vice Chamberlain to the Queen was given to
a man who had just become conspicuous in public life, and
whose name will frequently recur in the history of this reign,
John Howe, or, as he was more commonly called. Jack Howe,
had been sent up to the Convention by the borough of Ciren«
cester. His appearance was that of a man whose body was
worn by the constant workings of a restless and acrid mind.
He was tall, lean, pale, with a haggard, eager look, expressive
at once of Mightiness and of shrewdness. He had been known,
during several years, as a small poet, and some of the most
savage lampoons which were handed about the coffee-houses
were imputed to him. But it was in the House of Commons
that both his parts and his ill-nature were most signally dis-
played. Before he had been a member three weeks, bis volubil-
ity, his asperity, and his pertinacity had made him conspicuous.
Quickness, energy, and audacity, united, soon raised him to the
rank of a privileged man. His enemies, — and he had many
enemies, — said that he consulted his personal safety even in
his most petulant moods, and that he treated soldiers with a
civility which he never showed to ladies or to Bishops. But
no man had in larger measure that evil courage which braves
and even courts disgust and hatred. No decencies restrained
him ; his spite was implacable ; his skill in finding out the vul-
nerable parts of strong minds was consummate. All his great
contemporaries felt his sting in their turns. Once it inflicted a
wound which deranged even the stern composure of William,
and constrained him to utter a wish that he were k private
gentleman, and could invite Mr. Howe to a short interview
behind Montague House. As yet, however, Howe was reck-
oned among the most strenuous supporters of the new govern-
ment, and directed all his sarcasms and invectives against th^
malecontents.*

* Scarcely any man of that age is more frequently mentioned in pam-
phlets and satires tiian Howe. In the famous petition of Legion^ he is
designated as ''that impudent scandal of Parliaments.'* Mackay*s ac-
count of him is curious. In a poem written in 1690, which I have re^er
teen except in manuscript, ate the following lines : —

** Fir»t for Jack Howe with his terrible talent,
Happy the female that scHpes his lampoon;

Against the ladies excessively valiant,
But very respectful to a Uraxuuu.**

BISTORT OF UrOLANB. 21

The sabordinate places in every public office were divided
between two parties ; bat the Whigs had the lar^r share.
Some persons, indeed, who did little honor to the Whig name,
were largely recompensed for services which no good man
would have performed. Wildman was made Postmaster Gen*
era!. A lucrative sinecure in the Excise was bestowed on
Fei^uson. The duties of the Solicitor of the Treasury were
both very important and very invidious. It was the business
of that officer to conduct political prosecutions, to ooll^ the
evidence, to instruct the counsel for the Crown, to see that the
prisoners were not liberated on insufficient bail, to see that the
jnries were not composed of persons hostile to the govern-
ment In the days of Charles and James, the Solicitors of
the Treasury had been with too much reason accused of em-
ploying all the vilest artifices of chicanery against men obnox-
ious to the Court. The new government ought to have made
a choice which was above all suspicion. Unfortunately Mor
daunt and Delamere pitched upon Aaron Smith, an acrimoni-
ous and unprincipled politician, who had been the legal advisei
of Titus Gates in the days of the Popish Plot, and who had
been deeply implicated in the Rye House Plot. Richard
Hampden, a man of decided opinions but of moderate temper,
objected to this appointment. His objections, however, were
overruled. The Jacobites, who hated Smith, and had reason
to liate him, affirmed that he had obtained his place by bully-
ing the LfOrds of the Treasury, and particularly by threatening
that, if his just claims were disregarded, he would be the death
of Hampden.*

Some weeks elapsed before all the arrangements which have
been mentioned were publicly announced; and meanwhile
many important events had taken place. As soon as the new
Privy Councillors had been sworn in, it was necessary to sub-
mit to them a grave and pressing question. Could the Con-
vention now assembled be turned into a Parliament ? The
Whigs, who had a decided majority in the Lower House, were
all for the affirmative. The Tories, who knew that, within the
last month, the public feeling had undergone a considerable
diange, and who hoped that a general election would add to
their strength, were for the negative. They maintained that
to the existence of a Parliament royal writs were indispensa-

• Sprat's True Account; North's Exaraen; Letter to Chief Justiot
EjU^ 1694 } Letter to Secretary Trenchard, 1694.

22 HISTORY OF EKOLAinK

blj necessary. The Convention had not been summoned bj
Buch writs ; the original defect could not now be supplied ; the
Houses were therefore mere clubs of private men, and ought
instantly to disperse.

It was answered that the royal writ was mere matter of
form, and that to expose the substance of our laws and liberties
to serious hazard for the sake of a form, would be the most
senseless superstition. Wherever the Sovereign, the Peen
spiritual and temporal, and the Representatives freely chosen
by the constituent bodies of the realm were met together, there
was the essence of a Parliament. Svtdti a Parliament was now
in being ; and what could be more absurd than to dissolve it at
a conjuncture when every hour was precious, when numerous
important subjects required immediate legislation, and when
dangers, only to be averted by the combined efforts of King,
Lords, and Commons, menaced the State ? A Jacobite .ndeed
might consistently refuse to recognize the Convention of a Par*
liament. For he held that it had from the beginning been an
unlawful assembly, that all its resolutions were nullities, and
that the Sovereigns whom it had set up were usurpers. But
with what consistency could any man, who maintained that a
new Parliament ought to be immediately called by writs under
the great seal of William and Mary, question the authority
which had placed William and Mary on the throne ? Those
who held that William was rightful King, must necessarily
hold that the body from which he derived his right was itself
a rightful Great Council of the Realm. Those who, though
not holding him to be rightful King, conceived that they might
lawfully swear allegiance to him as King in fact, might surely,
on the same principle, acknowledge tlie Convention as a Pai^
liament in fact. It was plain that the Convention was the
fountain head from which the authority of all future Parlia-
ments must be derived, and that on the validity of the votes
of the Convention must depend the validity of every future
statute. And how could the stream rise higher than the
source r Was it not absurd to say that the Convention was
supreme in the State, and yet a nullity ; a legislature for the
highest of all purposes, and yet no legislature for the humblest
purposes ; competent to declare the throne vacant, to change
the succession, to fix the Uuidmarks of the constitution, aud
yet not competent to pass the most trivial Act for the re-
pairing of a pier, or the building of a parish church?

These ai-guments would have liad cousiderahle weight, e?oa

HI8TOET OF BNOLAND.

if every preeedeni had been on the other side. But in truth
oor htfltorj afforded only one precedent which wa.^ at all in
point ; and that precedent was decisive in favor of the doctrine
that royal writs are not indispensably necessary to the ex*
istenoe of a Parliament. No rojral writ had summoned the
Gonvention which recalled Charles the Second. Yet that
Convention had, after his Restoration, continued to sit and to
legislate, had settled the revenue, bad passed an Act of am«
oesty, had abolished the feudal tenures. These proceedings
had been sanctioned by authority of which no party in tbs
state ooold speak without reverence. Hale had borne a ooo-
sid^rable share in them, and had always maintained that they
were strictly legaL Clarendon, little as he was inclined to fa-
vor any ioclrine derogatory to the rights of the Crown, or to
the dignity of that seal of which he was keeper, had declared
that, since God had, at a most critical conjuncture, given the
nation a good Parliament, it would be the height of folly to
look for technical flaws in the instrument by which that Pai^
liament was called together. Would it be pretended by any
Tory that the Convention of 1660 had a more respectable ori-
gin than the Convention of 1689? Was not a letter written
by the first Prince of the Blood, at the request of the whole
peerage, and of hundreds of gentlemen who had represented
eoanties and towns, at least as good a warrant as a vote of the
Bump?

Weaker reasons than these would have satisfied the Whigs
who formed the majority of the Privy CounciL The King,
therefore, on the fifih day afW he had been proclaimed, went
with royal state to the House nf Lords, and took his seat on
the throne. The Commons w^jre called in ; and he, with many
gracious expressions, reminded his hearers of the perilous situ-
ation of the country, and exhortM them to take such steps as
might prevent unnecessary delay in the transaction of public
business. His speech was received by the gentlemen who
crowded the bar with the deep h»m by which our ancestors
were wont to indicate approbation, and which was oflen heard
in places more sacred than the Chamber of the Peers.* As
soon as he had retired, a Bill declarinf]; the Convention a Par-
liament was laid on the table of the JCords, and rapidly passed
by them. In the Commons the debA'^s were warm. The

• Vsn Ottew, ^^ :M

24 BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

House resolved itself into a Comtnittee ; and so great was tha
excitement that, when the authority of the Speaker was with*
drawn, it was hardly possible to preserve order. Sharp per-
Bonalities were exchanged. The phrase, *^ hear him," a phrase
which had originally been used only to silence irregular noises,
and to remind members of the duty of attending to the discus-
sion, had, during some years, been crradually becoming wha^ it
DOW is ; that is to say, a cry indicative, according to the tone,
of admiration, acquiescence, indignation, or derision. On this
occasion, the Whigs vociferated *^ Hear, hear," so tumultuously
that the Tories complained of unfair usage. Seymour, the
leader of the minority, declared that there could be no freedom
of debate while such clamor was tolerated. Some old Whig
members were provoked into reminding him that the same
clamor had occasionally been heard when he presided, and had
not then been repressed. Yet, eager and angry as both sides
were, the speeches on both sides indicated that profound rever-
ence for law and prescription which has long been character-
istic of Englishmen, and which, though it runs sometimes into
pedantry and sometimes into superstition, is not without its
advantages. Even at that momentous crisis, when the nation
was still in the ferment of a revolution, our public men talked
long and seriously about all the circumstances of the deposition
of Edward the Second, and of the deposition of Richard the
Second, and anxiously inquired whether the assembly which,
with Archbishop Lanfranc at its head, set aside Robert of Nor-
mandy, and put William Rufus on the throne, did or did not
afterwards continue to act as the legislature of the realm.
Much was said about the history of writs ; much about the
etymology of the word Parliament. It is remarkable, that the
orator who took the most statesmanlike view of the subject was
old Maynard. In the civil conflicts of fifty eventful years he
bad learned that questions affecting the highest interests of the
commonwealth were not to be decided by verbal cavils and by
scraps of Law French and Law Latin ; and, being by univer-
sal acknowledgment the most subtle and the most learned of
English jurists, he could express what he felt without the risk
of being accused of ignorance and presumption. He scornfully
thrust aside as frivolous and out of place all that blackletter
learning, which some men, far less versed in such matters than
himself, had introduced itito the discussion. '* We are," he
said, ^ nt this moment out of the beaten path. If, therefore, we
are determined to move only iu that path, we cannot move at

BISTORT OF SNGLiLND. 85

■n. A man in a revolution, resolving to do nothing which is
DoC strictly accoi^ing to established form, resembles a man who
has lost himself in the wilderness, and who stands crying,
' Where is the king's highway ? I will walk nowhere but on
the kin^s highway.' In a wilderness, a man should take the
track which will carry him home. In a revolution, we must
liave recourse to the highest law, the safety of the state.*' An-
other veteran Roundhead, Colonel Birch, took the same side,
and argued with great force and keenness from the precedent
«»f 1 G60. Seymour and his supporters were beaten in the Com-
mittee, and did not venture to divide the House on the Report.
The Bill passed rapidly, and received the royal assent on the
tenth day after the accession of William and Mary.*

The law which turned the Convention into a Parliament
contained a clause providing that no person should, after the
first of March, sit or vote in either House without taking the
oaths to the new King and Queen. This enactment produced
great agitation throughout society. The adherents of the exiled
dynasty hoped and confidently predicted that the recusants
would be numerous. The minority in both Houses, it was said,
would be true to the cause of hereditary monarchy. There
m.ght be here and there a traitor ; but the great body of those
who had voted for a Regency would be firm. Only two Bish-
ops at most would recognize the usurpers. Seymour would
retire from public life rather than abjure his principles. Graflon
had determined to fiy to France, and to throw himself at the
feet of his uncle. With such rumorh as these all the coffee-
houses of London were filled during the latter part of February
So intense was the public anxiety, tliat if any man of rank was
missed, two days running, at his usual haunts, it was immedi*
ately whispered that he had stolen away to Si^'it Grermains,t

The second of March arrived ; and the event quieted the
fears of one party, and confounded the hopes of the other. Tlie
Primate, indeed, and several of his sufiragans, stood obstinately
aloof; but three Bishops and seventy-turee temporal peers
took the oaths. At the next meeting of the Upper House,
several more prelates came in. Within a week, about a hun-
dred Lords had qualified themselves to sit. Others, who were

♦ Slat. 1 W. & M. sess. i. c. 1. See the Journals of the two Houses,
and Grey's Debates. The argument in favor of the bill is well stated in
the Paris Ga-settes of March 5 and 13, 1689.

t Both Van Citters and Ronqnillo mention the anxiety which was felt
in London till the result was known.

VOL. in. i

26 HISTOBT OF BNOLAKD.

prevented by illuess from appearing, sent excuses and profes«
Bions of attachment to their Majesties. Grafton refuted all tha
stories which had been circulated about him, by coming to be
sworn on the first day. Two members of the Ecclesiastical
Commission, Mulgrave and Sprat, hastened to make atonement
for their fault by plighting their faith to William. Beaufort,
who had long been considered as a type of a royalist of the old
school, submitted after a very short hesitation. Aylesbury
and Dartmouth, though vehement Jacobites, had as litrle scru-
ple about taking the oath of allegiance as they afterwards had
about breaking it.* The Hydes took different paths. Roches-
ter complied with the law ; but Clarendon proved refractory.
Many thought it strange that the brother who had adhered to
James till James absconded, should be less sturdy than the
brother who had been in the Dutch camp. The explanation
perhaps is, that Rochester would have sacrificed much more
than Clarendon by refusing to take the oaths. Clarendon's
income did not depend on the pleasure of the government ;
but Rochester had a pension of four thousand a year, which he
could not hope to retain if he refused to acknowledge the new
Sovereigns. Indeed, he had so many enemies, that during
some months, it seemed doubtful whether he would, on any
terms, be suffered to retain the splendid reward which he had
earned by persecuting the Whigs and by sitting in the High
Commission. He was saved from what would have been a
fatal blow to his fortunes by the intercession of Burnet, who
had been deeply injured by him, and who revenged himself as
became a Christian divincf

In the LfOwer House four hundred members were sworn in
on the second of March ; and among them was Seymour. The
spirit of the Jacobites was broken by his defection ; and the
minority, with very few exceptions, followed his example. X

Before the day fixed for the taking of the oaths, the Com*
mons had begun to discuss a momentous question which ad'
mitted of no delay. During the interregnum, William had, at

* Lords' Journals, March, 168§.

t See the letters of Rochester and of Lady Ranclagh to Bnraet, on Chv
occasion.

I Journals of the Commons, March 2, IGSf . Ronquillo wrote as fd
tows : '* Es de gran consideracion que Seimor haya tornado el juraraenio ,
porque cs el arrongador y el director principal, en la caita de los Co

monos, do los Anglicanos/' M«rch iVt 168f.

niSTOBT OP EKGLASCD 27

provision;il ^liief of the administration, coDected the taxes and
applied them to the public service ; nor could the propriety of
this course be questioned by any person who approved of tho
R«*volution. But the Revolution was now over ; the vacancy
of the throne had been supplied ; the Houses were sitting ; the
law was in full force ; and it became necessary immediately to
decide to what revenue the Grovemment was entitled.

Nobody denied that all the lands and hereditaments of the
Cr>wn had passed with the Crown to the new Sovereigns.
Nobody denied that all duties which had been granted to the
Crown for a fixed term of years might be constitutionally ex*
acted till that term should expire. But large revenues had
been settled by Parliament on James for life; and whether
what had been settled on James for life could, while he lived,
be claimed by William and Mary, was a question about which
opinions were divided.

Holt, Treby, Pollexfen. indeed all the eminent Whig law-
yers, Somers excepted, held that these revenues had been
granted to the late King, in hb political capacity, but for his
natural life, and ought therefore, as long as he continued to
drag on his existence in a strange land, to be paid to William
and Mary. It appears from a very concise and unconnected
report of the debate that Somers dissented from this doctrine.
His opinion was that, if tlie Act of Parliament which had im-
posed the duties in question was to be construed according to
the spirit, the word life must be understood to mean reign, and
that therefore the term for which the grant had been made had
expired. This was surely the sound opinion: for it was
plainly irrational to treat the interest of James in this grant as
at once a thing annexed to his person and a thing annexed to
his office ; to say in one breath that the merchants of London
and Bristol must pay money because he was naturally alive,
and that his successors must receive that money because he
was politically defunct. The house was decidedly with Somers.
The members generally were bent on effecting a great reform,
without which it was felt that the Declaration of Eights would
be but an imperfect guarantee for public liberty. During the
oonfiict which fifteen successive Parliaments had maintained
against four successive Kings, the chief weapon of the Com-
mons had bem the power of the purse ; and never had the rep-
resentatives of the people been induced to surrender that
weapon without having speedy cause to repent of their too
ercduloui loyalty. In that season of tumultuous joy wLich

28 HISTOitT OP ENGLAND.

ibllowed the Restoration, a large revenue for life had been
almost by acclamation granted to Charles the Second. A few
months later there was scarcely a respectable Cavalier in the
kingdom who did not own that the stewards of the nation would
have acted more wisely if they had kept in their hands the
means of checking the abuses which disgraced every depart*
ment of the government. James the Second had obtained from
his submissive Parliament, without a dissentient voice, an in-
come sufficient to defray the ordinary expenses of the state
during his life ; and, bt^fore he had enjoyed that income half a
year, the great majority of those who liad dealt thus liberally
with him blamed themselves severely for their liberality. If
experience was to be trusted, a long and painful experience,
there could be no effectual security against mal-administration,
unless the Sovereign were under the necessity of recurnng
frequently to his Great Council for pecuniary aid. Almost all
honest and enlightened men were therefore agreed in thinking
that a part at least of the supplies ought to be granted only for
short terms. And what time could be fitter for the introduc-
tion of this new practice than tlie year 1689, the commence-
ment of a ne>v reign, of a new dynasty, of a new era of con-
stitutional government ? The feeling on this subject was so
strong and general that the dissentient minority gave way. No
formal resolution was passed ; but the House proceeded to act
on the supposition that the grants which had been made to
James for life had been annulled by his abdication.*

It was impossible to make a new settlement of the revenue
without inquiry and deliberation. The Exchequer was ordered
to furnish such returns as might enable the House to form
estimates of the public expenditure and income. In the mean
time, liberal provision was made tor the immediate exigencies
of the state. An extraordinary aid, to be raised by direct
monthly assessment, was voted to the King. An Act was
passed itidemuifying«all who had, since his landing, collected
by his authority the duties settled on James ; and those dutiea
which had expired were continued for some months.

Along William's whole line of march, from Torbay to Lon-
don, he had been importuned by the common people to relieve
them from the intolerable buixlen of the hearth money. In
truth, that tax seems to have united all the worst evils which
can be imputed to any tax. It was unequal, and unequal in

« Qrejr'i Debates, Feb. 2%, 26, and 27^ 16a|

HISTORT OF luNGLAND. 29

the roo6t pernicious way ; for it pressed heavily on the poor,
and lightly on the rich. A peasant, all whose property wa6
not worth twenty pounds, was charged ten shillings. The
Duke of Ormond, or the Duke of Newcastle, whose estates
were worth half a million, paid only four or hve pounds. The
collectors were empowered to examine the interior of every
house in the realm, to disturb families at meals, to force the
doors of bedrooms, and, if the sum demanded were not puno-
iually paid, to sell the trencher on which the barley loaf wa«
divided among the poor children, and the pillow from under
the head of the lying-in woman. Nor could the Treasury ef-
fectually restrain the chimney-man from using his powers with
harshness : for the tax was farmed ; and the government was
consequently forced to connive at outrages and exactions such
as have, in every age, made the name of publican a proverb
for all that is most hateful.

William had been so much moved by what he had heard of
these grievances that, at one of the earliest sittings of the Privy
Council, he introduced the subject. He sent a message request*
iiig the House of Commons to consider whether better regula
tions would effectually prevent the abuses which had excited
BO much discontent He added that he would willingly consent
to the entire abolition of the tax if it should appear that the tax
and the abuses were inseparable.* This communication was
received with loud applause. There were indeed some finan*
ciers of the old school, who muttered that tenderness for the poor
was a fine thing; but that no part of the revenue of the state
came in so exactly to the day as the hearth money ; that the
goldsmiths of the City could not always be induced to lend on
the security of the next quarter's customs or excise, but that
on an assignment of hearth money there was no difficulty in
obtaining advances. In the House of Commons, those who
thought thus did not venture to raise their voices in opposition
to the general feeling. But in the Lords there was a conflict
of which the event for a time seemed doubtful. At length the
influence of the Court, strenuously exerted j carried an Act by
which the chimney tax was declared a badge of slavery, and
was, with many expressions of gratitude to the King, abolished
forever.f

The Commons granted, with little dispute, and without a

• %•

* Commons' Journals, and Grey*s Debates, March 1, 168f.
1 I W. & M. acss. 1, c 10 i Burnet, IL 13

80 HISrORT OF ENGLAND.

division, six hundred thousand pounds for tho purpose of ret
paying to the United Provinces the charges of the expedition
which had delivered England. The facilitj with which this
large sum was voted to a shrewd, diligent, and thrifly people,
our allies, indeed, politically, but commercially our most for-
midable rivals, excited some murmurs out of doors, and was,
during many years, a favorite subject of sarcasm with Toiy
pamphleteers.* The liberality of the House admits however
of an easy explanation. On the very day on which the subject
was under consideration, alarming news arrived at Westminster,
and convinced many, who would at another time have been
disposed to scrutinize severely any account sent in by the Dutch,
that our country could not yet dispense with the services of the
foreign troops.

France had declared war against the States General ; and
the States General had consequently demanded from the King
of England those succors which he was bound by the treaty of
Nimeguen to furnish.f He had ordered some battalions to
march to Harwich, that they might be in readiness to crosa
to the Ck)ntinent. The old soldiers of James were gener-
ally in a very bad temper ; and this order did not produce a
soothing effect The discontent was greatest in the regiment
which now ranks as the first of the line. Though borne on the
English establishment, that regiment, from the time when it
first fought under the great Gustavus, had been almost exclu-
sively composed of Scotchmen ; and Scotchmen have never,
in any region to which their adventurous and aspiring temper
has led them, failed to note and to resent every slight offered
to Scotland. Officers and men muttered that a vote of a for-
eign assembly was nothing to them. If they coiild be absolved
from their allegiance to King James the Seventh, it must be
by the Estates at Edinburgh, and not by the Convention at
Westminster. Their ill-humor increased when they heard that
Schomberg had been appointed their colonel. They ought
perhaps to have thought it an honor to be called by the name of
the greatest soldier in Europe. But, brave and skilful as he
was, he was not their countryman ; and their regiment, during
the fifly-six years which had elapsed since it gained its first

^ Commons' Joarnals, March 15, 168f . So late as 1713, Arbuthnot,
ic tho fifth part of John Bull, alluded to ihls transaction with macb
pleasantry. "As to your Venire Facias," sa^rs John to Nick Frog. '*]
Dave paid you for one already."

t Waifcnaar, IxL

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. • 8i

honorable distinctions in Gemaany, had never been commanded
but by a Hepburn or a Douglas. While t\^ were in this
angry and punctilious mood, they were orderec^ join the forces
which were assembling at Harwich. There was much mur-
muring ; but there was no outbreak till the regiment arrived
at Ipswich. There the signal of revolt was given by two cap-
tains who were zealous for the exiled King. The market place
was soon filled with pikemen and musketeers running to and
fro. Gunshotd were wildly fired in all directions. Those offi-
cers who attempted to restrain the rioters were overpowered
and disi\rmed. At length the chiefs of the insurrection estab»
lishcd some order, and marched out of Ipwich at the head of
their adherents. The little army consisted of about eight hua«
dred men. They had seized four pieces of cannon, and had
taken possession of the military chest, which contained a con-
siderable sum of money. At the distance of half a mile from the
town a halt was called ; a general consultation was held ; and
tlie mutineers resolved that they would hasten back to their
native country, and would live and die with their rightful King.
They instantly proceeded northward by forced marches.*

When the news reached London the dismay was great It
was rumored that alarming symptoms had appeared in other
regiments, and particularly that a body of fusi leers which lay
at Harwich was likely to imitate the example set at Ipswich.
^ If these Scots," said Halifax to Reresby, ^ are unsupported,
they are lost. But if they have acted in concert with others,
the danger is serious indeed.''t The truth seems to be that
there was a conspiracy which had ramitications in many parts
of the army, but that the conspirators were awed by the firm-
ness of the government and of the Parliament. A committee of
the Privy Council was sitting when the tidings of the mutiny
arrived in London. William Harbord, who represented the
borough of Launceston, was at the board. His colleagues en-
treated him to go down instantly to the House of Commons,
and to relate what had ha|3pened. He went, rose in his place,
and told his story. The spirit of the ^assembly rose to the
occasion. Howe was the first to call for a vigorous ac-
tion. ** Address the King," he said, ^ to send his Dutch troops
ai'ter these men. I know not who else can be trusted.**
*^ This is no jesting matter," said old Birch, who had been a

M m- ■■w^^ ■ I - - ■ II

* Commons' Joumnls, Miirch 15, 16S-f.
t Ueretfby*8 Meiuoin.

82 « BISTORT OF EKGLAKD.

eoioDcl in the service of the Parliament, and had seen the
most powerful and renowned House of Commons that ever
gate twice pu^d and twice expelled by its own soldiers;
**■ if you let this evil spread, you will have an army upon
you in a few days. Address the King to send horse and foot
instantly, his own men, men whom he can trust, and to put
these people down at once." The men of the long robe caught
the iiame. ^^ It is not the learning of my profession that in
needed here," said Treby. ** What is now to be done is to
meet force with force, and to maintain in the field what we have
done in the senate." ^^ Write to the Sheriffs," said Colonel
Mildmay, member for Essex. *^ Raise the militia. There
are a hundred and fifty thousand of them ; they are good Eng-
lishmen ; they will not fail you." It was resolved that all
members of the House who held commissions in the army
should be dispensed from parliamentary attendance, in order
that they might repair instantly to their military posts. An
address was unanimously voted requesting the King to take
effectual steps for the suppression of the rebellion, and to put
forth a proclamation denouncing public vengeance on the rebels.
One gentleman hinted that it might be well to advise his Ma-
jesty to offer a pardon to those who should peaceably submit ;
but the House wisely rejected the suggestion. *^ This is no
time," it was well said, ^* for any thing that looks like fear."
The address was instantly sent up to the Lords. The Lords
concurred in it. Two peers, two knights of shires, and two
burgesses were sent with it to Court. William received them
graciously, and informed them that he had already given the
necessary orders. In fact, several regiments of horse and dra-
goons had been sent northward under the command of Ginkell,
one of the bravest and ablest officers of the Dutch army.*

Meanwhile the mutineers were hastening across the country
which lies between Cambridge and the Wash, llieir road lay
through a vast and desolate fen, saturated with all the moist-
ure of thirteen counties, and overhung during the greater part
of the year by a low gray mist, high above which rose, visible
many miles, the magnificent tower of Ely. In that dreary re-
gion, covei*ed by vast fiights of wild fowl, a half savage popu-
lation, known by the name of the Breedlings, then led an am-
phibious life, sometimes wading, and sometimes rowing, from

^ Coromoni' Journals, and Qrey's Debates, March 15, ?6sf ; London
OoMtte, March 18.

inSTOST OF ENOLAKD* 9H

ane islef of firip groand to another.* The roads were among
the worst in the island, and, as soon as rumor announced the
approach of the rebels, were studiouslj made worse by the
ooantry people. Bridges were broken down. Trees were
laid across the highways to obstruct the progress of the can*
oon. Nevertheless, the Scotch yeterans not only pushed for-
ward with great speed, but succeeded in canying their artillery
with them. They entered Lincolnshire, and were not far from
Kleaford, when they learned that Ginkell, with an irresistible
fDroe, was close on their track. Victory and escape wera
oqoally out of the question. The bravest warriors could not
^MUMid against fourfold odds. The most active infantry could
uuw ovtmn horsemen. Yet the leaders, probably despairing
tft pardoa, urged the men to try the chance of battle. In that
t^iuti, a spot almost surrounded by swamps and pools was
withouv diAculty found. Here the insurgents were drawn up ;
and the cannon were planted at the only point which was
thought not to be sufficiently protected by natural defences.
Ginkell ortreied the attack to be made at a place which was
out of the TH\x^ of the guns ; and his dragoons dashed gal-*
lantly into tbo water, though it was so deep that their horses
were forced to nwiro. Then the mutineers lost heart. They
beat a pariey, surrendered at discretion, and were brought up
to London under a stning guard. Their lives were forfeit ; for
they had been guilcy, not merely of mutiny, which was then
not a legal crime, but of levying war against the King. Wil«
Ham, however, with politic clemency, abstained from shedding
the blood even of the most culpable. A few of the ringleaders
were brought to trial at the next Bury assizes, and were con«
▼icted of high treason ; but -their lives were spared. The rest
were merely ordered to return to their duty. The regiment,
lately so refractory, went submissively to the Continent, and
there, through many hard campaigns, distinguished itself by
fidelity, by discipline, and by valor.f

' III i_ I I I ■ ■■^B ^MM ^ 1 1 — mm^m- —i "■-'■"~-~t

* Ai to the state of this region in the latter part of the seventeenth and
IIm earlier part of the eighteenth century, see Pepjs's Diary, Sept. 18,
1663, and the Toiu* through the whole Island of Great Britain, 1724.

t London Gizette, March 25, 1689; Van Ci tiers to the States General,

^~-p; Letters of Nottingham in the State Paper Office, dated Jalj 23

and Aoffust 9, 1689; Historical Record of the First Regiment of Foot,
2nnted Dj anthority. See also a curioos digression in the Complcat
History of the Life and Military Actions of Richard, Earl of TyfconneL
I689.

2*

84 HIBTOBt OF BNQLAND.

This event facilitated an important change in oar polity, a
change which, it is true, could not have been long delayed, but
which would no^ have been easily accomplished except at a
moment of extreme danger. The time had at length arrived
at which it was necessary to make a legal distinction betweea
the soldier and the citizen. Under the Plant agenets and the
Tudors there had been no standing army. The standing army
which had existed under the last kings of the House of Stuart,
had been regarded by every party in the state with strong and
not unreasonable aversion. The common law gave the Sov*
ereign no power to control his troops. The Parliament, regard-
ing them as mere tools of tyranny, had not been disposed to
^ve such power by statute. James, indeed, had induced his
corrupt and servile judges to put on some obsolete laws a con-
struction which enabled him to punish desertion capitally.
But this construction was considered by all respectable jurists
as unsound, and, had it been sound, would have been far from
effecting all that was necessary for the purpose of maintaining
military discipline. Even James did not venture to inflict
death by sentence of a court-martial. The deserter was
treated as an ordinary felon, was tried at the assizes by a petty
jury on a bill found by a grand 'jury, and was at liberty to
avail himself of any technical flaw which might be discovered
in the indictment.

The Revolution, by altering the relative position of the
prince and the parliament, had altered also the relative position
of the army and the nation. The King and the Commons
were now at unity ; and both were alike menaced by the
greatest military power which had existed in Europe since the
downfall of the Roman empire. In a few weeks thirty thou*
sand veterans, accustomed to conquer, and led by able and ex-
perienced captains, might cross from the ports of Normandy
and Britanny to our shores. That such a force would with
httle iifliculty scatter three times that number of militia, no
man well acquainted with war could doubt. There must then
be regular soldiers ; and, if there were to be regular soldiers,
it must be indispensable, both to their efficiency, and to the se-
curity of every other class, that they should be kept under a
strict discipline. An ill-disciplined army has ever been a more
eostly and a more licentious militia, impotent against a foreign
enemy, and formidable only to the country which it is paid to
iefend. A strong line of demarkation must therefore be
irawn between the soldiers and the rest of the commttnitj

1

1

HISTORY OP ENGLAND. S6

For the sake of public freedom, thej must, tn the midst of
freedom, be placed under a despotic rule. Thej must be sub-
ject to a sharper penal code, and to a more stringent code of
procedure, than are administered by the ordinary tribunals.
Some acts which in the citizen are innocent, must in the soldier
be crimes. Some acts which in the citizen are punished with
fine or imprisonment, must in the soldier be punished with
death. The machinery by which courts of law ascertain the
guilt or innocence of an accused citizen, is too slow and too
intricate to be applied to an accused soldier. For, of all the
maladies incident to the body politic, military insubordinatioD
is that which requires the most prompt and drastic remedies.
If the evil be not stopped as soon as it appears, it is certain to
spread ; and it cannot spread far without danger to the very
vitab of the commonwealth. For the general safety, there
fore, a summary jurisdiction of terrible extent must, in camps,
be entrusted to rude tribunals composed of men of the sword.
Buty though it was certain that the country could not at that
moment be secure without professional soldiers, and equally
certain that professional soldiers must be worse than useless
unless they were placed under a rule more arbitrary and severe
than that to which other men were subject, it was not without
great misgivings that a House of Commons could venture to
recognize the existence and to make provision for the govern-
ment of a standing army. There was scarcely a public man
of note who had not often avowed his conviction that our polity
and a standing army could not exist together. The Whigs
bad been in the constant habit of repeating that standing
armies had destroyed the free institutions of the neighboring
nations. The Tories had repeated as constantly that, in our
own island, a standing army had subverted the Church, op-
pressed the gentry, and murdered the King. No leader of
either party could, without laying himself open to the charge
of gross inconsistency, propose that such an army shoiild
henceforth be one of the permanent establishments of the
realm. The mutiny at Ipswich, and the panic which that mu-
tiny produced,* made it easy to effect what would otherwise
have been in the highest degree difficult. A short bill was
brought in which beg:ui by declaring, in explicit terms, that
standing armies and courts-martial were unknown to the law
of ELgland. It was then enacted that, on account of the ex-
:reme i>eril8 impending at that moment over the state, no man
mustered on pay in the service of the crown should, on pain

36 HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND.

of death, or of such lighter panishment as a coart-martial
should deem sufflcient, desert his colors or mutiny against his
commanding officers. This statute was to he in force onlj six
months ; and many of those who voted for it probably believed
that it would, at the close of that period, be suffered to expire.
The bill passed rapidly and easily. Not a single division was
taken upon it in the House of Commons. A mitigating clause
indeed, which illustrates somewhat curiously the manners of
that age, was added by way of rider after the third reading;
This clause provided that no court-martial should pass sen-
tence of death except between the hours of six in the morning
and one in the afternoon. The dinner hour was then early ;
and it was but too probable that a gentleman who had dined
would be in a state in which he could not safely be trusted
with the Hves of his fellow-creatures. With this amendment,
the first and most concise of our many Mutiny Bills was sent
op to the Lords, and was, in a few hours, hurried by them
through all its stages, and passed by the King.*

Thus was made, without one dissentient voice in Parlia*
ment, without one murmur in the nation, the first step towards
a change which had become necessary to the safety of the
state, yet which every party in the state then regarded with
extreme dread and aversion. Six months passed; and stiU
the public danger continued. The power necessary to the
maintenance of military discipline was a second time entrusted
to the crown for a short term. The trust again expired, and
was again renewed. By slow degrees familiarity reconciled
the public mind to the names, once so odious, of standing army
and court-martial. It was proved by experience that, in a well-
constituted society, professional soldiers may be terrible to a
foreign enemy, and yet submissive to the civil power. What
had been at first tolerated as the exception began to be con-
sidered as the rule. Not a session passed without a Mutiny
Bill. When at length it became evident that a politicsd
change of the highest importance was taking place in such a
manner as almost to escape notice, a clamor was raised by
tome factious men desirous to weaken the hand»of the govern-
ment, and by some respectable men who felt an honest but
iiyudicious reverence for every old constitutional tradition, and
who were unable to understand that what at one stage in the
progress of society is pernicious may at another stage be indis-

• But 1 W 4 ^ Mst. 1. c 5; Oommons* Journals, liaxrh »8, §99

1

HISTOR1 OF BNOLANO. 87

pensable. This clamor, however, as years rolled on, became
faiDter and fainter. The debate which recurred every spring
on the Mutiny Bill came to be regarded merely as an occasion
on which hopeful young orators fresh from Christ Church were
to deliver maiden speeches, setting forth how the guards of
Pbistratns seized the citadel of Athens, and how the Pne<
torian cohorts sold the Roman empire to Didius. At length
these declamations became too ridiculous to be repeated. Tlie
most old-fashioned, the most eccentric, politician could hardly,
in the reign of Greorge the Third, contend that there ought to
be no regular soldiers^ or that the ordinary law, administered
by the ordinary courts, would effectually maintain discipline
among such soldiers. AH parties being agreed as to the gen«
end principle, a long succession of Mutiny Bills passed with-
out any discussion, except when some particular article of the
military code appeared to require amendment. It is perhaps
because the army became thus gradually, and almost imper-
ceptibly, one of the institutions of England, that it has acted
in such perfect harmony with all her other institutions, has
never once, during a hundred and sixty years, been untrue to
the throne or disobedient to the law, has never once defied the
tribunals or overawed the constituent bodies. To this day,
however, the Estates of the Realm continue to set up periodic
cally, with laudable jealousy, a landmark on the frontier which
was traced at the time of the Revolution. They solemnly
reassert every year the doctrine laid down in the Declaration
of Rights ; and they then grant to the Sovereign an extraordi-
nary power to govern a certain number of soldiers accordiiig
to certain rules during twelve months more.

In the same week in which the first Mutiny Bill was laid
on the table of the Commons, another temporary law, made
necessary by the unsettled state of the kingdom, was passed.
Since the flight of James many persons who were believed to
have been deeply implicated in his unlawful acts, or tc be
engaged in plots for his restoration, had been arrested and
confined. During the vacancy of the throne, these men could
derive no benefit from the Habeas Corpus Act. For the ma-
chinery by which alone that Act could be carried into execu*
tion had ceased to exist; and, through the whole of Hilary
term, all the courts in Westminster H^l had remained closed.
Now that the ordinary tribunals were about to resume their
functions, it was apprehended that all those prisoners whom it
wa^ not convenient to bring instantly to trial would demand

88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

and obtain their liberty. A bill was therefore brought in
which empowered the King to detain m custody during a few
weeks such persons as he should suspect of evil designs against
bis government. Tiiis bill passed the two Houses with little
or no opposition.* But the malecontents out of doors did not
fail to remark that, in the late reign, the Habeas Corpus Act
had not been one day suspended. It was the fashion to call
James a tyrant, and William a deliverer. Yet, before the
deliverer had been a month on the throne, he had deprived
Englishmen of a precious right which the tyrant had re«
tpectcd.f This is a kind of reproach which a government
sprung from a popular revolution almost inevitably incurs.
From such a government men naturally think themselves
entitled to demand a more gentle and liberal administration
than is expected from old and deeply rooted power. Yet such
a government, having, as it always has, many active enemies,
and not having the strength derived from legitimacy and pre-
scription, ciin at first maintain itself only by a vigilance and a
severity of which old and deeply rooted power stands in no
need. Extraordinary and irregular vindications of public
liberty are sometimes necessary: yet, however necessary, they
are almost always followed by sotne temporary abridgments
of that very liberty ; and every such abridgment is a fertile
and plausible theme for sarcasm and invective.

Unhappily sarcasm and invective directed against William
were but too likely to find favorable audience. Each of the
two great parties had its own reasons for being dissatisfied
with him ; and there were some complaints in which both par-
ties joined. His manners gave almost universal offence. He
was in truth far better qualified to save a nation than to adorn
a court. In the highest parts of statesmanship, he had no
equal among his contemporaries. He had formed plans not
inferior in grandeur and boldness to those of Richelieu, and
bad carried them into effect with a tact and wariness worthy
of Mazarin. Two countries, the seats of civil liberty and of
the Reformed Faith, had been preserved by his wisdom and
courage from extreme perils. Holland he had delivered from
foreign, and England from domestic foes. Obstacles appar-
ently insurmountable had been interposed between him and
the ends on which he was intent; and those obstacles his

* Stat 1 W. & M. sess: 1, c.l.
t Bonquillo. March A» l^^^*

1

t

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 89

genias had turned into stepping-stones. Under his dexterous
management the hereditary enemies of his house had helped
him to mount a throne ; and the persecutors of his religion had
helped him to rescue his religion from persecution. Fleets
and armies, collected to withstand him, had, without a strug-
gle^ submitted to his orders. Factions and sects, divided by
mortal antipathies, had recognized him as their common head.
Without carnage, without devastation, he had won a victory
compared with which all the victories of Gustavus and Tu-
renne were insignificant. In a few weeks he had changed the
relative position of all the states in Europe, and had restored
the equilibrium which the preponderance of one power had
destroyed. Foreign nations did ample justice to his great
qualities. In every Continental country where Protestant
congregations met, fervent thanks were offered to Grod, who,
from among the progeny of His servants, Maurice, the deliv-
erer of Germany, and William, the deliverer of Holland, had
raised up a third deliverer, the wisest and mightiest of all.
At Vienna, at Madrid, nay, at Bomt, the valiant and sagacious
heretic was held in honor as the chief of the great confed-
eracy against the House of Bourbon ; and even at Versailles
the hatred which he inspired was largely mingled with admira-
tion.

Here he was less favorably judged. In truth, our ancestors
saw him in the worst of all lights. By the French, the Grer-
mans, and the Italians, he was contemplated at such a distance
that only what was great could be discerned, and that small
blemishes were invisible. To the Dutch he was brought close :
but he was himself a Dutchman. In his intercourse with them
he was seen to the best advantage : he was perfectly at his
ease with them ; and from among them he had chosen his
earliest and dearest friends. But to the English he appeared
in a most unfortunate point of view. He was at once too near
to them and too far from them. He lived among them, sc that
the smallest peculiarity of temper or manner could not escape
their notice. Yet he lived apart from them, and was to the
last a foreigner in speech, tastes, and habits.

One of the chief functions of our Sovereigns had long been
to preside over the society of the capital. That function
Charles the Second had performed with immense success. His
easy bow, his good stories, his style of dancing and playing
Mnnis, the sound of his cordial laugh, were familiar to all
Londoit. One day he was seen among the elms of Saint

10 HI8T0ET OF ENGLAND.

JaiDCs's Park cliatting with Drjden about poetry.* Aaothei
day his arm was on Tom Durfey's shoulder ; and his Majesty
was taking a second, while his companion sang ^' PhiUida,
Phillida," or *' To horse, brave boys, to Newmarket, to horse."t
James, with much less vivacity and good-nature, was acces-
sible, and, to people who did not cross him, civiL But of thia
sociableness Wilham was entirely destitute. He seldom came
forth from his closet ; and, when he appeared in the public
rooms, he stood among the crowd of oourliers and ladies, stero
and abstracted, making no jest and smiling at none. His
freezing look, his silence, the dry and concise answers which
he uttered when he could keep silence no longer, disgusted
noblemen and gentlemen who had been accustomed to be
slapped on the back by their royal masters, called Jack or
Harry, congratulated about race cups or rallied about actresses.
The women missed the homage due to their sex. They ob-
served that the King spoke in a somewhat imperious tone even
to the wife to whom he owed so much, and whom he sincerely
loved and esteemed. { Tln^y were amused and shocked to see
him, when the Princess Anne dined with him, and when the
first green peas of the year were put on the table, devour the
whole dish without offering a spoonful to her Royal Highness ;
and they pronounced that this great soldier and politician was
no better than a Low Dutch bear.§

One misfortune, which was imputed to him as a crime, was

* See the account given in 8pcnce*8 Anecdotes of the Origin of D17-
vlen's McdaL

t Guardian, No. 67.

I There is abundant proof that William, though a very affecdonate,
was not always a polite husband. But no credit is duo to the story con-
sained in the letter which Dalrjmple was foolish enough to publish as
Kottingham's in 1773, and wise enough to omit in the edition of 1790.
How any person who knew any thing of the history of those times could
be so strangely deceived, it is not easy to understand, particularly as the
handwriting bears no resemblance to Nottingham's, with which Dalryraple
was familiar. The letter is evidently a common news-letter, written by a
scribbler, who had never seen the King and Queen except at some publie
place, and whose anecdotes of their private life rested on no better author-
ity than coffee-house gossip.

^ llonquillo ; Burnet, ii; 2 ; Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication.
In a pastoral dialogue between Philander and Palcemon, published ii
1691, the dislike with which women of fashion regarded William, is men-
ticncid Philander says : —

** But man methinks his reason should recall.
Not let firail woman work his seooud iUL*'

1

BISTORT OP ENGLAND. 41

his bud English. He spoke our language, but not well. His
aoeent was foreign ; his diction was inelegant ; and his vocab^
nlarj seems to have been no larger than was necessary for
the transaction of business. To the diiiicultj which he felt in
expressing himself, and to his consciousness that his pronuncia-
tion was bad, most be partly ascribe'd the taciturnity and the
short answers which gave so much offence. Our literature he
was incapable of enjoying or of understanding. He never
once, during his whole reign, showed himself at the theatre.*
The poets who wrote Pindaric verses in his praise complained
that their flights of sublimity were beyond his comprehension.!
Those who are acquainted with the panegyrical odes of that
age will perhaps be of opinion that he did not lose much by hia
ignorance.

It is true that his wifb did her best to supply what was
wanting, and that she was excellently qualified to be the head
of the Court. She was English by birth, and English also id
her tastes and feelings. Her face was handsome, her port
majestic, her temper sweet and lively, her manners affable and
graceful. Her understanding, though very imperfectly culti-
vated, was quick. There was no want of feminine wit and
shrewdness in her conversation ; and her letters were so well
expressed that they deserved to be well spelt. Slie took much
pleasure in the lighter kinds of literature, and did something
towards bringing books into fashion among ladies of quality.
The stainless purity of her private life and the strict attention
which she paid to her religious duties were the more respect-
able, because she was singulai'ly free from censor iousness, and
discouraged scandal as much as vice. In dislike of backbiting
indeed she and her husband cordially agreed ; but they showed
their dislike in different and in very characteristic ways*
William preserved profound silence, and gave the talebearer a
look which, as was said by a person who had once encoun-
tered it, and who took good care never to encounter it again,
3iade your story go back down your throat. { Mary had a waj

» Totdun's Obsenrator of November 16, 1706.

t Prior, who was treated by William with roach kindness, and who
veiy grateful for it, informs as that the King did not auderstand
poetical eulogy. The passage is in a highly carioas manuscript, the
property of I^rd Lansdowne.

I M^rooires originaax sur le r^gne et la cour dc Fs^d^ric I., Roi do
Prusse, Mi-J% par Christophe Oomte de Dohna, Berlin, 1833. It is
unuige that this interesting volome should be almost -mkuown in £ng>

48 BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

of interrupting tattle about elopements, duels, and plaj-debts,
by asking the tattlera, very quietly yet significantly, whether
they had ever read her favorite sermon. Doctor Tillotson's on
£vil Speaking. Her chanties were munificent and judicious ;
and, though she made no ostentatious display of them, it was
known that she retrenched from her own state in order to
relieve Protestants whom persecution had driven from France
and Ireland, and who were starving in the garrets of London.
So amiable was her conduct, that she was generally spoken of
with esteem and tenderness by the most respectable of those
who disapproved of the manner in which she had been raised
to the throne, and even of those who refused to acknowledge
her as Queen. In the Jacobite lampoons of that time, lam-
poons which, in virulence and malignity, far exceed any thing
that our age has produced, she was' not oflen mentioned with
severity. Indeed, she sometimes expressed her surprise at
finding that libellers who respected nothing else respected her
name. God, she said, knew where her weakness lay. Slie
was too sensitive to abuse and calumny; He had mercifully
Bpared her a trial which was beyond her strength ; and the
best return which she could make to Him was to discounte-
nance all malicious reflections on the characters of others.
A<;sured that she possessed her husband's entire confidence and
ni^ection, she turned the edge of his sharp speeches sometimes
by soft and sometimes by playful answers, and employed all
the infiuence which she derived from her many pleasing
nualities to gain the hearts of the people for him.*

land. Tho only copj that I have ever seen of it was kindly given to me
bj Sir Robert Adair. *'Le Roi/' Dohna says, '*avoit une autre quality
tres estimable, qui est celle de n^aimer point qa'on rendit de maavais
offices k personne par des railleries.'* Tho Marqui:! de La Fordt tried to
entertain His Majesty at the expense of an English nobleman. *' Ce

qui pi

j*aT attrap^ un regard du roi qui m'a fait passer Tenvie de rire/ " Dohna
supposed that William might be less sensitive about the character of a
Frenchman, and tried the experiment. But, says he, *' j^eos k pea pr^
le me me sort que M. do la Foret."
♦ Compare the account of Mary by the Whig Burnet wiUi the mention

of her bv the Torv Evelyn in his Diary, March 8, 169$, and with what
b said of her bv.the Nonjuror who wrote the Letter to Archbishop Ten-
nison on her deatli in 1695. The impression which the bluntness and
reserve ol Wlliiam and tlio grace and gentleness of Mary had m'ide ob

HISTOET OF ENGLAND. 4S

If slie had long continued to assemble round her the bea^
sodety of London, it is probable that her kindness and courtesy
would have done much to efface the unfavorable impression
made by his stern and frigid demeanor. Unhappily his phys-
ical infirmities made it impossible for him to reside at White-
hall. The air of Westminster, mingled with the fog of the
river, which in spring tides overflowed the courts of his palace,
with the smoke of seacoal from two hundred thousand chim*
neys, and with the fumes of all the filth which was then suffcrtr^d
to accumulate in the streets, was insupportable to him ; foi his
lungs were weak, and his sense of smell exquisitely keen. His
constitutional asthma made rapid progress. His physicians
pronounced it impossible that he could live to the end of the
year. His face was so ghastly that he could hardly be recog-
nized. Those who had to transact business with him were
shocked to hear him gasping for breath, and coughing till the
tears ran down his cheeks.* His mind, strong as it was, sym-
pathized with his body. His judgment was indeed as clear
as ever. But there was, during some months, a perceptible
relaxation of that energy by which he had been distinguished.
Even his Dutch friends whispered that he was not the man

the popalace may be traced in the remains of the street poetry of that
time. The following conjagal dialogue may still be seen on the oriennal
broadside.

•*Then bespoke Mary, our most royal Queen,

'My gracious King William, where are you going?'

He answered her quickly, * I count him no man

That telleth his secret unto a woman.'

The Queen with a modest behavior replied,
* I wish that kind Providence may be tliy cnide,

To keep thee from danger, my sovereign Lord,

The which will the greatest of comfort afford.' **

These lines are in an excellent collection formed b^ Mr. Richard Hober,
«nd now the property of Mr. Broderip, by whom it was kindly lent to
me. In one of the most savage Jacobite pasquinades of 1689, WJUiaa
M described as

"A churle to his wife, which she makes but a jest.'*

* Burnet, ii. 2 ; Burnet, MS. Harl. 6584. But Bonquillo's account is
oudi more circamstantiaL "Nada se ha visto mas dcsfigurado; y,
^nantas^ veces he. estado con el, le he visto toser tanto que se le saltnban
Iks lagrimas, y se ponia moxado y arrancando; y confiesan los medicos
que es ana asma incurable," Mar. -^. 1 689. Avaux wrote to the same

sHect from Ireland. " La sant^ de Tusurpatetu* est fort maavaLie. L'oa
oe croit pas qu'il vive un an." April Ji^

14 BISTORT OF £NOLAND.

tliat he had been at the Hague.* It was absolutely necessary
that he should quit London. He accordingly took up his resi-
dence in the purer air of Hampton Court. That mansion,
begun by the magnificent Wolsey, was a fine specimen of the
architecture which flourished in England under the first Tudors ;
but the apartments were not, according to the notions of the
seventeenth century, well fitted for purposes of state. Our
princes therefore had, since the Restoration, repaired thither
seldom, and only when they wished to live for a time in retire-
ment. As William purposed to make the deserted edifice his
chief palace, it was necessary for him to build and to plant ;
nor was the necessity disagreeable to him. For he had, like
most of his countrymen, a pleasure in decorating a country
house ; and next to hunting, though at a great interval, his
favorite amusements were architecture and gardening. He
had already created on a sandy heath in Guelders a paradise,
which attracted multitudes of the curious from Holland and
Westphalia. Mary had laid the first stone of the house. Ben-
tiuck had superintended the digging of the fishponds. There
were cascades and grottos, a spacious orangery, and an aviary
which furnished Hondekoeter with numerous specioiens of
many-colored plumage.f The King, in his splendid banish-
ment, pined for this favorite seat, and found some consolation
in creating another Loo on the banks of the Thames. Soon a
wide extent of ground was laid out in formal walks and par^
terres. Much idle ingenuity was employed in forming that
intricate labyrinth of verdure which has puzzled and amused
five generations of holiday visitors from London. Limes thirty
years old were transplanted from neighboring woods to shade
the alleys. Artificial fountains spouted among the flower-beds.
A new court, not designed witli the purest taste, but stately,
spacious, and commodious, rose under the direction of Wren.
The wainscots were adorned with the rich and delicate carvings
of Gibbons. The staircases were in a blaze with the glaring
frescoes of Yerrio. In every comer of the mansion appeared
a profusion of gewgaws, not yet familiar to English eyes.
Mary had acquired at the Hague a taste for the porcelain of
China, and amused herself by forming at Hampton a vast col-

* '* Ilasta decir lo9 mismos Hollandeses que lo desconozcan/' says Ron
qnillo. " II est absolument mal propre poor le r61e qu'il a k jooer ^
rheure qa'il est," says Avaux. ^* Slothful and sickly, says Erolyn.
Miuch 29, 1689.

t Seo Harris's description of Loo. 1699.

HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND. 45

InctioQ of hideoos images, and of vases on whieh hou-ies, trees,
bridges, and mandarins were depicted in outrageoos defiance
of all the laws of perspective. The fashion, a frivolous and
inelegant fashion it must be owned, which was thus set by the
amiable Queen, spread fast and wide. In a few years almost
every great house in the kingdom contained a museum of
these grotesque baubles. Even statesmen and generals were
not ashamed to be renowned as judges of teapots and dragons ;
and satirists long continued to repeat that a fine lady valued
her mottled green pottery quite as much as she valued her
monkey, and much more than she valued her husband.* Bat
the new palace was embellished with works of art of a very
different kind. A gallery was erected for the cartoons of
RaphaeL Those great pictures, then and still the finest on
our side of the Alps, had been preserved by Cromwell from
the fate which befell most of the other masterpieces in the col-
lection of Charles the First, but had been suffered to lie during
many years nailed up in deal boxes. They were now brought
forth from obscurity to be contemplated by artists with admira-
tion and despair. The expense of the works at Hampton was
a subject of bitter complaint to many Tories, who had very
mtly blamed the boundless profusion with which Charles the
sGond had built and rebuilt, furnished and refurnished, the
dwelling of the Duchess of Portsmouth.! The expense, how-
ever, was not the chief cause of the discontent which William's
change of residence excited. There was no longer a Court at
Westminster. Whitehall, once the daily resort of the noble
and the powerful, the beautiful and the gay, the place to which
fops came to show their new peruques, men of gallantry ir
exchange glances with fine ladies, politicians to push their for-
tunes, loungers to hear the news, country gentlemen to see the
royal family, was now, in the busiest season of the year, when
London was full, when Parliament was sitting, left desolate.

* Every person who is well acqaainted with Pope and Addison will
remember their sarcasms on this taste. Lady Mary Wortley Montague
took the other side. " Old China/* she says, ** is below nobody's taste,
since it has been the Dake of Ai^yle's, whose understanding has neyer
been doabted either by his friends or enemies."

tAs to the works at Hampton Court, see Evclyn^s Diary, July 16,
1689 ; the Tour through Great Biitain, 1724 ; the British Apelles ; Horace
Walpole on Modem Gardening ; Burnet, ii. 2, 3.

When Evelyn was at Hampton Court, in 1602, the cartoons were not
u> be peen. 'The Triumphs of Andrea Mantcgria were then supposed to
M the toest pictures in the palace.

16 HI8TOXT OF EKOLAKD.

A solitary sentinel paced the grass-grown pavement before that
door which had once been too narrow for the opposite streams
of entering and departing courtiers. The services which the
metropolis had rendered to the King were great and recent ;
and it was thought that he might have requited those services
better than by treating it as Lewis had treated Paris. Halifax
ventured to hint this, but was silenced by a few words which
admitted of no reply. *' Do you wish," said William peevishly,
" to see me dead ? " *

In a short time it was found that Hampton Court was too
(ar from the Houses of Lords and Commons, and from the
public offices, to be the ordinary abode of the Sovereign. In-
stead, however, of returning to Whitehall, William determined
to have another dwelling, near enough to his capital for the
transaction of business, but not near enough to be within that
atmosphere in which he could not pass a night without risk of
suffocation. At one time he thought of Holland House, the
villa of the noble family of Rich ; and he actually resided
there some weeks.f But he at length fixed his choice on
Kensington House, the suburban residence of the Earl of Not-
tingham. The purchase was made for eighteen thousand
guineas, and was followed by more building, more planting,
more expense, and more discontent.} At present Kensington
House is considered as a part of London. It was then a rural
mansion, and could not, in those days of highwaymen and
scourers, of roads deep in mire and nights without lamps, be
the rallying point of fashionable society.

It was well known that the King, who treated the English
nobility and gentry so ungraciously, could, in a small circle of
his own countrymen, be easy, friendly, even jovial, could pour
out his feelings garrulously, could fill his glass, perhaps too
often ; and this was, in the view of our forefathers, an aggra-
vation of his offences. Yet our forefathers should have had

* Bamet, ii. 2 ; Rcresby's Memoirs. Ronqaillo wrote repeatedly to
ihe same effect. For example : *' Biun qai^tieru el Rey fuese mas comani-
cahlc, y se acomodase nn poco mas al hamor sociable de los laglescs, y
|ae estabiera en Londres ; pero es cierto que bus achaqur t no se lo per*
miten." July JL. 1689. Avaux, al)Out the same time, wrote thus to

Croissy from Ireland : " Le Prince d'Orange est toujours k Hampton
Court, ot jamais k la ville : et le peuple est fort mal satisfait de cettt
siani(;re bizarre et rctir^."

1 Several of his letters to Heinsius are dated from Holland House.

I Narcissus Lattrell's Diary ; Evelyu^s Diary, Feb. 25, |^(*

BISTORT OF BNOLAKD. 47

the sense «ud the justice to acknowledge that the patriotism
which they considered as a virtue in themselves, couhi not be
a fault in him. It was unjust to blame him for not at once
transferring to our island the love which he bore to the country
of his birth. If, in essentials, he did his dutj towards Eng-
land, he might well be suffered to feel at heart an affectionate
preference for Holland. Nor is it a reproach to him that he
did not, in this season of his greatness, discard companions
who had played with him in his childhood, who had stood by
him firmly through all the vicissitudes of his youth and man-
hood, who had, in defiance of the most loathsome and deadly
forms of infection, kept watch by his sick-bed, who had, in ih&
thickest of the battle, thrust themselves between him and the
French swords, and whose attachment was, not to the Stadt
holder or to the King, but to plain William of Nassau. It
may be added that his old friends could not but rise in his esti*
loation by comparison with his new courtiers. To the end of
his life all his Dutch comrades, without exception, continued to
deserve his confidence. They could be out of humor with him,
it is true ; and, when out of humor, they could be sullen and
lude; but never did they, even when most angry and unrea-
sonable, fail to keep his secrets and to watch over his interests
with gentlemanlike and soldierlike fidelity. Among his £ng*
lish councillors such fidelity was rare.* It is painful, but it is
no more than just, to acknowledge that he had but too good
reason for thinking meanly of our national character. That
character was indeed, in essentials, what it has always been.
Veracity, uprightness, and manly boldness were then, as now
qualities eminently English. But those qnalities, though widely
diifused among the great body of the people, were seldom to
be found in the class with which William was best acquaiuted*
The standard of honor and virtue among our public men was*

• De Foe makes this excuse for William :

" We blame the King that he relies too mtich
On strangers, Germans, Huguenots, and Dutch,
And seldom does his great ufTairs of state
To Engli;»h counsellors communicate.
The fact might very well be answered thus,
He has too often been betrayed by us.
He must have been a madman to rely
On English gentlemoifs fidelity.
The foreigners have faithfully obeyed him,
And Qone but Englishmen have e'er betrayed hhsk*'

The True Born Englishman, Part it

48 HI&TOBY OF ENGLAND.

during his reign, at the very lowest point. His predece9;M>n
bad bequeathed to him a court foul with aU the vices of the
Restoration, a court swarming with sycophants, who were ready,
on the first turn of fortune, to abandon him as they had aban-
doned his uncle. Here and there, lost in that ignoble crowd,
was to be found a man of true integrity and public spirit. Yet
' even such a man could not long live in such society without
much risk that the strictness of his principles would be relaxed,
and the delicacy of his sense of right and wrong impaired. It
was unjust to blame a prinfbe surrounded by flatterers and
traitors for wishing to keep near him four or five servants
whom he knew by proof to be faithful even to death.

Nor was this the only instance in which our ancestors were
unjust to him. They had expected that, as soon as so distin-
guished a soldier and statesman was placed at the head of
affairs, he would give some signal proof, tliey scarcely knew
what, of genius and vigor. Unhappily, during the first months
of his reign, almost every thing went wrong. His subjects,
bitterly disappointed, threw the blame on him, and began to
doubt whether he merited that reputation which be had won
at his first entrance into public life, and which the splendid
success of his last great enterprise had raised to the highest
point. Had they been in a temper to judge fairly, they would
have perceived that for the maladministration of which they
with good reason complained he was not responsible. He
could as yet work only with the machinery which he had
found ; and the machinery which he had found was all rust
and rottenness. From the time of the Restoration to the time
of the Revolution, neglect and fraud had been almost constantly
impairing the efficiency of every department of the goveni-
ment. Honors and public trusts, peerages, baronetcies, regi*
ments, frigates, embassies, governments, commissionerships,
leases of crown lands, contracts for clothing, for provisions, for
ammunition, pardons for murder, for robbery, for arson, were
sold at Whitehall scarcely less openly than asparagus at Co vent
Garden or herrings at Billingsgate. Brokers had been inces-
santly plying for custom in the purlieus of the court ; and of
tiiese brokers the most successful had been, in the days of
Charles, the harlots, and in the days of James, the priests.
From the palace which was the chief seat of this pestilence
the taint had diffused itself through every office and through
every rank in every office, and had everywhere produced
feebleness and disorgsmization. So rapid was the progresd of

1

%

nSTOBT OF EKQLAITD. 49

the decaj that, ¥rithiQ eight jears after the time when Oliver
had been the umpire of Europe, the roar of the guns of De
Buyter was heard in the Tower of London. The vices which
had brought that great humiliation on the country had ever
since been rooting themselves deeper and spreading themselves
wider. James had, to do him justice, corrected a few of the
gixiss abuses which disgraced the naval administration. Yet
the naval administration, in spite of his attempts to reform it,
moved the contempt of men who were acquainted with the
dockyards of France and Holland. The military administra-
tion was still worse. The courtiers took bribes from the colo-
nels ; the colonels cheated the soldiers ; the commissaries sent
in long bills for what had never been furnished ; the keepers
of the arsenals sold the public stores and pocketed the price.
Bat these evils, though they had sprung into existence and
grown to maturity under the government of Charles and James,
first made themselves severely felt under the government of
William. For Charles and James were content to be the vas-
sals and pensioners of a powerful and ambitious neighbor ; they
submitted to his ascendency ; they shunned with pusillanimous
caution whatever could give him offence ; and thus, at the cost
cyf the independence and dignity of that ancient and glorious
croWn which they unworthily wore, they avoided a conflict
which would instantly have shown how helpless, under their
misrule, their once formidable kingdom had become. Their
ignominious policy it was neither in William's power nor in his
nature to follow. It was only by arms that the liberty and re-
ligion of England could be protected against the most formida-
ble enemy that had threatened our island since the Hebrides
were strown with the wrecks of the Arma4a. The body poli-
tic, which, while it remained in repose, had presented a super-
ficial appearance of health and vigor, was now under the ne-
cessity of straining every nerve in a wrestle for life or death,
and was immediately found to be unequal to the exertion. The
first efforts showed an utter relaxation of fibre, an utter want
of training. Those efforts were, with scarcely an exception,
fiiilures ; and every failure was popularly imputed, not to the
rulers whose mismanagement nad produced the infirmities of
the state, but to the ruder in whose time the infirmities of the
state became visible.

William might, indeed, if he had been as absolute as Lewis,
have used such sharp remedies as would speedily have re-*
stored to the English administration that firm tone which had

50 HT8T0RT OF ENGLAND*

bf^n wanting since the death of Oliver. But the instantane-
uus reform of Inveterate abuses was a task far beyond the
powers of a prince strictly restrained by law, and restrained
Btil! more strictly by the difficulties of bis situation.*

Some of the most serious difficulties of his situation were
caused by the conduct of the ministers on whom, new as he
was to the details of English affairs, he was forced to rely for
information about men and things. There was indeed no want
of ability among his chief counsellors ; but one half of their
ability wjis employed in counteracting the other half. Between
the Lord President and the Lord Privy Seal there was an in-
veterate enmity.f It had begun twelve years before when
Danby was Lord High Treasurer, a persecutor of nonconform-
bts, an uncompromising defender of prerogative, and when
Halifax was rising to distinction as one of the most eloquent
leaders of the country party. In the reign of James, the two
statesmen had found themselves in opposition together ; and
their common hostility to France and to Rome, to the High
Commission and to the dispensing power, had produced an ap-
parent reconciliation ; but as soon as they were in office to-
gether the old antipathy revived. The hatred which the Whig
party felt towards them both ought, it should seem, to have
produced a close alliance between them ; but in fact eacli of
them saw with complacency the danger which threatened the
other. Danby exerted himself to rally round him a strong
phalanx of Tories. Under the plea of ill health, he withdrew
from court, seldom came to the Council over which it was his
duty to preside, passed much time in the country, and took
scarcely any part in public affairs except by grumbling and
sneering at all the acts of the government, and by doing jobs
and getting places for his personal retainers.^ In consequence
of this defection, Halifax became prime minister, as far as any
minister could, in that reign, be called prime minister. An

* Ronqaillo had the good sense and jastice to make allowances which
the English did not make. After describing, in a dispatch dated March

tVi IG^^t the lamentable state of the military and naval establishment!,
he says, '' De csto no ticne culpa el Principe de Oranges ; porqae pensai
que se ban de podcr volver en dos mcses tres Reynos de alaxo arriba et
una cxtravaiLjancia." Lord President Stair, in a letter writtrD from Lon-
don about a montb later, says that the delays of the English f^^lcniuistn^
tinn hud lowered the King's reputation, " though without his ^u)U *

t Burnet, ii. 4. ; Reresby.

i Heresby's Memoirs ; Bnmot MS. Uari. 6584.

RISTOBT or BNOLAND. 51

tmiDense load of business fell on him ; and that load he was
anable to sustain. In wit and eloquence, in amplitude of
comprehension and subtlety of disquisition, he had no equal
among the state.smen of his time. But that very fertility, that
very acuteness, which gave a singular charm to his conversa-
tion, to his oratory and to his writings, unfitted him for the
work of promptly deciding practical questions. He was slow
from very quickness. For he saw so many arguments for and
against every possible course that he was longer in making up
his mind than a dull man would have been. Instead of acqui*
escing in his first thoughts, he replied on himself, rejoined on
himself, and surrejoined on himself. Those who heard him
talk owned that he talked like an angel ; but too oflen, when he
had exhausted all that could be said, and came to act, the time
for action was over.

Meanwhile the two Secretaries of State were constantly la-
boring to draw their master in diametrically opposite dire jtions.
Every scheme, every person, recommended by one oJ them
was reprobated by the other. Nottingham was nevei weary
of repeating that the old Roundhead party, the partj which
had taken the life of Charles the First, afid had plotted against
the life of Charles the Second, was in principle republican, and
that the Tories were the only true friends of monarchy.
Shrewsbury replied that the Tories might be friends of mon-
archy, but that they regarded James as their monarch. « Not-
tingham was always bringing to the closet intelligence of the
wild daydreams in which a few old eaters of calPs head, the
remains of the once formidable party of Bradshaw and Ireton,
still indulged at taverns in the city. Shrewsbury produced fero-
cious lampoons which the Jacobites dropped every day in the
coffee-houses. " Every Whig," said the Tory Secretary, " is an
enemy of your Majesty's prerogative." " Every Tory," said
the Whig Secretary, ** is an enemy of your Majesty's title."*

At the treasury there was a complication of jealousies and
quarrels.t Both the First Commissioner, Mordaunt, and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Delamere, were zealous Whigs ,
but, though they held the same political creed, their tempers
differed widely. Mordaunt was volatile, dissipated, and gener-
uus. The wits of that time laughed at the way in which he
flew about from Hampton Court to the Royal Exchange, and

« Burnet, ii. 8, 4, 15
t Bamet. ii. ft.

52 MiSTOBT OF BNaLAHD.

froni the Royal Exchange back to Hampton Court. How he
found time for dress, politics, love-making, and ballad* making
was a wonder.* Delamere was gloomy and acrimonious, aus-
tere in bis private morals, and punctual in his devotions, but
greedy of ignoble gain. The two principal ministers of finance,
therefore, became enemies, and agreed only in hating their
colleague Qodolphio. What business had he at Whitehall in
these days of Protestant ascendency, he who had sate at the
same board with Papists, he who had never scrupled to attend
Mary of Modeoa to the idolatrous worship of the Mass ? The
most provoking circumstance was that Godolphin, though his
name stood only third in the commission, was really first Lord*
For in financial knowledge and in habits of business Mordauot
and Delamere were mere children when compared with him ;
and this William soon discovered, f

Similar feuds raged at the other great boards, and through
all the subordinate ranks of public functionaries. In every cus-
tom-house, in every arsenal, were a Shrewsbury and a Notting-
ham, a Delamere and a Godolphin. The Whigs complained
that there was no department in which creatures of the fallen
tyranny were not to be found. It was idle to allege that these
men were versed in the details of business, that they were the
depositories of official traditions, and that the friends of liberty,
Laving been, during many years, excluded from public employ-
ment, must necessarily be incompetent to take on themselves
at once the whole management d affairs. Experience doubt-
less had its value ; but surely the first of all the qualifications
of a servant was fidelity ; and no Tory could be a leally faith-
ful servant of the new government. If King William were
wise, he would rather trust novices zealous for his interest and
honor than veterans who might indeed possess ability and
knowledge, but who would use that ability and that knowledge
to effect his ruin.

The Tories, on the other hand, complained that their share
of power bore no proportion to their number and their weight in
the country, and that everywhere old and useful public servants
were, for the crime of being friends to monarchy and to the

* ** How does he do to distribote his hoars,
Some to the Court, and some to the City,
Some to the State, and some to Love's powers,
Some to t>e vain, and some to be witty r '*

The Modem Lampooners, a poem of 1690
* Burnet, IL 4.

%

HI8TOBT OF EKOLAITD. 6S

Chnrcih, turned out of their posts to make way for Rje House
plotters and haunters of conventicles. These upstarts, adepts
in the art of factious agitation, but ignorant of all that be-
longed to their new calling, would be just beginning to learn
their business when they had undone the nation bj their blun-
ders. To be a rebel and a schismatic was surely not all that
ought to be required of a man in high employment What
would become of the finances, what of the marine, if \Vhiga
who could not understand the plainest balance-sheet were to
manage the revenue, and Whigs who had never walked over a
dockyard to fit out the fleet.*

The truth is that the charges which the two parties brought
against each other were, to a great extent, well founded, bat
that the blame which both threw on William was unjust.
Official experience was to be found almost exclusively among
the Tories, hearty attachment to the new settlement almost
exclusively among the Whigs. It was not the fault of the
King that the knowledge and the zeal, which, combined, make
a valuable servant of the state must at that time be had sepa-
rately or not at all. If he employed men of one party, ther9
was great risk of mistakes. If he employed men of the
other party, there was great risk of treachery. If he em-
ployed men of both parties, there was still some risk of mis-
takes; there was still some risk of treachery; and to these
risks was added the certainty of dissension. He might join
Wliigs and Tories ; but it was beyond his power to mix them.
In the same office, at the same desk, they were still enemies,
and agreed only in murmuring at the Prince who tried to
mediate between them. It was inevitable that, in such cir-
cumstances, the administration, fiscal, military, naval, should
be feeble and unsteady ; that nothing should be done in quite
the right way or at quite the right time ; that the distractionf
firom which scarcely any public office was exempt should pro*
dace disasters, and that every disaster should increase the
distractions from which it had sprung.

There was indeed one department of which the business

* Ronaaillo calls the Whig fanctionaries '* Gento qae no tionen pratira
Hi expeneneia." He adds. *' Y de esto procede el pasarse un mes j an
otro, sin execatarse nada." Jane 24, 1689. In one of the innnnierable
Dialogaes which appeared at that time, the Tory interlocutor puts thfl
qoestioD : ^ Do jou think the government woald be better serred by
tkrangers to bosioess 1 ** The Whif( answers : ** Better ignorant friondl
dbflA onderstaDding eneoues."

ft4 HISTORY OF SNOLAND.

was weH conducted ; and that was the department of Foreign
Affairs. There William directed every thin^, and, on impor-
tant occasions, neither asked the advice nor employed the
agency of any Eno^lish politician. One invaluable assistant
he had, Anthony Heinsius, who, a few weeks after the Revo-
hition had been accomplished, became Pensionary of Holland.
Ueinsius had entered public life as a member of that party
which was jealous of the powor of the House of Orange, and
desirous to be on friendly terms with France. But he had
been sent in 1681 on a diplomatic mission to Versailles; and
a short residence there had produced a complete change in his
views. On a near acquaintance, he was alarmed by the power
and provoked by the insolence of that Court of which, while
he contemplated it only at a distance, he had formed a favor-
able opinion. He found that his country was despised. He
saw his religion persecuted. His official character did not nave
him from some personal affronts which, to the latest day of his
long career, he ^ever forgot. He went home a devoted ad-
herent of William and a mortal enemy of Lewis. *

The office of Pensionary, always important, was peculiarly
important when the Stadtholder was absent from the Hague.
Had the politics of Heinsius been still what they once were^
all the great designs of William might have been frustrated.
But happily there was between these two eminent men a per-
fect friendship which, till death dissolved it, appears never to
have been interrupted for one moment by suspicion or ill-
humor. On all large questions of European policy they cor-
dially agreed. They corresponded assiduously and most unre-
servedly. For though William was slow to give his confidence,
yet, when he gave it, he gave it entire. The correspondence
is still extant, and is most honorable to both. The King's let-
ters would alone suffice to prove that he was one of the greatest
statesmen whom Europe has produced. While he lived, the
Pensionary was content to be the most obedient, the most
trusty, and the most discreet of servants. But, after the death
i^thH master, the servant proved himself capable of supplying
with eminent ability the master's place, and was renowned
throughout Europe as one of tie great Triumvirate which
humbled the pride of Lewis the Fourteenth, f

* N^gittiacions de M. Le Comte d'Araux, 4 Mars 1683 ; Torcy's Memoirs.

t The original correspondence of Willium and Heinsius is in Dutch.
A Frencti translation of all William's letteis, and an Knglish translation
of a few of Huiasius's letters, are among the Mackiuiosh MSS. Tbt

1

%

HI8T0BT OF SHOLAIID. IM

The foreign policy of England, directed immediately bj
William in close concert with Heinsius, was, at this time, emi*
ncntly skilful and successful. But in every other part of the
administration the evils arising from the mutual animosity of
factions were but too plainly discernible. Nor was this all. To
the evils arising from the mutual animosity of factions weri
added other evils arising from the mutual animosity of sects.

The year 1689 is a not less important epoch in the ecclesi*
•stical than in the civil history of England. In that year waf
granted the first legal indulgence to Dissenters. In that year
was made the last serious attempt to bring the Presbyterianf
within the pale of the Church of England. From that year
dates a new schism, made, in defiance of ancient precedents, bj
men who had always professed to regard schism with peculiar
abhorrence, and ancient precedents with peculiar veneration.
In that year began the long struggle between two great parties
of conformists. Those parties indeed had, under various forms,
existed within the Anglican communion ever since the Reforma-
tion ; but till afler the Revolution they did not appear mar-
shalled in regular and permanent order of battle against each
other, and were, therefore, not known by established names.
Some time after the accession of William they began to be
called the High Church party and the Low Church party;
and, long before the end of his reign, these appellations were
in common use.*

In the summer of 1688, the breaches which had long divided
the great body of English Protestants had seemed to be almost
closed. Disputes about Bishops and Synods, written prayers
and extemporaneous prayers, white gowns and black gowns,
sprinkling and dipping, kneeling and sitting, had been for a
short space intermitted. The serried array which was then
drawn up against Popery measured the whole of the vast inter-
val which separated Sancroil from Bunyan. Prelates recently
conspicuous as persecutors now declared themselves friends of

Baron Sirtenm de Grovestias, who has had access to tho originals, fre-
quently qaotes passages in his " Ilistoire des lattes et rivalit^ entre lea
paissances maritimes et la France." There is verj little dilTercnce in
substance, though mach in phraseology, between his version and that
vhich 1 have used.

* Tboagh these very convenient names are not, so far as I know, to be
(band in any book printed during the earlier years of William's reign, I
shall use them wiiliout scruple, as others have done, in witing about th«
transactions of tliose vcars.

66 HI8TOBT OF ENOLAKD.

religious liberty, and exhorted their clergy to live in a constant
interchange of hospitality and of kind offices with the sepa-
ratists. Separatists, on the other hand, who had recently con*
sidered mitres and lawn sleeves as the livery of Antichrist,
were putting candles in windows and throwing fagots on bon«
Ares in honor of the prelates.

These feelings continued to grow till they attained their
greatest height on the memorable day on which the common
oppressor finally quitted Whitehall, and on which an innumera*
ble multitude, tricked out in orange ribbons, welcomed the com-
mon deliverer to Saint James's. When the clergy of London
came, headed by Compton, to express their gratitude to him
by whose instrumentality God had wrought salvation for the
Church and the State, the procession was swollen by some
eminent non-conformist divines. It was delightful to many good
men to learn that pious and learned Presbyterian ministers had
walked in the train of a Bishop, had been greeted by him with
fraternal kindness, and had been announced by him in the
presence chamber as his dear and respected friends, separated
from him indeed by some diiferences of opinion on minor
points, but united to him by Christian charity and by common
seal for the essentials of the reformed faith. There had never
before been such a day in England ; and there has never since
been such a day. The tide of feeling was already on the turn ;
and the ebb was even more rapid than the flow had been. In
a very few hours the High Churchman began to feel tender-
ness for the enemy whose tyranny was now no longer feared,
and dislike of the allies whose services were now no longer
needed. It was easy to gratify both feelings by imputing to
the dissenters the misgovernment of the exiled King. Uis
Majesty — such was now the language of too many Anglican
divines — would have been an excellent sovereign had he not
been too confiding, too forgiving. He had put his trust in a
class of men who hated his office, his family, his pei'son, with
implacable hatred. He had ruined himself in the vain attempt
to conciliate them. He had relieved them, in defiance of law
and of the unanimous sense of the old royalist party, from the
pressure of the penal code ; had allowed them to worship God
publicly after their own mean and tasteless fashion ; had ad-
mitted them to the bench of justice and to the Privy Council ;
had gratified them with fur robes, gold chains, -salaries, and
pensions. In return for his liberality, these people, obce so
QDOouth in demeanor, once so savage in opposition even to

HI8T0BT OF ENOLAHD. 57

«

kgitinuite aathority, had become the most abject of flatterers.
Thej had continued to applaud and encouranre him when thj
most devoted friends of his family had retired in shanoe and
sorrc w from his palace. Who had more foully sold the religion
and liberty of his country than Titus ? Who had been more
sealous for the dispensing power than Alsop ? Who had urged
oo the persecution of the seven Bishops more fiercely thaa
Lobb ? What chaplain impatient for a deanery had ever, even
when preaching in the royal presence on the thirtieth of JaiH
nary or the twenty-ninth of May, uttered adulation more grosa
than might easily be found in those addresses by which dis*
senting congregations had testified their gratitude for the illegal
Declaration of Indulgence ? Was it strange that a prince who
had never studied law books should have believed that he waa
only exercising his rightful prerogative, when he was thus en-
eoaraged by a faction which had always ostentatiously professed
hatred of arbitary power ? Misled by such guidance, he had
gone further and further in the wrong path ; he had at length
estranged from him hearts which would once have poured forth
their best blood in his defence ; he had lefl himself no support*
era except his old foes ; and, when the day of peril came, he
bad found that the feeling of his old foes towards him was still
what it had been when they had attempted to rob him of his
inheritance, and when they had plotted against his life. Every
man of sense had long known that the sectaries bore no love to
monarchy. It had now been found that they bore as little love
to freedom* To trust them with power would be an error not
less fatal to the nation than to the throne. If, in order to re
deem pledges somewhat rashly given, it should be thought
necessary to grant them relief, every concession ought to be
accompanied by limitations and precautions. Above all, no
man who was an enemy to the ecclesiastical constitution of the
realm ought to be permitted to bear any part in the civil gov*
emment.

Between the non-conformists and the rigid conformists stood
the Low Church party. That party contained, as it still con-
tains, two very different elements, a Puritan element and a
Latitudinarian element. On almost every question, however,
relating either to ecclesiastical polity or to the ceremonial of
public worship, the Puritan Low Churchman and the Latitudi-
narian Low Churchman were perfectly agreed. They saw in
!he existing polity and in the existing ceremonial no defect, no
blemish, which could make it their duty to become dissenten*

3*

38 H18TOBT OF EKGLAKD.

•

Nevertheletsd, they held that hoth the polity and the ceremonial
were means and not ends, and that the essential spirit of Chris*
tianity might exist without episcopal orders and without a Book
of Common Prayer. They had, while James was on the throne,
been mainly instrumental in forming the great Protestant coali-
tion against Popery and tyranny ; and they continued in 1 689
to hold the same conciliatory language which they had held
in 1688. They gently blamed the scruples of the non-
conformists. It was undoubtedly a great weakness to imagine
tliat there could be any sin in wearing a white robe, in tracing
a cross, in kneeling at the rails of an altar. But the highest
authority had given the plainest directions as to the manner in
which such weakness was to be treated. The weak brother
was not to be judged ; he was not to be despised ; believers
who had stronger minds were commanded to soothe him by large
compliances, and carefully to remove out of his path every
«tumbling-block which could cause him to offend. An apostle
had declared that, though he had himself no misgivings about
the use of animal food or of wine, he would eat herbs and drink
water rather than give scandal to the feeblest of his flock.
What would he have thought of ecclesiastical rulers who, for
the sake of a vestment, a gesture, a posture, had not only torn
the Church asunder, but had filled all the jails of £ngland
with men o^ orthodox faith and saintly life ? The reflections
tlirown bv the High Churchmen on the recent conduct of the
dissenting body, the Low Churchmen pronounced to be grossly
unjust. The wonder was, not that a few non-conformists should
have accepted with thanks an indulgemce which, illegal as it was,
had opened the doors of their prisons and given security to their
hearths, but that the non-conformists generally should have been
true to the cause of a constitution from the benefits of which
they had been long excluded. It was most unfair to impute to
a great party the ^ults of a few individuals. Even among the
Bishops of the Established Church James had found tools and
sycophants. The conduct of Cartwright and Parker had been
much more inexcusable than that of Alsop and Lobb. Yet
those who held the dissenters answerable for the errors of Alsop
and Lobb would, doubtless, thiuk it most unreasonable to hold
the Church answerable for the far deeper guilt of Cartwright
and Parker.

Tiie Low Church clergymen were a minority, and not a
large miuority, of their profession ; but their weight was much
mora tlian proportioned to their numbers ; for they mustarud

mSTOBr OP ENGLAND. 59

itrong in the capital ; they had gi*cat influence there ; and the
average of intellect and knowledge was higher among them
than among their order generally. We should probably over
rate their numerical strength, if we were to estimate thorn at a
tenth part of the priesthood. Yet it will scarcely be denied
that there were among them as many men of distinguished
eloquence and learning as could be found in the other nine
tenths. Among the laity who conformed to the established
religion the parties were not unevenly balanced. Indeed, the
Une which separated them deviated very little from the Una
which separated the Whigs and the Tories. In the Hou^e of
Commons, which had been elected when the Whigs were
triumphant, the Low Church party greatly preponderated. In
the Lords there was an almost exact equipoise ; and very Blight
circumstances sufficed to turn the scale.

The head of the Low Church party was the King. He had
been bred a Presbyterian ; he was, from rational conviction, a
Latitudinarian ; and personal ambition, as well as higher mo-
tives, prompted him to act as mediator among Protestant sects.
He was bent on effecting three great reforms in the laws
touching ecclesiastical matters. His first object was to obtain
for dUsenters permission to celebrate their worship in freedom
and security. His second object was to make such changes
in the Anglican ritual and polity as, without offending those to
whom that ritual and polity were dear, might conciliate the
moderate non-conformists. His third object was to throw open
civil offices to Pratestants without distinction of sect. All his
three objects were good; but the first only was at that time
attainable. He came too late for the second, and too early for
the third.

A few days after his accession, he took a step which indi-
cated, in a manner not to be mistaken, his sentiments touching
ecclesiastical polity and public worship. He found only one
see unprovided with a Bishop. Seth Ward, who had during
many years had charge of the diocese of Salisbury, and who
had been honorably distinguished as one of the founders of the
Royal Society, having long survived his faculties, died while
the country was agitated by the elections for ^be Convention,
without knowing that great events, of which not the least im«
portant had passed under his own roof, had saved his Church
and his country from ruiu. The choice of a successor was no
liglit matter. That choice would inevitably be considered by
tlie country as a prognostic of the highest import. The King

M HI8T0BT OP BNOLAND

too might well be perplexed by the number of divines whoje
erudition, eloquence, courage, and uprightness had been ooq-
spicuously displayed during the contentions of the last three
years. The preference was given to Burnet His claims were
doubtless great. Yet William might have had a more tranquil
reign if he had postponed for a time the well-earned promo-
tion of his chaplain, and had bestowed the first great spiritual
preferment, which, afler the Revolution, fell to the disposal of
the Crown, on some eminent theologian, attached to the new
settlement^ yet not generally hated by the clergy. Unhappily
the name of Burnet was odious to the great majority of the
Anglican priesthood. Though, as respected doctrine, he by no
means belonged to the extreme section of the Lalitudinarian
party, he was popularly regarded as the personification of the
Latitudinarian spirit. This distinction he owed to the promi-
nent place which he held in literature and politics, to the readi-
ness of his tongue and of his pen, and above all to the frankness
and boldness of his nature, frankness which could keep no
secret, and boldness which flinched from no danger. He had
formed but a low estimate of the character of his clerical
brethren considered as a body ; and, with his usual indiscre-
tion, he frequently suffered his opinion to escape him. They
hated him in return with a hatred which has descended to their
successors, and which, afler the lapse of a century and a half,
does not appear to languish.

As soon as the King's decision was known, the question
was everywhere asked. What will the Archbishop do ? San-
croft had absented himself from the Convention ; he had re-
fitsed to sit in the Privy Council ; he had ceased to confirm^
to ordain, and to institute ; and he was seldom seen out of the
walls of his palace at Lambeth. He, on all occasions, pro-
fessed to think himself still bound by his old oath of allegiance.
Burnet he regarded as a scandal to the priesthood, a Presby-
terian in a surplice. The prelate who should lay hands on
that unworthy head would commit more than one great sin.
He would, in a sacred place, and before a great congregation
of the fiiithful, at once acknowledge an usurper as a King, and
confer on a schismatic the character of a Bishop. During
some time Sancroft positively declared that he would not obey
the precept of William. Lloyd of Saint Asaph, who was the
common friend of the Archbishop and of the Bishop elect, en-
tfeated and expostulated in vain. Nottingham, who, of all the
Uymen cpnqented with the new governn^ent, stood best with

RI8T0BT OV ENGLAITD. 81

the clergy, tried his influence, but to no better purpo8«*. The
Jacobites said everywhere that they were sure of the good old
Primate ; that he hiid the spirit of a martyr ; that he was
detennined to brave, in the cause of the Monarchy and of the
Church, the utmost rigor of those laws with which the obse^
quioua parliaments of the sixteenth century had fenced the
Boyal Supremacy. He did in truth hold out long. But at
the last moment his heart failed him, and he looked round him
for some mode of escape. Fortunately, as childish scruples
(^ien disturbed his conscience, childish expedients oflen quieted
it. A more childish expedient than that to which he now re*
■oried Is not to be found in all the tomes of the casuists. He
would not himself bear a part in the service. He would not
publicly pray for the Prince and Princess as King and Queen.
He would not call for their mandate, order it to be read, and
then proceed to obey it. But he issued a commission em«
powering any three of his suffragans to commit, in his name,
and as bis delegates, the sins which he did not choose to com-
mit in person. The reproaches of all parties soon made him
ashamed of himself. He then tried to suppress the evidence
of his fault by means more discreditable than the fault itselfl
He abstracted from among the public records of which he was
the guardian the instrument by which he authorized hit
brethren to act for him, and was with difficulty induced to give
it up.*

Burnet however had, under the authority of this instrument^
been consecrated. When he next waited on Mary, she re*
minded him of the conversations which they had held at the
Hague about the high duties and grave responsibility of Bish-
ops. *^ I hope," she said, ^ that you will put your notions in
practice." Her hope was not disappointed. Whatever may
be thought of Burnet's opinions touching civil and ecclesias^
tical polity, or of the temper and judgment which he sliowed
in defending those opinions, the utmost malevolence of faction
could not venture to deny that he tended his flock with a zeal,
diligence, and disinterestedness worthy of the purest ages of
the Church. His jurisdiction extended over Wiltshire and
Berkshire. These counties he divided into districts which he
sedulously visited. About two months of every summer he
passed in preaching, catechizing, and conflrming daily from

• Bnniet, ii 8, Birch's Life of Tillotson j Life cf KettleweU, put Ui
MclioB62.

62 HtSTOBT OP KNOLAVD*

church tu church. When he died there was no corner of hk
diocese in which the people had not had seven or eight oppor
tnnities of receiving his instructions and of asking his advice
The worst weather, the worst roads, did not prevent him from
discharging these duties. On one occasion, when the floods
were out^ he exposed his life to imminent risk rather than
disap[)oint a rural congregation which was in expectation of a
discourse from the Bishop. The poverty of the inferior clergy
was a constant cause of uneasiness to his kind and generous
htArt. He was indefatigahle and at length successful in his
attempts to ohtain for them from the Crown that grant which
18 known hy the name of Queen Anne's Bounty.* He was
especially careful, when he travelled through his diocese, to lay
no burden on them. Instead of requiring them to entertain
him, he entertained them. He always fixed his head-quarters
at a market town, kept a table there, and, by his decent hospi-
tality and munificent charities, tried to conciliate those who
were prejudiced against his doctrines. When he bestowed a
poor benefice, and he had many such to bestow, his practice
was to add out of his own purse twenty pounds a year to the
income. Ten promising young men, to each of whom he al-
lowed thirty pounds a year, studied divinity under his own eye
in the close of Salisbury. He had several children ; but he
did not think himself justified in hoarding for them. Their
mother had brought him a good fortune. With that fortune,
he always said, they must be content. He would not, for their
sakes, be guilty of the crime of raising an estate out of reve-
nues sacred to piety and charity. Such merits as these will,
in the judgment of wise and candid men, appear fully to atone
for every ofience which can be justly imputed to him.f

When he took his seat in the House of Lords, he found that
assembly busied in ecclesiastical legislation. A statesman who

* Swift, writing andor the name of Gregory Misosaram, most malig-
nantly and dishonestly represents Burnet as grudging this grant to the
Charch. Swift cannot have been ignorant Uiat the Church was indebted
for the grant chiefly to Burnetts persevering exertions.

t See the Life of Burnet, at the end of the second volnme of his history,
his manuscript memoirs, Harl. 6584, his memorials touching the First
Fruits and Tenths, and Somers's letter to him on that subject. See also
what I)r King, Jacobite as he was, had the justice to say in his Anec-
Itotcs. A most honorable testimony to Burnet's virtues, given by another
Jacobite who had attacked him fiercely, an<l whom he had treated gco
fliously, the learned and upright Thomas Baker, will be found in Um
QenUeman's Mugazino fur August aud September, 1791.

1

%

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 68

was well known to be devoted to the Church had undertaken
to plead the cause of the Dissenters. No subject in the realm
occupied so important and commanding a position with refer-
ence to religious parties as Nottingham. To the influence de-
rived from rank, from wealth, and from office, he added the
higher influence which belongs to knowledge, to eloquence, and
to integrity. The orthodoxy of his creed, the regularity of his
devotions, and the purity of his morals, gave a peculiar weight
to his opinions on questions in which the interests of Christi-
anity were concerned. Of all the ministers of the new Sover-
eigns, he had the largest share of the confidence of the clergy.
Shrewsbury was certainly a Whig, and probably a free-thinker ;
Le had lost one religion ; and it did not very clearly appear
that he bad found another. Halifax had been during many
years accused of skepticism, deism, atheism. Danby's attach-
ment to episcopacy and the liturgy was rather political thao
religious. But Nottingham was such a son as the church was
proud to own. Propositions, therefore, which, if made by his
colleagues, would infallibly produce a violent panic among the
clergy, might, if made by him, find a favorable reception even
in universities and chapter houses. The friends of religious
liberty were with good reason desirous to obtain his coopera-
tion ; and, up to a certain point, he was not unwilling to co-
operate with them. He was decidedly for a toleration. He
was even for what was then called a comprehension ; that is to
say, he was desirous to make some alterations in the Anglican
discipline and ritual for the purpose of removing the scruples
of the moderate Presbyterians. But he was not prepared to
give up the Test Act The only fault which he found with
that Act was that it was not sufficiently stringent, and that it
left loopholes through which schismatics sometimes crept into
dvil employments. In truth, it was because he was not dis-
posed to part with the Test that he was willing to consent to
some changes in the Liturgy. He conceived that, if the en-
trance of the Church were but a very little widened, great
numbers who had hitherto lingered near the threshold would
press in. Those who still remained without would then not be
sufficiently numerous or powerful to extort any further conces-
sion, and would be glad to compound for a bare toleration.*

* Oldmixon woald have ufi believe that Nottin<|^haiii was notf at this
time, OQwilUng to give up the Test Act. But Oldioixon's assertion, pxi*
lopparted by evidence, is of no weight whatever; aiid all the evidenos
wu<*-r. he producer makes against his assertion.

i4 HlSrOBT OV TV^hAXD.

The opiDion of tho Low Churchmen oonceroing the Toflt
Act difiered widely from his. But roanj of them thought that
it was of the highest importance to have his support on the
great questions of Toleration and Comprehension. From the
scattered fragments of information which have come down to
us, it appears that a compromise was made. It was quite cer*
tttin that Nottingham undertook to bring in a Toleration Bill
and a Comprehension Bill, and to use his best endeavors to
carry both bills through the House of Lords. It is highly
probable that, in return for this gre^t service, some of the lead*
ing Whigs consented to let the Test Act remain for the present
unaltered.

There was no difficulty in framing either the Toleratioo
Bill or the Comprehension BilL The situation of the dissent-
ers had been much discussed nine or ten years before, when
the kingdom was distracted by the fear of a Popish plot, and
when Uiere was among Protestants a general disposition to
unite against the conmion enemy. The government had then
been willing to make large concessions to the Whig party, on
condition that the crown should be suffered to descend accord-
ing to the regular course. A draft of a law authorizing the
public worship of the non-conformists, and a drafl of a law
making some alterations in the public worship of the Estab-
lished Church, had been prepared, and would probably have
been passed by both Houses without difficulty, had not Shaftes-
bury and his coadjutors refused to listen to any terms, and, by
grasping at what was beyond their reach, missed advantages
which might easily have been secured. In the framing of
these drafls, Nottingham, then an active member of the
House o£ Commons, had borne a considerable part. He now
brought them forth from the obscurity in which they had re-
mained since the dissolution of the Odbrd Parliament, and
laid them, with some slight alterations, on the table of the
Lords.*

The Toleration Bill passed both Houses with little debate.
This celebrated statute, long considered as the Great Charter
of religious liberty, has since been extensively modified, and

* Bnmet, ii. 6; Van Citters to the States Genenil, March jVi 1689;
King William's Toleration, being an explanation of that liberty of con«
•cii'tiee which may be expected from His Majesty's Declaration, with a
Bill for Ck>mpn3hension and Indulgence, drawn up in ordor to an Act o#
Parliament, licensed March S6, 1689

HI8TOKT OV BHOLAKD. 65

B luudly known to the present generation except by nt^m^
The name, however, is still pronounced with respect by many
who will perhaps learn with surprise and disappointmeat the
real nature of the law which they have been accustomed to
bold in honor.

Several statutes which had been passed between the acces-
sicn of Queen Elizabeth and the Revolution required all
people under severe penalties to attend the services of thi
Church of England, and to abstain from attending conven-
ticles. The Toleration Act did not repeal any of these sta^
utes, but merely provided that they should not be construed to
extend to any person who should testify his loyalty by taking
the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and his Protestant-
ism by subscribmg the Declaration against Transubstantiation*

The relief thus granted was common between the dissenting
laity and the dissenting clergy. But the dissenting clergy had
some peculiar grievances. The Act of Unifonnity had laid
a mulct of a hundred pounds on every person who, not having
received episcopal oi'dination, should presume to administer
the Eucharist. The Five Mile Act had driven many pious
and learned ministers from their houses and their friends, to
live among rustics in obscure villages of which the name was
not to be seen on the map. The Conventicle Act had im«
posed heavy fines on divines who should preach in any meet-
ing of separatists ; and, in direct opposition to the humane
spirit of our common law, the Courts were enjoined to con
strue this Act largely and beneficially for the suppressing of
dissent and for the encouraging of informers. These severe
statutes were not repealed, but were, with many conditions and
precautions, relaxed. It was provided that every dissenting
minbter should, before he exercised his function, profess under
his hand his belief in the articles of the Church of England,
with a few exceptions. The propositions to which he was no|
required to assent were these : that the Church has power to
regulate ceremonies ; that the doctrines set forth in the Book
of Homilies are sound ; and that there is nothing superstitious
ijid idolatrous in the ordination service. If he declared him^
self a Baptist, he was also excused from affirming that the
taptism of infants is a laudable practice. But, unless his
eonscience suffered him to subscribe thirty-four of the tlui'ty*
nine articles, and the greater part of two other articles, he
could not preach without incurring all the punishments which
die Cavaliers, in the day of their power and their vengeance^

6C HISTORY OF SHOLAND.

hud devised for the tormentmg and raining of schismatical
tench ers.

The situation of the Quaker differed from that of other dis-
senters, and differed for the worse. The Presbyterian, the
Independent, and the Baptist had no scruple about the Oath
of Supremacy. But the Quaker refused to take it, not because
he objected to the proposition that foreign sovereigns and pre-
lates have no jurisdiction in England, but because his con-
science would not suffer him to swear to any proposition what-
ever. He was therefore exposed to the severity of part of that
penal code which, long before Quakerism existed, had been
enacted against Roman Catholics by the Parliaments of Eliza-
beth. Soon after the Restoration, a sevei^e law, distinct from
the general law which applied to all conventicles, had been
pass^ against meetings of Quakers. The Toleration Act per-
mitted the members of this harmless sect to hold their assem-
blies in peace, on condition of signing three documents, a
declaration against Transubstantiation, a promise of fidelity to
the government, and a confession of Christian belief. The
objections which the Quaker had to the Athanosian phraseology
had brought on him the imputation of Socinianism ; and the
strong language in which he sometimes asserted that he derived
his knowledge of spiritual things directly from above, had raised
a suspicion that he thought lightly of the authority of Scripture.
He was tlierefore required to profess his faith in the divinity
of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, and in the inspiration of the
Old and New Testaments.

Such were the terms on which the Protestant dissenters of
England were, for the first time, permitted by law to worship
God according to their own conscience. They were very
properly forbidden to assemble with barred doors, but were
protected against hostile intrusion by a clause which made it
penal to enter a meeting-house for the purpose of molesting
the congregation.

As if the numerous limitations and precautions which have
been mentioned were insufficient, it was emphatically declared
that the legislature did not intend to grant the smallest indul-
gence to any Papist, or to any person who denidd the doctrine
of the Trinity as that doctrine is set forth in^the formularies
^f the Church of England.

Of all the Acts that have ever been passed by Parliament^
the Toleration Act is perhaps that which most strikingly illas-
trates the peculiar vices and the peculiar ezcellencos of Eng-

RI8T0BT OF ENOLAKD* 67

UaL It^sladoiL The science of Politics bears in one respect a
dose analogy to the science of Mechanics. The mathematician
can easily demonstrate that a certain power, applied by means
of a certain lever or of a certain system of pulleys will
Buffice to raise a certain weight. But his demonstration pro-
ceeds on the supposition that the machinery is such as no load
will bend or break, if the engineer, who has to lift a great
mass of real granite by the instrumentality of real timber and
real hemp, should absolutely rely on the propositions which he
finds in treatises on Dynamics, and should make no allowance
for the imperfection of Ills materials, his whole apparatus of
beams, wheeb, and ropes would soon come down in ruin, and,
with all his geometrical skill, he would be found a far inferior
builder to those painted barbarians who, though they never
heard of tlie parallelogram of forces, managed to pile up Stone-
henge. What the engineer is to the mathematician, the active
statesman is to the contemplative statesman. It is indeed most
important that legislators and administrators should be versed
in the philosophy of government, as it is most important that
the architect, who has to fix an obelisk on its pedestal, or to
hang a tubular bridge over an estuary, should be versed in the
philosophy of equilibrium and motion. But, as he who has
actually to build must bear in mind many things never noticed
by D'Alembert and £uler, so must he who has actually to
govern be perpetually guided by considerations to which no
allusion can be found in the writings of Adam Smith or Jeremy
Bentham. The perfect lawgiver is a just temper between the
mere man of theory, who can see nothing but general princi-
ples, and the mere men of business, who can see nothing but
particular circumstances. Of lawgivers, in whom the specula-
tive element has prevailed, to the exclusion of the practical,
the world has during the last eighty years been singularly
fruitfuL To their wisdom Europe and America have owed
scores of abortive constitutions, scores of constitutions which
have lived just long enough to make a miserable noise, and
have then gone off in convulsions. But in the English legis*
lature the practical element has always predominate, and not
eeldom unduly predominated over the speculative. To think
nothing of symmetry, and much of convenience ; never to re-
move an anomaly merely because it is an anomaly ; never to
innovate, except when some grievance is felt ; never to inno-
vate except so far as to get rid of the grievance ; never to
lay down any proposition of wider extent than the particular

96 HI8T0BT OP EKGLAKD.

easo for which it is necessary to provide ; these are the ralef
which have, from the age of John to the age of Victoria, gen-
erally guided the delibemtions of our two hundred and fitly
Parliamonts. Our national distaste for whatever is abstract
in political science amounts undoubtedly to a fault Yet it is,
perhaps, a fault on the right side. That we have been far too
slow to improve our laws must be admitted. But, though in
other countries there may have o&':asionally been more rapid
progress, it would not be easy to name any other country in
which there has been so little retrogression.

The Toleration Act approaches very near to the idea of a
great English law. To a jurist, versed in the theory of legis-
lation, but not intimately acqumnted with the temper of the
Beets and parties into which the nation was divided at the time
of the Revolution, that Act would seem to be a mere chaos
of absurdities and contradictions. It will not bear to be ti'ied
by sound general principles. Nay, it will not bear to be tried
by any principle, sound or unsound. The sound principle
undoubtedly is, that mere theological error ought not to b«
punished by the civil magistrate. This principle the Toler*
ation Act not only does not recognize, but positively disclaims
Not a single one of the cruel laws enacted against non-conform<*
ists by the Tudors or the Stuarts is repealed. Persecution
continuas to be the general rule. Toleration is the exception.
Nor is this all. The freedom which is given to conscience, is
given in the most capricious manner. A Quaker, by making
a declaration of faith in general terms, obtains the full benefit
of the Act without signing one of the thirty-nine Articles.* An
Independent minister, who is perfectly willing to make the
declaration requii'ed from the Quaker, but who has doubts
about six or seven of the Articles, remains still subject to the
penal laws. Howe is liable to punishment if he preaches be-
fore he has solemnly declared his assent to the Anglican doc-
trine touching the Eucharist Penn, who altogether rejects the
Eucharist, is at perfect liberty to preach without making any
declaration whatever on the subject

These are some of the obvious faults which must strike eveiy
person who examines the Toleration Act by that standard of
just reason which is the same in all countries and in all ages.
But these very faults may perhaps appear to be merits, when
we take into consideration the passions and prejudices of those
for whom the Toleration Act was framed. This law, abound-
ing with contradictiona which every smatterer in political phi*

msTOKir or sitOLAKD. 69

loflophy can detect, did what a law framed bj the utmost skUl
of the greatest masters of political philosophy might have failed
to da That the provisions which have been recapitulated are
cumbrous, puerile, inconsistent with each other, inconsistent
with the true theory of religions liberty, must be acknowl-
edged. All that can be said in their defence is this ; that
they removed a vast mass of evil without shocking a vast mass
of prejudice ; that they put an end, at once and forever, withoat
one division in either House of Parliament, without one riot in
the streets, with scarcely one audible murmur, even from the
classes most deeply tainted with bigotry, to a persecution which
had raged during four generations, which had broken innumer-
able hearts, which had made innumerable firesides desolate^
which had filled the prisons with men of whom the world war
not worthy, which had driven thousands of those honesty
diligent, and god-fearing yeomen and artisans, w^ are the
Ime strength of a nation, to seek a refuge beyond the ocean,
among the wigwams of red Indians and the lairs of panthers.
Such a defence, however weak it may appear to some shallow
speculators, will probably be thought complete by statesmen.

The English, in 1 689, were by no means disposed to admit
the doctrine that religious error ought to be lefl unpunished.
That doctrine was just then more unpopular than it had ever
been. For it had, only a few months before, been hypocriti-
cally put forward as a pretext for persecuting the Established
Church, for trampling on the fundamental laws of the realm,
for confiscating freeholds, for treating as a crime the modest
exercise of the right of petition. If a bill had then been drawn
op granting entire freedom of conscience to all Protestants, it
may be confidently aflirmed that Nottingham would never have
introduced such a bill ; that all the bishops, Burnet included,
would have voted against it ; that it would have been denounced,
Sunday after Sunday, from ten thousand pulpits, as an insult
to God and to all Christian men, and as a license to the worst
heretics and blasphemers ; that it would have been condemned
almost as vehemently by Bates and Baxter as by Ken and
Sherlock ; that it would have been burned by the mob in half
the market places of England I that it would never have become
the law of the land, and that it would have made the very
name of toleration odious during many years to the majority of
the people. And yet, if such a bill had been passed, what would
it have efiectcd beyond what was efiectcd by the Toleration Act ?

It is true that the Toleration Act recognized persecution as

70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

the rule, and giuntcd liberty of conscience only as the excep*
tion. But it is equally true that the rule remained in force
only iigainst a few hundreds of Protestant dissenters, and that
the benefit of the exceptions extended to hundreds of thousands.

It is true that it was in theory absurd to make Howe sign
thirty-four or thirty-five of the Anglican articles before he
could preach, and to let Penn preach without signing one of
those articles. But it is equally true that, under this arrange-
ment, both Howe and Penn got as entire liberty to preach tia
they could have had under the most philosophical code that
Beccaria or Jefierson could have framed.

The progress of the bill was easy. Only one amendment
of grave importance was proposed. Some zealous churchmen
in the Commons suggested tliat it might be desirable to grant
the toleration only for a term of seven years, and thus to bind
over the non-conformists to good behavior. But this suggestion
was so unfavorably received that those who made it did not
venture to divide the House.*

The King gave his consent with hearty satisfaction ; the bill
became law ; and the Puritan divines thronged to the Quarter
Sessions of every county to swear and sign. Many of them
probably professed their assent to the Articles with some tacit
reservations. But the tender conscience of Baxter would not
suffer him to qualify, till he had put on record an explanation
of the sense in which he understood every proposition which
seemed to him to admit of misconstruction. The instrument
delivered by him to the Court before which he took the oaths
is still extant, and contains two passages of peculiar interest.
He declared that his approbation of the Athanasian Creed
was confined to that part which was properly a Creed, and
that he did not mean to express any assent to the damnatory
clauses. He also declared that he did not, by signing the
article which anathematizes all who maintain that there is any
other salvation than through Christ, mean to condemn those
who entertain a hope that sincere and virtuous unbelievers
may be admitted to partake in the benefits of redemption.
Miuiy of the dissenting clergy of London expressed their con*
cnrrence in these charitable sentiments, f

The history of the Comprehension Bill pre sents a remarka

♦ Commons' Journals, May 1 7, 1 689.

t Sense of the sabHcrilHid articles by the Ministers of London, \%iO\
OftUmj's Uistorical Additions to Baxter's Lite. *

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 71

ble contrast to the history of tlie Toleration Bill. The two
bills had a common origin, and, to a great extent, a common
ibject. They were framed at the same time, and laid aside at
the tfame time ; they sank together into oblivion ; and they
were, aAei the lapse of several years, again brought together
before the world. Both were laid by the same peer on the
table of the Upper House ; and both were referred to the same
select committee. But it soon began to appear that they would
have widely different fates. The Comprehension Bill wae
indeed a neater specimen of legislative workmanship than the
Toleration Bill, but was not, like the Toleration Bill, adapted
to the wants, the feelings, and the prejudices of the existing
generation. Accordingly, while the Toleration Bill found
rapport in all quarters, the Comprehension Bill was attacked
from all quarters, and was at last coldly and languidly defended
even by thoi-^e who had introduced it About the same time at
which the Toleration Bill became law with the general con-
currence of public men, the Comprehension Bill was, with a
concurrence not less general, suffered to drop. The Toleration
Bill still ranks among those great statutes which are epochs in
our constitutional history. The Comprehension Bill is forgotten.
No collector of antiquities has thought it worth preserving.
A single copy, the same which Nottingham presented to the
peers, is still among our parliamentary records, but has been
seen by only two or three persons now living. It is a fortu*
nate circumstance that, in this copy, almost the whole history
of the Bill can be read. In spite of cancellations and inter-
lineations, the original words can easily be distinguished from
those which were inserted in the committee or on the report.*

The first clause, as it stood when the bill was introduced,
dispensed all the ministers of the Established Church from the
necessity of subscribing the Thirty-nine Articles. For the
Articles was substituted a Declaration which ran thus : ^ I do
approve of the doctrine and worship and government of the
Church of England by law established, as containing all thinga
necessary to stilvation ; and I promise, in the exercise of my
ministry, to preach and practise according thereunto." Another

♦ The bill will he found amon{^ the Archives of the Hoase of Lords
It 18 strange that this vast collection of important docamcnts should have
been altogether neglected, even by our most exact and diligent historians.
It was opened to nie by one of the most valued of my friends, Mr. John
Lefevre ; and mj reaoarcbes were greatly assisted by the kindness of Mr.
Thorns •

7i HISTOBT OV EIf€»LAin>.

datise granted similar indulgence to the members of the two
ODiversities.

Then it was provided that any minister who had been ordsuned
after the Presbyterian fashion might, without reordination, ac-
quire all the privileges of a priest of the Established GhurclL
He must, however, be admitted to his new functions by the im-
position of the hands of a bishop, who was to pronounce the
allowing form of words : ^ Take thou authority to preach the
word of Crod, and administer the sacraments, and to perform all
Other ministerial offices in the Church of England." The per-
son thus admitted was to be capable of holding any rectory or
ricarage in the kingdom.

Then followed clauses providing that a clergyman might,
Except in a few churches of peculiar dignity, wear the surplice
#r not as he thought fit, that the sign of the cross might be
Emitted in baptism, that children might be christened, if such
were the wish of their parents, without godfathers or godmoth-
ers, and that persons who had a scruple about receiving the
Eucharist kneeling might receive it sitting.

The concluding clause was drawn in the form of a petition.
it was proposed that the two Houses should request the King
Mind Queen to issue a commission empowering thirty divines of
whe Established Church to revise the Uturgy, the canons, and
the constitution of the ecclesiastical courts, and to recommend
buch alterations as might on inquiry appear to be desirable.

The bill went smoothly through the first stages. Compton,
who, since Sancrofl had shut himself up at Lambeth, was vir-
mally Primate, supported Nottingham with ardor.* In the
committee, however, it appeared that there was a strong body
of churchmen, who were determined not to give up a single
word or form ; to whom it seemed that the prayers were no
prayers without the surplice, the babe no Christian if not
marked with the cross, the bread and wine no memorials of re-
demption or vehicles of grace if not received on bended knee.
Wliy, these persons asked, was the docile and affectionate son
of the Church to be disgusted by seeing the irreverent practices

• Among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library is a very curioas
letUT from Compton to Sancroft, about the Toleration Bill and the Com-
prehension Bill. "These," says Compton, "are two great works in
which the Iwing of oar (>liurch is concerned ; and I hope yon will send to
the Iloone for copies. For, thoagh we are under a conquest, Gk>d hai
given us tavor in the eyes of our rulers ; and we may keep our Church if
we will." &Aavioft seems to have returned do allswer.

BISTORT OP BNOLAHD. 79

of a ocmyenticle introduced into her majestic choirs ? Whj
should his feelings, his prejudices, if prejudices thej were, be
less considered than the whims of schismatics ? If, as Burnet
and men like Burnet were never wearj of repeating, indulgence
was due to a weak brother, was it less due to the brother whose
weakness consisted in the excess of his love for an ancient, a
decent, a beautiful ritual, associated in his imagination from child*
hood with ail that is most sublime and endearing, than to him
whose morose and litigious mind was always devising frivolous
objections to innocent and salutary usages r But, in truth, the
Bcmpulosity of the Puritan was not that sort of scrupulosity
which the Apostle had commanded believers to respect It
sprang, not from morbid tenderness of conscience, but from cen-
soriousness and spiritual pride ; and none who had studied the
New Testament could have failed to observe that, while we are
charged carefully to avoid whatever may give scandal to the
feeble, we are taught by divine precept and example to make no
concession to the supercilious and unchai-itable Phai-isee. AVas
every thing which was not of the essence of religion to be given
up as soon as it became unpleasing to a knot of zealots whose
heads had been turned by conceit and the love of novelty ?
Painted glass, music, holidays, fast days, were not of the essence
of religion. Were the windows of King's College chapel to be
broken at the demand of one set of fanatics ? Was the organ
of Exeter to be silenced to please another ? Were all the vil-
lage bells to be mute because Tribulation Wholesome and Dea-
con Ananias thought them profane ? Was Christmas no longer
to be a day of rejoicing ? Was Passion week no longer to be
a season of humiliation ? These changes, it is true, were not
yet proposed. But if, — so the High Churchmen reasoned,— f"
we once admit that what is harmless and edifying is to be given
up because it offends some narrow understandings and some .
gloomy tempers, where are we to stop ? And is it not probable
that, by thus attempting to heal one schism, we may cause an-
other? All those things which the Puritans regard as the
blemishes of the Church are by a large part of the population
reckoned among her attractions. May she not, in ceasing to
give scandal to a few sour precisians, cease also to influence the
hearts of many who now delight in her ordinances ? Is it not
to j^ apprehended that, for every proselyte whom she allures
from the meeting-house, ten of her old disciples may turn away
from her maimed rites and dismantled temples, and that these
oew separatists may either form themselves into a sect &r mora
VOL. in, 4

74 BISTORT OP EHOLAKB.

formidable tlum the sect which we are now seeking to conciliatOi
or maj, in tiie violence of their disgust at a cold and ignoble
worship, be tempted to join in the solemn and gorgeous idohitrj
of Rome?

It is remarkable that those who held this language were bj
no means disposed to contend for the doctrinal Articles of the
Church. The truth is that, from the time of James the First,
that great party which had been peculiarly zealous for the
Anglican polity and the Anglican ritual has always leaned
strongly towards Arminianism, and has therefore never been
much attached to a confession of faith framed by reformers
who, on questions of metaphysical divinity, generally agreed
with Calvin. One of the characteristic marks of that party ia
the disposition which it has always shown to appeal, on points
of dogmatic theology, rather to the Liturgy, which was derived
from Rome, tlian to tlie Articles and Homilies, which wera
derived from Greneva. The Calvinistic members of the Church,
on the other hand, have always maintained that her deliberate
judgment on such points is much more likely to be found in
an Article or a Homily than in an ejaculation of penitence or
a hymn of thanksgiving. It does not appear that, in the de«
bates on the Comprehension Bill, a single High Churchman
raised his voice against the clause which relieved the clergy
from the necessity of subscribing the Articles, and of declaring
the doctrine contained in the Homilies to be sound. Nay, the
Declaration which, in the original draft, was substituted for
the Articles, was much softened down on the report As the
clause finally stood, the ministers of the Church were required
to declare, not that they approved of her constitution, but
merely that they submitted to it. Had the bill become law,
the only people in the kingdom who would have been under
the necessity of signing the Articles would have been the dis-
senting preachers.*

The easy manner in which the zealous friends of the Church
gave up her confession of faith presents a striking contrast to
the spirit with which they struggled for her polity and her
riluaL The clause which admitted Presbyterian ministers to
hold benefices without episcopal ordination was rejected. The
clause which permitted scrupulous persons to communicate

* The distaste of the Hifi;h Chiirdiman for the Articles is the subject of
t cvioas pamphlet published in 16S9, and entitled a Dialogue between
Timothy and Titui.

RX8TOBT or BNOLAND. 75

littiiig Teiy narrowlj escaped the same fate. In the Com*
mittee it was struck out, and, on the report, was with great
difficnltj restored. The majority of peers in the House was
against the proposed indulgence, and the scale was but just
turned bj the proxies.

But by this time it Jbegan to appear that the bill which the
High Churchmen were so keenly assailing was menaced bj
dangers from a very different quarter. The same oonsidera*
dons which had induced Nottingham to support a oomprehen*
sion, made comprehension an object of dread and aversion to a
large body of <Ussenters. The truth is that the time for sncb
a scheme had gone by. If, a hundred years earlier, when the
division in the Protestant body was recent, Elizabeth had been
so wise as to abstain from requiring the observance of a few
forms which a large part of her subjects considered as Popish,
she might perhaps have averted those fearful calamities which,
forty years afler her death, afflicted the Church. But the
general tendency of schism is to widen. Had Leo the Tenth,
when the exactions and impostures of the Pardoners first
roused the indignation of Saxony, corrected those evil practices
with a vigorous hand, it is not improbable that Luther would
have died in the bosom of the Church of Rome. But the
opportunity was suffered to escape ; and, when, a few years
later, the Vatican would gladly have purchased peace by yield*
ing the original subject of quarrel, the original subject of
quarrel was almost forgotten. The inquiring spirit which had
been roused by a single abuse had discovered or imagined a
thousand ; controversies engendered controversies ; every at-
tempt that was made to accommodate one dispute ended by
producing another ; and at length a General Council, which
during the earlier stages of the distemper, had been supposed
to be an infallible remedy, made the case utterly hopeless. Id
tliis respect, as in many others, the history of Puritanism ill
England bears a dose analogy to the history of Protestantism
in Europe. The Pariiament of 1689 could no more put aa
end to non-conformity by tolerating a garb or a posture than the
Doctors of Trent could have reconcSed the Teutonic nations
to the Papacy by regulating the sale of indulgences. In the
sixteenth century Quakerism was unknown ; and there was
aot in the whole realm a single congregation of Independents
or Baptists. At the time of the Revolution, the Independents,
Baptists, and Quakers were a majority of the dissenting body}
uv\ these sects could not be gained over on any terms which

76 HISrOBT OF ENGLAND.

the lowest of Low Churchmen would have been willuig to
offer. The Independent held that a national Church, governed
hy any central authority whatever, Pope, Patriarch, Kin^
Bishop, or Synod, was an unscriptural institution, and that
every congregation of believers was, under Christ, a sovereign
society. The Baptist was even more irreclaimable than the
Independent, and the Quaker even more irreclaimable than the
B&ptbt Concessions, therefore, wliich would once have extin-
gruished non-conformity would not now satisfy even one half
of the non-conformists ; and it was the obvious interest of every
non-conformist whom no concession would satisfy that none of
his brethren should be satisfied. The more liberal the terms
of comprehension, the greater was the alarm of every sepa-
ratist who knew that he could, in no case, be comprehended.
There was but slender hope that the dissenters, unbroken and
acting as one man, would be able to obtain from the legislature
full admission to civil privileges ; and all hope of obtaining
such admission must be relinquished if Nottingham should, by
the help of some well-meaning but short-sighted friends of
religious Hberty, be enabled to accomplish his design. If his
bill passed, there would doubtless be a considerable defection
from the dissenting body ; and every defection must be se-
verely felt by a class already outnumbered, depressed, and
struggling against powerful enemies. Every proselyte too
must be reckoned twice over, as a loss to the parly which was
even now too weak, and as a gain to the party which was ever
now too strong. The Church was but too well able to hold
her own against all the sects in the kingdom ; and, if those
sects were to be thinned by a large desertion, and the Church
strengthened by a large reinforcement, it was plain that all
chance of obtaining any relaxation of the Test Act would be
at an end ; and it was but too probable that the Toleration Act
might not long remain unrepealed.

Even those Presbyterian ministers whose scruples the Com-
prehension Bill was expressly intended to remove were by no
means unanimous in wishing it to pass. The ablest and most
eloquent preachers among them had, since the Declaration of
Indulgence had appeared, been very agreeably settled in the
capital and in other large towns, and were now about to enjoy,
under the sure guarantee of an Act of Parliament, that tolera-
tion which, under the Declaration of Indulgence, had been illicit
and precarious. The situation of these men was such as the
great mi\)ority of th^ divines of the Elstabli.shed Church might

HltfTOBT OF KNGLAKD. 71

well eiiTj. Few indeed of the parochiul clergy were so
abimdantlj supplied with comforts as the favorite orator of a
great assembly of non-oonformists in the City. The voluntary
contributions of his wealthy hearers. Aldermen and Deputies,
West India merchants and Turkey merchants, Wardens of the
Company of Fishmongers and Wardens of the Company of
Goldsmiths, enabled Llm to become a land-owner or a mortgagee.
Tiie best broadcloth from Blackwell Hall, and the best poultry
from Leadenhall Market, were frequently left at his door. Hia
influence over his flock was immense. Scarcely any member
of a congregation of separatists entered into a partnership, mai^
ried a daughter, put a son out as apprentice, or gave his vote
at an election, without consulting his spiritual guide. On ail
political and literary questions the minister was the oracle of
his own circle. It was popularly remarked, during many yearsy
that an eminent dissenting minister had only to make his son
an attorney or a physician ; that the attorney was sure to have
clients, and the physician to have patients. While a waiting*
woman was generally considered as a help-meet for a chaplain
in holy orders of the Established Church, the widows and
daughters of opulent citizens were supposed to belong in a
peculiar manner to non-conformist pastors. One of the great
Presbyterian Rabbles, therefore, might well doubt whether, in
a worldly view, he should be benefited by a comprehension. He
might indeed hold a rectory or a vicarage, when he could get
one. But in the mean time he would be destitute ; his meeting-
house would be closed : his congregation would be dispersed
among the parish churches : if a benefice were bestowed on
him, it would probably be a very slender compensation for the
income which he had lost. Nor could he hope to have, as a
minister of the Anglican Church, the authority and dignity
which he had hitherto enjoyed. He would always, by a large
portion of the members of that Church, be regarded as a de-
. Bcrter. He might therefore, on the whole, very naturally wish
to be left where he was.*

• Tom Brown says, in his scnrrilons way, of the Presbyterian dirinct
of that time, that their preaching " brings in money, and money ba;ff
land ; and land Is an amitsumcnt they all desire, in spite of their hypocrit-
ical cant. If it were not for the quarterly contributions, there would be
DO longer schism or sepiiration.'* He asks how it can be imagined that,
whUe •* tliey nre maintained like gentlemen by the breach, they will ever
jreach np healing doctrines 1 " — Brown's Amusements, Serious and
?>omicai. Some carious instances of die iafluence exercised by the chief

78 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

There was consequently a division in die Whig party. One
section of that party was for relieving the dissenters from the
Test Act, and giving up the Comprehension Bill. Another
section was for pushing forward the Comprehension Bill, and
postponing to a more convenient time ttie consideration of the
Te^t Act. The effect of this division among the friends of
religious liberty was that the High Churchmen, though a
mmority in the House of Commonxi, and not a majority in the
House of Lords, were able to oppose with success both the re-
formzi which they dreaded. The Comprehension Bill was nfit
passect ; and the Test Act was not repealed.

Just at the moment when the question of the Test and the
question of the Comprehension became complicated together in
a mannei which might well perplex an enlightened and honest
politician, ooth questions became complicated with a third ques-
tion of grave importance.

The ancioflt oaths of allegiance and supremacy contained
some expressions which had always been disliked by the Whigs,
and other expressions which Tories, honestly attached to the
new settlemenvy thought inapplicable to princes who had not
the hereditary itfihu The Convention had therefore, while the
throne was still <facant, fi'amcd those oaths of allegiance and
supremacy by which we still testify our loyalty to our Sovereign.
By the Act whicn- turned the Convention into a Parliament,
the Members of \io\h Houses were required to take the new
oaths. As to other persons in public trust, it was hard to say
Low the law stood. One form of words was enjoined by stat-
utes, regularly parsed, and not yet regularly abrogated. A
different form was enjoined by the Declaration of Right, an in-
strument which was indeed revolutionary and irregular, but
which might well be thought equal in authority to any statute.
The practice was in as much confusion as the law. It was there-

dissenting ministers may be found in Hawkins's Life of Johnson. In the
Journal of the retired citizen^ CSpectator, 317,) Addison has indulged in
some exquisite pleasantry on this subject. Tlie Mr. Nisby, whose opinions
about the peace, the Grand Vizier, and laced coffee, are quoted with so
much respect, and who is so well regaled with marrow bones, ox cheek,
and a bottle of Brooks and Hcllier, was John Nesbit, a highly popular
preacher, who, about the time of the Revolution, became pastor of a dis-
senting congregation in Hare Court, Aldersgate Street.- In Wilson's
History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches and Meeting HoUjtes io
L<>ndon, Westminster, and Southwark, will be found several instances of
noa-oonformist preachers who, about this time, made handsome fmanuHi
(oneraily, it should seem, by marriage.

HUTOBT OF ENGLAND. 79

Km felt to be neoessarj that the legislature should, without delay,
|Mi8s an Act abolishing the old oaths, and determining when and
by whom the new oaths should be taken.

The bill which settled this important question oiiginated in
the Upper ELouse. As to most of the provisions there was
little room for dispute. It was unanimously agreed that no per-
aon should, at any future time, be admitted to any office, civil,
military, ecclesiastical, or academical, without taking the catha
to William and Mary. It was also unanimously agreed that
every person who already held any civil or military office should
be ejected from it, unless he took the oatlis on or before the
first of August, 1689. But the strongest passions of both par-
ties were exdted by the question whether persons who alreisidy
possessed ecclesiastical or academical offices should be required
to swear fealty to the King and Queen on pain of deprivation.
None could say what might be the effect of a law enjoining all
the members of a great, a powerful, a sacred profession to make,
under the most solemn sanction of religion, a declaration which
might be plausibly represented as a formal recantation of all
tliat they had been writing and preaching during many years.
The Primate and some of the most eminent Bishops had al-
ready absented themselves from Parliament, and would doubt-
less relinquish their palaces and revenues, rather than acknowl-
edge the new Sovereigns. The example of these great prelates
might perliaps be followed by a multitude of divines of humbler
rank, by hundreds of canons, prebendaries, and fellows of col-
leges, by thousands of parish priests. To such an event no
Tory, however clear tib own conviction that he might lawfully
swear allegiance to the lOng who was in possession, could look
forward without the most painful emotions of compassion for
the sufferers and of anxiety for the Church.

There were some persons who went so far as to deny that
the Parliament was competent to pass a law requiring a Bishop
to swear on pain of deprivation. No earthly power, they said,
ootild break the tie which bound the successor of the apostles
to his diocese. What God had joined no man could sunder.
Kings and senates might scrawl words on parchment or impress
figures on wax ; but those words and figures could no more
change the course of the spiritual than the course of the physi-
cal world. As the Author of the universe had appointed a
certain order, according to which it was His pleasure to send
winter and summer, seed lime and harvest, so lie had appointed
% certain order, according to which He communicated ills

80 mSTOBT OF EMOLAlkD.

grace to His Catholic Church ; and the latter order was, like
the former, independent of the powers and principalities of the
world. A legislature might alter the names of the months,
might call June December, and December June ; but, in spite
of the legislature, the snow would fall when the sun was in
Capricorn, and the flowers would bloom when he was in Chan-
cer. And so the legislature might enact that Ferguson or
Muggleton should live in the palace at Lambeth, should sit on
the throne of Augustin, should be called Your Grace, and
should walk in processions before the Premier Duke ; but, in
•pite of the legislature, Sancrofl would, while Sancrofl lived«
be tb«t onlj true Archbishop of Canterbury ; and the person
who should presume to usurp the archiepiscopal functions
would be a schismatic This doctrine was proved by reasons
drawn from the budding of Aaron's rod, and from a certain
plate which Saint James the Less, according to a legend of the
fourth century, used to wear on his forehead. A Greek manu-
script, relating to the deprivation of bishops, was discovered,
about this time, in the Bodleian Library, and became the sub-
ject of a furious controversy. One party held that God had
wonderfully brought this precious volume to light, for the guid-
ance of Uis Church at a most critical moment. The other
party wondered that any importance could be attached to the
nonsense of a nameless scribbler of the thirteenth century.
Much was written about the deprivations of Chrysostom and
Photius, of Nicolaus Mysticus, and Cosmas Atticus. But the
case of Abiathar, whom Solomon put out of the sacerdotal
office for treason, was discussed with peculiar eagerness. No
small quantity of learning and ingenuity was expended in the
attempt to prove that Abiathar, though he wore the ephod and
answered by Urim, was not really High Priest, that he minis-
tered only when his superior Zadoc was incapacitated by sick-
ness or by some ceremonial pollution, and that, therefore, the
act of Solomon was not a precedent which would warrant King
William in deposing a real Bishop.*

But such reasoning as this, though backed by copious cita-
tions from the Misna and Maimonides, was not generally satis-
factory even to zealous c-hurchmen. For it admitted of one

* See, among many other tracts, DodwoU'b Caationary DiBcoarse, his
Vindication of the Deprived Bishops, his Defence of the v indication, and
his Paranesis; and Bisby's Unit^ of Priesthood, printed in 1692. Se«
also Body's tracts on the other side, the Baroccian MS., and Soiomofl

id Abiathar, a Dialogae between Euchures and Dy^chores.

HI8TOBT OP BNOLAKD. B\

■nswer, short, bat perfectly intelligible to a plain man who
knew nothing aboat Greek fathers* or Levitical genealogies.
There might be some doubt whether King Solomon had ejected
a high priest ; bat there could be no doubt at all that Queen
Elizabedi had ejected the Bishops of more than half the sees
in England. It was notorious that fourteen prelates had, with-
out anj proceeding in anj spiritual court, been deprived bj
Act of Parliament for refusing to acknowledge her supremacy.
Had that deprivation been null? Had Bonner continued to
be, to the end of his life, the only true Bishop of London ?
Had his successor been an usurper ? Had Parker and Jewel
been schismatics ? Had the Convocation of 1562, that Convoca-
tion which had finally settled the doctrine of the Church of Eng-
land, been itself out of the pale of the Church of Christ ? Nothing
could be more ludicrous than the distress of those controver-
sialists who had to invent a plea for Elizabeth which should
not be also a plea for William. Some zealots, indeed, gave up
the vain attempt to distinguish between two cases which every
man of common sense perceived to be undistinguishable, and
frankly owned that the deprivations of 1559 could not be
justified. . But no person, it was said, ought to be troubled in
mind on that account; for, though the Church of England
might once have been schismatical, she had become Catholic
when the Bishops deprived by Elizabeth had ceased to live.*
The Tories, however, were not generally disposed to admit that
the religious society to which they were fondly attached had
originated in an unlawful breach of unity. They, therefore,
took ground lower and more tenable. They argued the ques-
tion as a question of humanity and of expediency. They spoke
much of the debt of gratitude which the nation owed to the
priesthood ; of the courage and fidelity with which the order,
from the primate down to the youngest deacon, had recently
defended the dvil and ecclesiastical constitution of the realm ;
of the memorable Sunday when, in all the hundred churches
of the capital, scarcely one slave could be found to read the
Declaration of Indulgence ; of the Black Friday when, amidst
the blessings and the loud weeping of a mighty population,
the barge of the seven prelates passed through the water-

* Burnet, ii. 186. Of all attempts to distiDguiBh between the depri-
/ations of 1659 and the deprivations of 1689, the most absurd was madt
ky Dodwell. See his Doctrine of the Church of England concerning
die Independency of the Clergy on the lay Power, 1697.

6X HIttTOBT or EKOLAKD.

gaU) of tfio Tower. The firmness with which the clergy had
lately, in defiance of menace and of seduction, done what they
conscientiously believed to be right, had saved the liberty and
religion of England. Was no indulgence to be granted to
them if they now refused to do what they conscientiously ap-
prehended to be wrong? And where, it was said, is the
danger of treating them with tenderness ? Nobody is so ab-
surd as to propose that they shall be permitted to plot against
the Grovemment, or to stir up the multitude to insurrection.
They are amenable to the law, like other men. If they are
guilty of treason, let them be hanged. If they are guilty of sedi-
tion; let them be fined and imprisoned. If they omit, in their
public ministrations, to pray for King William, for Queen
Mary, and for the Parliament assembled under those most re-
ligious sovereigns, let the penal clauses of the Act of Uni-
formity be put in force. If this be not enough, let his Majesty
be empowered to tender the oaths to any clergyman ; and if
the oaths so tendered are refused, let deprivation follow. In
this way any nonjuring bishop or rector who may be suspected,
though he cannot be legally convicted, of intriguing, of writ-
ing, of talking, against tiie present settlement, may be at once
removed from his otfice. But why insist on ejecting a pious
and laborious minister of religion, who never lifts a finger or
utters a word against the government, and who, as oflen as he
performs morning and evening service, prays from his heart
for a blessing on the rulers set over him by Providence, but
who will not take an oath which seems to him to imply a right
in the people to depose a sovereign ? Surely we do all that is
necessary if we leave men of this sort at the mercy of the
very prince to whom they refuse to swear fidelity. If he is
grilling to bear with their scrupulosity, if he considers them,
notwithstanding their prejudices, as innocent and useful mem-
bers of society, who else can be entitled to complain ?

The Whigs were vehement on the other side. They scru-
tinized, with ingenuity sharpened by hatred, the claims of the
clergy to the public gratitude, and sometimes went so far as
altogether to deny that the order had in the preceding year
deserved well of the nation. It was true that bishops and
priests had stood up against the tyranny of the late King; but
it was equally true that, but for the obstinacy with which they
bad opposed the Exclusion Bill, he never would have been
King, and that, but for their adulation and their doctrine of
passive obediencoi he would never have ventured to b« guilty

aisTeav or knolakd. M

of ladi ijrranny. Their chief business, during a quarter of a
eentury, had been to teach the people to cringe and the prinoa
to domineer. Thej were guilty of the blood of Russell, of Sid-
ney, of every brave and honest Englishman who had been put
lo death for attempting to save the realm from Popery and
despotism. Never had they breathed a whisper against arbitrary
power till arbitrary power began to menace their own property
and dignity. Then, no doubt, forgetting all their old oommoQ«
places about submitting to Nero, they had made haste to save
themselves. Grant, — such was the cry of these eager dispo*
tants, — grant that, in saving themselves, they saved the con*
Btitution. Are we therefore to forget that they had previously
endangered it ? And are we to reward them by now permitting
them to destroy it? Here is a class of men closely connected
with the state. A large part of the produce of the soil has been
assigned to them for their maintenance. Their chiefis have
Beats in the legislature, wide domains, stately palaces. By this
privileged body the great mass of the population is lectured
every week from the chair of authority. To this privileged
body has been committed the supreme direction of liberal
education. Oxford and Cambridge, Westminster, Winchester,
and Eton, are under priestly government By the priesthood
will to a great extent be formed the character of the nobility
and gentry of the next generation. Of the higher clergy soma
have in their gifl numerous and valuable benefices ; others have
the privilege of appointing judges who decide grave questions
afiecting the liberty, the property, the reputation of their Ma-
jesties' subjects. And is an order thus favored by the state to
give no guarantee to the state ? On what principle can it be
contended that it is unnecessary to ask from an Archbishop of
Canterbury or from a Bishop of Durham that promise of fidel-
ity to the government which all allow that it is necessary to
demand from every layman who serves the Crown in the hum-
bloBt office. Every exciseman, every collector of the custouMi
who refuses to swear, is to be deprived of his bread. For these
humble martyrs of passive obedience and hereditary right no-
body has a word to say. Yet an ecclesiastical magnate who
refuses to swear is to be suffered to retain emoluments, patron-
age, power, equal to those of a great minister of state. It
b said that it is superfluous to impose the oaths on a clergy-
man, because he may be punished if he breaks the laws. Why
is not the same argument urged in favor of the layman ? And
why, if the clergyman really means to observe the laws, doop

UA HI8T0BT or ENOLAKO.

he scruple to take the oaths ? The law commands him to dee*
ignate William and Mary as King and Queen, to do this io
the most sacred place, to do this in the administration of the
most solemn of all the rites of religion. The law commands
him to pray that the illustrious pair may be defended by a
special providence, that they may be victorious over every
enemy, and that their Parliament may by divine guidance be
led to take such a course as may promote their safety, honor,
and welfare. Can we believe that his conscience will suffer
him to do all this, and yet will not suffer him to promise
that he will be a faithful subject to them ?

To the proposition that the nonjuring clergy should be left
to the mercy of the King, the Whigs, with some justice, re-
plied that no scheme could be devised more unjust to his Ma-
jesty. The matter, they said, is one of public concern, one in
which every Englishman who is unwilling to be the slave of
France and of Borne has a deep interest. In such a case it
would be unworthy of the Estates of the Realm to shrink from
the responsibility of providing for the common safety, to try to
obtain for themselves the praise of tenderness and liberality,
and to leave to the Sovereign the odious task of proscription.
A law requiring all public functionaries, civil, military, eccle-
siastical, without distinction of persons, to take the oaths is at
least equaL It excludes all suspicion of partiality, of personal
malignity, of secret spying and talebearing. But, if an arbi-
trary discretion is leil to the Government, if one nonjuring
priest is suffered to keep a lucrative benefice while another is
turned with his wife and children into the street, every ejection
will be considered as an act of cruelty, and will be imputed as
a crime to the sovereign and his ministers.*

Thus the Parliament had to decide, at the same moment,
what quantity of relief should be granted to the consciences of
dissenters, and what quantity of pressure should be applied to
the consciences of the clergy of the Established Church. The
King conceived a hope that it might be in his power to effect
a compromise agreeable to all parties. He flattered himself
that the Tories might be induced to make some concession to the
dissenters, on condition that the Whigs would be lenient to the
Jacobites. He determined to try what his personal intervene

* As to thia oontroTersy, loe Baraet, ii. 7, 8, 9 ; Grey's Debates, April
19 «ad 2a, 1689; Commons' Jonnuds of April 20 and 22, Lonhf
Jomnals April 21.

HISTOST OF KVQLAND. 8ft

tion woald effect It chanced that, a few hours after the Lorda
had r^ad the GompreheDaion Bill a second time, and the Bill
touching the Oaths a first time, he had occasion to go down to
Parliament for the purpose of giving hb assent to a law. From
the throne he addressed both Houses, and expiessed an earnest
wish that thej would consent to modify the existing laws in
tuch a manner that all Protestants might be admitted to publio
employment.* It was well understood that he was willing, if
the legislature would comply with his request, to let clergymen
who were already beneficed, continue to hold their benefices
without swearing allegiance to him. His conduct on this ocoa^
sion deserves undoubtedly the praise of disinterestedness. It
is honorable to him that he attempted to purchase liberty c^
conscience for his subjects, by giving up a safeguard of his own
crown. But it must be acknowledged that he showed less
wisdom than virtue. The only Englishman in his Privy Coun-
cil whom he had consulted, if Burnet was correctly informed,
was Richard Hampden ; f and Richard Hampden, though a
highly respectable man, was so far from being able to answer
for the Whig party, that he could not answer even for his own
son John, whose temper, naturally vindictive, had been exas-
perated into ferocity by the stings of remorse and shame. The
King soon found that there was in the hatred of the two great
factions an energy which was wanting to their love. The
Wliigs, though they were almost unanimous in thinking that
the Sacramental Test ought to be abolished, were by no means
unanimous in thinking that moment well chosen for the aboli-
tion ; and even those Whigs who were most desirous to see the
non-conformists relieved without delay from civil disabilities,
were fully determined not to forego the opportunity of hum-
bling and punishing the class to whose instrumentality chiefly
was to be ascribed that tremendous reflux of public feeling
which had followed the dissolution of the Oxford Parliament.
To put the Janes, the Souths, the Sherlocks, into such a situa-
tion that they must either starve, or recant, publicly, and with
the Gospel at their lips, all the ostentatious professions of many
years, was a revenge too delicious to be relinquished. The
Tory, on the other hand, sincerely respected and pitied those
clergymen who felt scruples about the oaths. But the Test
ras, in his view, essential to the safety of the established rblig*

* Lords' Journals, March 16, 1689.
t Burnet, ii. 7, 8.

M BISTORT OP KVOLAND.

ioD, and must not be surrendered for the purpose of saving
any man. however eminent, from any hardship however sertp
ous. It would be a sad day doubtless for the Church, when
the episcopal bench, the chapter-houses of catliedrals, the halls
of GC lieges, would miss some men renowned for piety and leanv-
ing. But it would be a still sadder day for the Church when
an Independent should bear the white staff, or a Baptist sit n
the woolsack. Each party tried to serve those for whom it
was interested ; but neither party would consent to grant favor*
able terms to its enemies. The result was, that the noncoa-
formists remained excluded from office in the State, and the
nonjurors were ejected from office in the Church.

In the House of Commons, no member thought it expedient
to propose the repeal of the Test Act. But leave was given
to bring in a bill repealing the Corporation Act, which had been
passed by the Cavalier Parliament soon af^er the Restoration,
and which contained a clause requiring all municipal magis-
trates to receive the sacrament according to the forms of the
Church of England. When this bill was about to be commit
ted, it was moved by the Tories, that the committee should be
instructed to make no alteration in the law touching the sacra-
ment. Those Whigs who were zealous for the Comprehension
must have been placed by this motion in an embarrassing posi-
tion. To vote for the instruction would have been inconsistent
with their principles. To vote against it would have been to
break with Nottingham. A middle course was found. The
adjournment of the debate was moved and carried by a hundred
and sixteen votes to a hundred and fourteen ; and the subject
was not revived.* In the House of Lords, a motion was made
for the abolition of the sacramental test, but was rejected by a
large majority. Many of those who thought the motion right
in principle, thought it ill-timed. A protest was entered ; but
it was signed only by a few peers of no great authority. It is
a remarkable fact, that two great chiefs of the Whig party, who
were in general very attentive to their parliamentary duty,
Devonshire and Shrewsbury, absented themselves on this occa-
8ion.t

* Bomet says (ii. 8,) that the proposition to abolish the sacramcnrt!
lest was rejected by a great majority iu both Houses, fiut his meraorr
deceived him ; for the only division on the subject iu the House of Com-
nuMU was that mentioned in the text. It is remarkable that Gwyn and
Rowe, who were tellers fcr the majority, were two of the strongest Wb'igi
fai the House.

t Lords' 4onrral8« Mard 21 « 1689.

H18T0BT OF ENOLAKD. M

The debate on the Test in the Upper Hoase was speedily
followed by a debate on the last clause of the Comprehension
Bill. By that clause it was provided that thirty Bishops and
priests should be commissioned to revise the liturgy and can
ons, and to suggest amendments. On this subject, the Whig
peers were almost all of one mind. They mustered strong, and
spoke warmly. Why, they asked, were none but members of
the sacerdotal order to be entrusted with this duty ? Were the
laity no part of the Church of England ? When the Commis*
Bioii should have made its report, laymen would have to decide
on the recommendations contained in that report. Not a line
of the Book of Common Prayer could be altered but by the
authority of King, Lords, and Commons. The King was a
layman. Five sixths of the Lords were laymen. All the
members of the House of Commons were laymen. Was it not
absurd to say that laymen were incompetent to examine into a
matter which it was acknowledged that laymen must, in the
last resort, determine. And could any thing be more opp^ite
to the whole spirit of Protestantism, than the notion that a cer>
tain preternatural power of judging in spiritual cases was
vouchsafed to a particular caste, and to that caste alone ; that
such men as Selden, as Hale, as Boyle, were less competent to
give an opinion on a collect or a creed than the youngest and
ailliest chaplain, who, in a remote manor-house, passed his life
in drinking ale and playing at shovel-board ? What God had
instituted, no earthly power, lay or clerical, could alter ; and of
things instituted by human beings, a layman was surely as com-
petent as a clergyman to judge. That the Anglican liturgy
and canons were of purely human institution, the Parliament
acknowledged by referring them to a Commission for revision
and correction. How could it, then, be maintained, that, in
•uch a commission the laity, so vast a majority of the popu*
iation, the laity, whose edification was the main end of all eo
riesiastical regulations, and whose innocent tastes ought to be
carefully consulted in the framing of the public services of
religion, ought not to have a single representative? Precedent
was directly opposed to this odious distinction. Repeatedly
since the light of reformation had dawned on England, Com*
missioners had been appointed by law to revise the canons ;
and on every one of those occasions some of the Commission-
ers had been laymen. In the present case the proposed ar«
rangement was peculiarly objectionable. For, the object of
«suin;; the commission was the conciliating of dissenters ; and

88 BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

it WM therefore most desirable that the Commissioners should
be m( n in whose fairness and moderation dissenters could ooa
fide. Would thirty such men be easily found in the higher
ranks of the clerical profession ? The du^ of the legislature
was to arbitrate between two contending parties, the Noncon-
formist divines and the Anglican divines, and it would be the
grossest injustice to commit to one of those parties the oflice
of umpire.

On these grounds the Whigs proponed an amendment to the
effect that laymen should be joined with clergymen in the Com-
mission. The cont^t was sharp. Burnet, who had just taken
his seat among the peers, and who seems to have been bent on
winning, at almost any price, the good-will of his brethren,
argued with all his constitutional warmth for the clause as it
stood. The numbers on the division proved to be exactly
equal. The consequence was that, according to the rules of
the House, the amendment was lost*

At length the Comprehension Bill was sent down to the
Commons. There it would easily have been carried by two to
one, if it had been supported by all the friends of religious
liberty. But on this subject the High Churchmen could count
on the support of a large body of Low Churchmen. Those
members who wished well to Nottingham's plan, saw that the^
were outnumbered, and, despairing of a victory, began to med-
itate a retreat. Just at this time a suggestion was thrown ou.
which united all suffrages. The ancient uaage was that a Con-
vocation should be summoned together with a Parliament ; and
it might well be argued that, if ever the advice of a Convo-
cation could be needed, it must be when changes in the ritual
and discipline of the Church were under consideration. But,
in consequence of the irregular manner in which the Estates
of the Realm had been brought together during the vacancy
of the throne, there was no Convocation. It was proposed
that the House should advise the King to take measures for
supplying this defect, and that the fate of the Comprehension
Bill should not be decided till the clergy had had an opportu-
nity of declaring their opinion through the ancient and legiti-
mate organ.

This proposition was received with general acclamation.
The Tories were well pleased to see such honor done to the
priesthood. Those Whigs who were against the Comprehen*

• Lords* Joomalt, April 5, 1689 ; Bnroet. ii. 10.

SISTOBY OF ENGLAND. 69

AOQ Bill were well pleased to see it laid aside, certainly for a
jear, probably forever. Those Whigs who were for the Com
prehension Bill, were well pleased to escape without a defeat.
Many of them in^^ed were not without hopes that mild and
liberal counsels might prevail in the ecclesiastical senate. An
address requedUng William to summon the Convocation was
voted without a division; the concurrence of the Lords was
asked ; the Lords concurred ; the address was carried up to
the throne by both Houses ; the King promised that he would,
at a convenient season, do what his Parliament desired ; and
Nottingham's Bill was not again mentioned.

Many writers, imperfectly acquainted with the history of
that age, have inferred from these proceedings that the Plouse
of Commons was an assembly of High Churchmen ; but
nothing is more certain than that two thirds of the members
were either Low Churchmen or not Churchmen at all. A
very few days before this time an occurrence had taken place,
unimportant in itself, but highly significant as an indication of
the temper of the majority. It had been suggested that the
House ought, in conformity with ancient usage, to adjourn over
the Easter holidays. The Puritans and Latitudinarians ob-
jected ; there was a sharp debate ; the High Churchmen did
not venture to divide ; and, to the great scandal of many grave
persons, the Speaker took the chair at nine o'clock on Easter
Monday ; and there was a long and busy sitting.*

This however was by no means the strongest proof which
the Commons gave that they were far indeed from feeling ex-
treme reverence or tenderness for the Anglican hierarchy.
The bill for settling the oaths had just come down from the
Lords, framed in a manner favorable to the clergy. All lay func-
tionaries were required to swear fealty to the King and Queeo
on pain of expulsion from oifice. But it was provided that

* Commons' Joarnals, March, 28, April 1, 1689 ; Paris Gazette, April
t3. Part of the passage in the Paris Gazette is wortli quoting. " 11 y
eat, ce jour Ik (March 28,) une grande contestation dans la Chamlira
Bane, sor la proposition qui fut faite de rcmettre les s<^ances apr^s lei
f^tes de Pasques obscrv^cs toujours par TEglise Anglicane. Les Protet-
tans oonformistes furent de cet avis ; et les Pi-esbyteriens emporttfrer.l
4 la plurality des voix que les s^nces recommeno^roient le Lundy, se-
conde feste de Pasques. The Low Churchmen are frequently desig-
aated as Presbyterians by the French and Dutch writers of that age.
There were not twenty Presbyterians, properly so called, in the House
J Commons. See A. Smith and Cutler's plain Dialogue ab<iat Wtiig
ind Tcvy, 1690.

90 HI8TOBT or fiVOLAlTD.

every divine who already held a benefioe, might continue to
hold it without swearing, unless the Grovemment should see
reason to call on him specially for an assurance of his loyalty.
Burnet had, partly, no doubt, from the good*nature and gener-
osity which belonged to hii character, and partly from a de-
sire to conciliate his brethren, supported this arrangement in
the Upper House with great energy. But in the Lower
House the feeling against the Jacobite priests was irresistibly
strong. On the very day on which that House voted, without
a division, the address requesting the King to summon the
Convocation, a clause was proposed and carried which required
every person who held any ecclesiastical or academical prefer-
ment to take the oaths by the first of August, 1689, on pain
of suspension. Six months, to be reckoned from that day,
were allowed to the nonjuror for reconsideration. If, on the
first of February, 1690, he still continued obstinate, he was to
be finally deprived.

The bill, thus amended, was sent back to the Lords. The
Lords adhered to their original resolution. Conference after con-
ference was held. Compromise after compromise was suggested.
From the imperfect reports which have come down to us, it ap-
pears that every argument in favor of lenity was forcibly urged
by Burnet. But the Commons were firm ; time pressed ; the
unsettled state of the law caused inconvenience in every de-
partment of the public service ; and the peers very reluctantly
gave way. They at the same time added a clause empower-
ing the King to bestow pecuniary allowances out of the for-
feited benefices on a few nonjuring clergymen. The number
of clergymen thus favored was not to exceed twelve. The al-
lowance was not to exceed one third of the income forfeited.
Some zealous Whigs were unwilling to grant even this indul-
gence ; but the Commons were content with the victory which
they had won, and justly thought that it would be ungracious
to refuse so slight a concession.*

.These debates were interrupted, during a short time, by the
festivities and solemnities of the Coronation. When the day
fixed for that great ceremony drew near, the House of Com-
mons resolved itself into a committee for the purpose of set-
tling the form of words in which our Sovereigns were thence-
forward to enter into covenant with the nation. All parties

* Aocoantt of what pamed at the Conferences will be fi»imd in thk
XoarnaLs of tlie Uouru», and deserve to be read.

HI8T0ET OP KKOLAND. 91

werto agreed aa to the proprietj of reqairing the King to swear
that, in temporal matters, he would govern according to law,
and would execute justice in mercy. But about the terms of
the oath which related to the spiritual institutions of the realm
there was much debate. Should the chief magistrate promise
simplj to maintain the Protestant religion established by law,
or should he promise to maintain that religion as it should be
hereafter established by law? The majority preferred the
^rmer phrase. The latter phrase was preferred by those
W^higs who were for a Comprehension. But it was universally
admitted that the two phrases really meant the same thing, and
tliat the oath, however it might be worded, would bind the
Sovereign in his executive capacity only. This was indeed
evident from the very nature of the transaction. Any compact
may be annulled by the free consent of the party who alone is
entitled to claim the performance. It was never doubted by
the most rigid casuist that a debtor, who has bound himself
under the most awful imprecations to pay a debt, may lawfully
withhold payment if the creditor is willing to cancel the obliga-
tion. And it is equally clear that no assurance, exacted from
a King by the Estates of his kingdom, can bind him to refuse
compliance with what may at a future time be the wish of
those Estates.

A bill was drawn up in conformity with the resolutions of
the Committee, and was rapidly passed through every stage.
After the third reading, a foolish man stood up to propose a
rider, declaring that the oath was not meant to restrain the
Sovereign from consenting to any change in the ceremonial of
the Church, provided always that episcopacy and a written
form of prayer were retained. The gross absurdity of this
motion was exposed by several eminent members. Such a
clause, they justly remarked, would bind the King under pre*
tence of setting him free. The coronation oath, they said, was
never intended to trammel him in his legislative capacity.
Leave that oath as it is now drawn, and no prince can misun*
derstand it. No prince can seriously imagine that the two
Houses mean to exact from him a promise that he will put a
Veto on laws which they may hereafter think necessary to the
well-being of the country. Or if any prince should so strangely
misapprehend the nature of the contract between him and his
subjects, any divine, any lawyer, to whose advice he may have
recourse, will set his mind at ease. But if this rider should
pass, it will be impossible to deny that the coronation oatl if

92 HI8TOBT OF ENGLAND.

meant to prevent the King from giving his assent to bills whicK
may be presented to him by the Lords and Commons ; and
the n)o.<t serious inconvenience may follow. These arguments
were felt to be unanswerable, and the proviso was rejected
without a division.*

Every person who has read these debates must be fully con
vinced tbat the statesmen who framed the coronation oath did
not mean to bind the King in his legislative capacity .f Un«
happily, more than a hundred years later, a scruple, which
those statesmen thought too absurd to be seriously entertained
by any human being, found its way into a mind, honest, indeed,
and religious, but narrow and obstinate by nature, and at once
debilitated and excited by disease. Seldom, indeed, have the
ambition aud perfidy of tyrants produced evils greater than
those which were brought on our country by that fatal con-
scientiousness. A conjuncture singularly auspicious, a con-
juncture at which wisdom and justice might perhaps have
reconciled races and sects long hostile, and might have made
the British islands one truly United Kingdom, was suffered to
puss away. The opportunity, once lost, returned no more
Two generations of public men have since labored with imper-
fect success to repair the error which was then committed ; nor
is it improbable that some of the penalties of that error may
continue to afflict a remote posterity.

The Bill by which the oath was settled passed the Upper
House without amendment. All the preparations were com-
plete ; and, on the eleventh of April, the coronation took place.
In some things it differed from oixlinary coronations. The rep-

* Joarnals, March 28, 1689; Grey's Debates.

1 1 will quote some expressions which have been preserved in the con*
CISC reports of these debates. Those expressions are ^uite decisive as to
Ihe sense in which the oath was understood by the legislators who framed
it Musfprave said : ^ There is no occasion for this proviso. It cannot
be imagined that any bill from hence will over destroy the legislative
power.*' Finch said : *' The words ' established by law, hinder not the
King from passing any bill for the relief of Dissenters. The proviso
makes the scruple, and gives the occasion for it." Sawyer said : " This
b the first proviso of this nature that ever was in any bill. It seems to
•trike at the legislative power." Sir Robert Cotton said: *' Though tho
proviso looks well and healing, yet it seems to imply a defect. Not ablo
to alter laws as occasion requires ! This, instead of one scruple, raisei
more, as if you were so bound up to the ecclesiastical government that
you cannot make any new laws without such a proviso." Sir Thomas
tfoe said : " It will, I fear, creep in that other laws canoofi be made with*
Mt fttch a proviso ; thereibre I would lay it aside."

HI8T0BT OF ENOLAKD 95

resentatives of the people attended the ceremony in a bodj,
and were samptuously feasted in the Exchequer Chamber.
Mary, being not merely Queen Consort, but also Queen Reg*
nant, was inaugurated in all things like a King, was girt with
the sword, lifted up into the throne, and presented with tlio
Bible, the spurs, and the orb. Of the temporal grandees of the
realm, and of their wives and daughters, the muster was gi*eat
and splendid. None could be surprised that the Whig aristoc-
racy should swell the triumph of Whig principles. But the
Jacobites saw, with concern, that many Lords who had voted
for a Regency bore a conspicuous part in the ceremonial. The
King*s crown was carried by Grafton, the Queen's by Somer-
Bet. The pointed sword, emblematical of temporal justice, was
borne by Pembroke. Ormond was Lord High Constable for
the day, and rode up the Hall on the right hand of the heredi-
tary champion, who thrice flung down his glove on the pave-
ment, and thrice defied to mortal combat the false traitor who
should gainsay the title of William and Mary. Among the
noble damsels who supported the gorgeous train of the Queen
was her beautiful and gentle cousin, the Lady Henrietta Hyde,
whose father, Rochester, had to the last contended against the
resolution which declared the throne vacant.* The show of
Bishops, indeed, was scanty. The Primate did not make his
appearance ; and his place was supplied by Compton. On one
side of Compton, the paten was carried by Lloyd, Bishop of
Saint Asaph, eminent among the seven confessors of the pre-
ceding year. On the other side, Sprat, Bishop of Rochester,
lately a member of the High Commission, had charge of the
chalice. Burnet, the junior preLite, preached with all his
wonted ability, and more than his wonted taste and judgment.
His grave and eloquent dbcourse was polluted neither by
adulation nor by malignity. He is said to have been greatly
applauded; and it may well be believed that the animated
peroration in which he implored Heaven to bless the royal pair
with long life and mutual love, with obedient subjects, wise
eounsellors, and faithful allies, with gallant fleets and armies,
with victory, with peace, and finally with crowns more glorious
and more durable than those which then glittered on the altar

• Lady HeDrictta, whom her ancle Clarendon calls '* pretty little Lady
Jenrieua," and *' the best child in the world," (Diary, Jan. 168|,) WM
looo after married to the Earl of Dalkeith, eldest son of the infoi^anatt
Duke of Monmouth-

94 HI8T0BT OF BKOLAITD.

of the Abbej, drew forth the loadest hums of the Com*
iDons.*

On (he whole the ceremon}r went off well, and produced
Bomething like a revival, faint, indeed, and transient, of the
enthusiasm of the preceding December. The day was, in
V London and in many other places, a day of general rejoicing.
The churches were filled in the morning ; the afternoon was
spent in sport and carousing; and at night bonfires were
lighted, rockets discharged, and windows lighted up. The
Jacobites, however, contrived to discover or to invent abundant
matter for scurrility and sarcasm. They complained bitterly,
that the way from the hall to the western door of the Abbey
had been lined by Dutch soldiers. Was it seemly that an
English king should enter into the most solemn of engagements
with the English nation behind a triple hedge of foreign
swords and bayonets ? Little afifrays, such as, at every great
pageant, almost inevitably take place between those who are
eager to see the show and those whose business it is to keep
the communications clear, were exaggerated with all the
artifices of rhetoric One of the alien mercenaries had backed
his boi-se against an honest citizen who pressed forward to
catch a glimpse of the royal canopy. Another had rudely
pushed back a woman with the butt end of his musket. On
such grounds as these the strangers were compared to those
Lord Danes whose insolence, in the old time, had provoked the
Anglo-Saxon population to insurrection and massacre. But
there was no more fertile theme for censure than the corona-
tion medal, which really was absurd in design and mean in
execution. A chariot appeared conspicuous on the reverse ;
and plain people were at a loss to understand what this
emblem had to do with William and Mary. The disaffected
wits solved the difficulty by suggesting that the artist meant to
allude to that chariot which a Roman princess, lost to all filial
affection, and blindly devoted to the interests of an ambitious
husband, drove over the still warm remains of her father.f

HoQors were, as usual, liberally bestowed at this festive

^ The temion desenrea to be read. See the London Gazette of Aprfl
1689 i Evelyn's Diary \ Narcissus LattrelPs Diary ; and the dispatch
be Dntch Ambassadors to the States General.

A npecinien of the prose which the Jacobites wrote on this subject
Jl be roand in the Somers Tracts. The Jacobite verses were generally
wO kMtlisoine to be quoted. I select some of th« most decrot lines froa
ft vecy rare lampoon: —

BUTORT or BKOLAND. 96

Three garters which happened to he at the di^iporal
of the Crown were given to Devonshire, Ormond, and Scliom«
berg. Prince Greorge was created Duke of Cumberland.
Several eminent men took new appellations bjr which th^j
most henceforth be designated. Danbj became Marquess of
Caermarthen, Churchill Earl of Marlborough, and Bentinck
Earl of Portland. Mordaunt was made Earl of Monmoutfa|
cot withDut some murmuring on the part of old Exclusionicits,
who still remembered with fondness their Protestant Duke,
and who had hoped that his attainder would be reversed, and
that his title would be borne by his descendants. It was
remarked that the name of Halifax did not appear in the list of
promotions. None could doubt that he might easily have
obtained either a blue ribbon or a ducal coronet ; and, though
be was honorably distinguished from most of his contempora-
ries by his scorn of illicit gain, it was well known that he
desired honorary distinctions with a greediness of which be
was himself ashamed, and which was unworthy of his fine
understanding. The truth is that his ambition was at this

** The eleventh of April has come about,
To Westminster went the nibble root,
In order to crown a bundle of clouts,
A dainty fine King indeed.

** Descended he is fW>m the Orange tree;
But, if I can read his destiny,
He Ml once more descend from another tree,
A dainty fine King indeed.'*

** He has gotten part of the shape of a man,
But more of a monkey, deny it who can;
He has the head of a ^;oose, but the legs of a crane,
A dainty fine King mdeed."

A. Frenchman, named Lie Noble, who had been banished from his own
eoantry for l|s crimes, but, by the connivance of the police, lurked in
Paris, and earned a precarious livelihood as a bookseller's hack, published
oo this occasion two pasquinades, now extremely scarce ; '* Le Couronne-
ment de Qoilleraot et de Giiillemette, avec le Sermon du grand Doctoor
Bamet,'* and " Le Festin do Guillemot." In wit, taste, and good senso,
Le Noble's writings are not inferior to the Englidh poem which I have
quoted. He tells ns that the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of
London, had a boxing match in the Abbey ; that the champion rode up
the Hall oo an ass, which turned restive and kicked o\ er the loyal table
with all the plate ; and that the banquet ended in a £ght Setwecn the
peers armed with stools and benches, and the cooks (uu\e<i with spits.
This sort of pleasantry, strange to sa;', found waders , nnd *ho writer's
portrait was pompously engraved with the mctio * l4itrau.'«s t.Hl# te tua
nma maoet.

96 H18T0BT OF ENOLAKD.

time chilled by his fears. To those whom he trnsted he hinted
bis ap]>rehcnsions f!hat evil times were at hand. The King's
life was not worth a year's purchase ; the government was dis*
jointed, the clergy and the army disaffected, the parliament
torn by factions ; civil war was already raging in one part of
the empire ; foreign war was impending. At such a moment
a minister, whether Whig or Tory, might well be uneasy ; but
neither Whig nor Tory had so much to fear as the Trimmer,
who might not improbably find himself the common mark at
which both parties would take aim. For these reasons Hali-
fax determined to avoid all ostentation of power and influence,
to disarm envy by a studied show of moderation, and to attach
to himself, by civilities and benefits, persons whose gratitude
might be useful in the event of a counter revolution. The next
three months, he said, would be the time of trial. If the
government got safe through the summer it would probably
stand.*

Meanwhile questions of external policy were every day
becoming moi*e and more important The work at which
William had toiled indefatigably during many gloomy and
anxious years was at length accomplished. The great coali-
tion was formed. It was plain that a desperate conflict was at
hand. The oppressor of Europe would have to defend him-
self against England allied with Charles the Second King of
Spain, with the Emperor Leopold, and with the Grcrmanic and
Batavian federations, and was likely to have no ally except
the Sultan, who was waging war against the House of Austria
on the Danube.

Lewis had, towards the close of the preceding year, taken
his enemies at a disadvantage, and had struck the first blow
before they were prepared to parry it. But that blow, though
heavy, was not aimed at the part where it might have been
mortal. Had hostilities been commenced on the Batavian
frontier, William and his army would probably have been de-
tained on^ the continent, and James might have continued to
govern England. Happily, Lewis, under an infatuation which
many pious Protestants confidently ascribed to the righteous
judgment of Grod, had neglected the point t>n which the fate
of the whole civilized world depended, and had made a gyeaX
display of power, promptitude, and energy, in a quarter where
the most splendid achievements could produce nothing more

* Reresby'g Memoirt.

HI8T0BT OF SNOLAND. 97

than an illumination and a Te Deam. A French army ander
the command of Marshal Duras had invaded the Palatinate
and some of the neigliboring principalities. But this expedi-
tion, though it had been completely successful, and though the
skill and vigor with which it had been conducted had excited
general admiration, could not perceptibly affect the event of
the tremendous struggle which was approaching. France
would soon be attacked on every side. It would be impossible
for Dnras long to retain possession of the provinces which he
had surprised and overrun. An atrocious thought rose in the
miDd of Louvois, who, in military affairs, had the chief sway
at Versailles. He was a man distinguished by zeal for what
he thought the public interests, by capacity, and by knowledge
of all that related to the administration of war, but of a sav-
age and obdurate nature. If the cities of the Palatinate could
not be retained, they might be destroyed. If the soil of the
Palatinate was not to furnish supplies to the French, it might
be so wasted that it would at least furnish no supplies to the
Germans. The iron-hearted statesman submitted his plan,
probably with much management and with some disguise, to
•Lewis; and Lewis, in an evil hour for his fame, assented.
Duras received orders to turn one of the fairest regions of Eu-
rope into a wilderness. Fifteen years earlier Turenne had
ravaged part of that fine country. But the ravages committed
by Turenne, though they have left a deep stain on his glory,
were mere sport in comparison with the horrors of this second
devastation. The French commander announced to near half
a million of human beings that he granted them three days of
grace, and that, within that time, they must shift for them-
selves. Soon the roads and fields, which then lay deep in snow,
were blackened by innumerable multitudes of men, women,
and children flying from their homes. Many died of cold and
hunger ; but enough survived to fill the streets of all the cities
of Europe with lean and squalid beggars, who had once been
shriving farmers and shopkeepers. Meanwhile the work of
destruction began. The flames went up from every market^
place, every hamlet, every parish church, every country seat,
within the devoted provinces. The fields where the corn had
been sown were ploughed up. The orchards were hewu down.
No promise of a harvest was left on the fertile plains near
what had once been Frankenthal. Not a vine, not an almond
troe« was to be seen on the slopes of the sunny hills round
what had onc^ been Heidelberg. No respect was shown to

TOI. III. 6

98 HI8TORT OF BKOLAND.

palaces, to temples, to monasteries, to ]nfimiarie.s to beauhfu)
works of art, to monuments of the illustrious dead. The far*
famed castle of the Elector Palatine was turned into a heap of
ruins. The adjoining hospital was sacked. The provisions,
the medicines, the pallets on which the sick lay wei*e destroyed.
The very stones of which IVIanheim had been built were f1u;ig
into the Rhine. The magnificent Cathedral of Spires perished.
and with it the marble sepulchres of eight Caesjirs. The cof*
fins were broken open. The ashes were scattered to the
winds.* Treves, with its fair bridge, its Roman amphitheatre,
its venerable churches, convents, and colleges, was doomed to
the same fate. But, before this last crime had been perpetrat-
ed, Lewis was recalled to a better mind by the execrations of
all the neighboring nations, by the silence and confusion of his
flatterers, and by the expostulations of his wife. He had been
more than two years secretly married to Frances de Mainte-
Don, the governess of his natural children. It would be hard
to name any woman who, with so little romance in her temper,
has had so much in her life. Her early years had been passed
in poverty and obscurity. Her first husband had supported
himself by writing burlesque farces and poems. Wiien she
attracted the notice of her sovereign, she could no longer boast
of youth or beauty ; but she possessed in an extraordinary de
gree those more lasting charms, which men of sense, whose
passions age has tamed, and whose life is a life of business and
care, prize most highly in a female companion. . Her character
was such as has been well compared to that soft green on which
the eye, wearied by warm tints and glaring lights, reposes with
pleasure. A just understanding ; an inexhaustible, yet never
redundant flow of rational, gentle, and sprightly conver.^ation ;
a temper of which the serenity was never for a moment ruf-
fled ; a tact which surpassed the tact of her sex as much as
the tact of her sex surpasses the tact of ours ; such were the
qualities which made the widow of a buffoon first the confiden*
tial friend, and then the spouse, of the proudest and most
powerful of European kings. It was said that Lewis had been

* For th3 history of the devaettation of the Palatinate, see the Memoin
of La Fare, Dangcau, Madame do la Fayette, Villars and Saint Simon,
and the Monthly Mercuries for March and A}>ril, 1689. The pamphlets
and broadsides are too numerous to (^uote. One broadside, entitled " A
true Account of the barbarous Cruelties committed by the French in thf
Palatinate in January and f ebroary last," is perhaps the most remark*

HI8T0IIT or EiroLAim. 99

with difficultj prevented by the arguments and rehement en«
treaties of Loavois from declaring her Queen of France. If
is certain that she regarded Louvois as her enemy, ilei
hatred of him, co5perating perhaps with better feelings, induced
her to plead the cause of the unhappy people of the Rhine.
She appealed to those sentiments of compassion which, though
weakened by many corrupting influences, were not altogethei
extinct in her husband's mind, and to those sentiments of rolig
ioQ which had too often impelled him to cruelty, but wtichi
on the present occasion, were on the side of humanity. Ha
relented, and Treves was spared.* In truth, he could hardly
fail to perceive that he had committed a great error. The de-
vastation of the Palatinate, while it had not in any sensible
degree lessened the power of his enemies, had inflamed their
animosity, and had furnished them with inexhaustible matter
for invective. The cry of vengeance rose on every side.
Whatever scruple either branch of the House of Austria might
have felt about coalescing with Protestants was completely re-
moved. Lewis accused the Emperor and the Catholic King
of having betrayed the cause of the Church ; of having allied
themselves with an usurper who was the avowed champion of
the great schism ; of having been accessory to the foul wrong
done to a lawful sovereign who was guilty of no crime but zeal
for the true religion. James sent to Vienna and Madrid piteous
letters, in which he recounted his misfortunes, and implored the
assistance of his brother kings his brothers also in the faith,
against the unnatural children and the rebellious subjects who
had driven him into exile. But there was little difficulty in
framing a plausible answer both to the reproaches of Lewis
and to the supplications of James. Leopold and Charles de»
clared that they had not, even for purposes of ju.<t self-defence,
leagued themselves with heretics, till their enemy had, for pur-
poses of unjust aggression, leagued himself with Mahometans*
Nor was this the worst. The French King, not content with
assisting the Moslem against the Christians, was himself treat-
ing Christians with a barbarity which would have shocked the
very Moslem. His infidel allies, to do them justice, had not
perpetrated on the Danube such outrages against the edifices
and the members of the Holy Catholic Church, as he who
called himself the eldest son of that Church was perpetrating
»Q the Rhine. On these grounds, the princes to whom Jamea

• Memoirs of Saiut Simon.

100 HI8TOBT OF EKOLAHD.

Iiad appealed replied by appealing, with many professions of
good-will and compassion, to himself. He was surelj too just
to blame them for thinking that it was their first duty to defend
their own people against such outrages as had turned the Pa-
latinate into a desert, or for calling in the aid of Protestants
against an enemy who had not scrupled to call in the aid of
Turks.*

During the winter and the earlier part of the spring, the
powers hostile to France were gathering their strength for a
great efibrt, and were in constant communication with one an-
other. As the season for military operations approached, the
solemn appeals of injured nations to the God of battles came
forth in rapid succession. The manifesto of the Germanic body
appeared in February ; that of the States General in March ;
that of the House of Brandenburg in April ; and that of Spain

in May.f

Here, as soon as the ceremony of the coronation was over
the House of Commons determined to take into consideration
the late proceedings of the French king4 In the debate, that
hatred of the powerful, unscrupulous, and imperious Lewis,
which had, during twenty years of vassalage, festered in the
hearts of Englishmen, broke violently forth. He was called
the most Christian Turk, the most Christian ravager of Chris-
tendom, the most Christian barbarian who had perpetrated on
Christians outrages of which his infidel allies would have been

* I will qaoto a few lines from Leopold's letter to James : " Nano
AUtem quo loco res nostras sint, at Serenitati vestraD aaxiliam praestari
possit a nobis, (jui non Turcico tan turn bcllo impliciti, sed insuper etiam
crudelissimo et iniquissirao a GalliSf rorom suarum, ut putal)ant, in Anglia
secuiis, contra datam fidem impediti smnus, ipsimet Serenitati vcBtraB
judicandum relinqaimos. . . . Galli non tantum in nostrum et totiui
Cliristianse orbis perniciem fcedifra^a arma cam juracis Sanctse Cracis
hostibus sociare fas sibi ducnnt; sed etiam in imperio, perfidiam perfidia
Cttmulando, urbes deditione occapatas contra datam fidem immcnsis tributis
cxhaurire, exhaustas diripere, dircptas funditus exscindere aut flammis
delere, Palatia Principum ab omni antiquitato inter sasvissima bcllorum
incendia intacta servata exurere, templa spoliare, dedititios in servitatom
more apad barbaros usitato abducere, denique passim, imprimis vero
etiam in Catholieonim ditionibus, alia horrenda, et ipsam Turcorum
tyrannidem supcrantia immanitatis et sievitiaB excmpla edere pro ludo
habent."

t Sec the London Gazettes of Feb. 25, March 11, April 22, May 2, and
the Monthly Mercuries. Some of the Declaration! will bo A>and in
l)umont*s dorps Universel Diplomatique.

I Commons' Journals, April 15, 16, 168&

HI8T<lBT OV EKOLAKD. 101

Bsbamed.* A committee, c^n^if iirg chiefly of ardent Whiga^
was appointed to prepare an'a^ilress. John Hampden, the
most ardent Whig among them, was^put ;nto the chair ; and he
produced a composition too long, too \Y.cYoricaI, and too vitu-
perative to 8uit the lips of the Speaker or l\kh ears of the King.
Invectives against Lewis might perhaps, in "the toifnper in which
the House then was, have passed without cer.^ure if they had
not been accompanied bj severe refle.ctioa<i oh 'thfi^cl.mractei
and administration of Charles the . Second, whose i>t^or7, in
spite of all his fauhs, was affectionately cherished by {he '} i//iea*
There were some very intelligible allusions to Charies*^^^p>Sb
iDg8 with the Court <^ Versailles, and to the foreign wotmuo
whom that Court had sent to lie like a snake in his bosom;
The House was with good reason dissatisfied. The addresf
was recommitted, and, having been made more concise, and
less declamatory and acrimonious, was approved and presentcd-f
William's attention was called to the wrongs which France had
done to him and to his kingdom ; and he was assured that,
whenever he should resort to arms for the redress of those
wrongs, he should be heartily supported by his peoule. He
thanked the Commons warmly. Ambition, he said, should
never induce him to draw the sword ; but he hiid no choice ;
France had already attacked England ; and it was necessary
to exercise the right of self-defence. A few days later war waf

proclaimed.}

Of the grounds of quarrel alleged by the Commons in their
address, and by the King in his manifesto, the most serious
was the interference of Lewis in the affairs of Ireland Id
that country great events had, during several montha. followed
one another in rapid succession. Of those events it is now
time to relate the history, a history dark with crime and sor
row, yet full of interest and instruction.

* Oldmixon.

t Oocamonfl' Joumala, April 19, 34, 26, 1689.

% The Declmration is dated on the 7 th of May, bat was not poblisli»
b the I/)Ddon Gazette till the 13lh.

lOS HISTORY or •s]rox*AKD.

•

fr

••• •:: •

• • •
* •. •••

. ••CliAPTER XII.

••

• •

V\rfLLi\^"«ti&*d assumed, together with the title of Kiog of
EnglaQi^^^k^ title of King of Ireland. For all our juriHta
thci|»reg9Ll^ed Ireland as a Qiei*e colony, more important indeed
tterr.Mlissacliu setts, Virginia, or Jamaica, but, like Massachu-
\sclt^* Virginia, and Jamaica, dependent on the mother country,
**2^'itl bound to pay allegiance to the Sovereign whom the mother
country had called to the throne.*

In fact, however, the Revolution found Ireland emancipated
iTom the dominion of the English colony. As early as tlie year
1686, James had determined to make that island a place of arms
which might overawe Great Britain, and a place of refuge
where, if any disaster happened in Great Britain, the members
of his Church might find refuge. With this view he had ex-
erted all his power for the purpose of inverting the relation
between the conquerors and the aboriginal population. The
execution of his design he had intrusted, -in spite of the remon-
strances of his English counsellors, to the Lord Deputy Tyr-
connel. In the autumn of 1688, the process was complete.
The highest offices in the state, in the army, and in the courts
of Justice, were, with scarcely an exception, filled by Papists.
A pettifogger named Alexander Fitton, who had been detected
in forgery, who had been fined for misconduct by the House
of Lords at Westminster, who had been many years in prison,
and who was equally deficient in legal knowledge and in the
natural good sense and acuteness by which the want of legal
knowledge has sometimes been supplied, was Lord Chancellor
His single merit was that he had apostatized from the Protest-
ant religion ; an'l this merit was thought sufficient to wash out
even the stain of his Saxon extraction. He soon proved him-
self worthy of the confidence of his patrons. On the bench
of justice, he declared that there was not one heretic in forty
thousand who was not a villain. He often, after hearing a

* The general opinion of the English on this sabjoct is clearly ex-
pressed ill a little tract entitled ''Aphorisms relating to the Klngdcm of
Ireland,^' which a])pearod during the vacancy of the throne.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 108

cause in which the iuterests of his Church were concerned|
postponed his decision, for the purpose, as he avowed, of con-
Bulting his spiritual director, a Spanish priest, well read doubt-
less in Escobar.* Thomas Nugent, a Roman Catholic who had
never distinguished himself at the bar except bj his brogue
and his blunders, was Chief Justice of the King's Bench, f
Stephen Rice, a Roman Catholic, whose abilities and learning
were not disputed even bj the enemies of his nation and
religion, but whose known hostility to the Act of Settlement
excited the most painful apprehensions in the minds of all who^
held property under that Act, was Chief Baron of the Ex-
chequer.} Richard Nagle, an acute and well read lawyer,
who had been educated in a Jesuit college, and whose prejudices
were such as might have been expected from his education,
was Attoruey-GeneraL§

Keating, a highly respectable Protestant, was still Chief Jus-
tice of the Common Pleas ; but two Roman Catholic Judges sate
with him. It ought to be added that one of those judges, Daly,
was a man of sense, moderation, and inte^ty. The matters,
however, which came before the Court of Common Pleas were
not of great moment. Even the King's Bench was at this time
almost deserted. The Court of Exchequer overflowed with
business ; for it was the only court at Dublin from which no
writ of error lay to England, and consequently the only court
in which the English could be oppressed and pillaged without
hope of redress. Rice, it was said, had declared that they
should have from him exactly what the law, construed with
the utmost strictness, gave them, and nothing more. What, in
q1') opinion, the law, strictly construed, gave them, they could
easily infer from a saying which, before he became a judge,
was often in his mouth. *^ I will drive," he used to say, ** a
coach and six through the Act of Settlement." He now carried
his threat daily into execution. The cry of all Protestants
was that it mattered not what evidence they produced before
him ; that, when their titles were to be set aside, the rankest

* King's Stato of the Protestants of Ireland, ii. 6, and iii. 3.

\ King, ill 3. Clarendon, in a letter to liochester (June 1, 1636J call*
Nageni **a very troublesome, impertinent creature.'*

I King, iii 3

\ King. ii. 6, iii. 3. Clarendon, in a letter to Ormond (Sept. 28, I G86,)
ipp^ka highly of Naj^le's knowledge and ability, but in the Diary ( Ji

•1 168}-) calls him " a covetous, ambitious man.**

104 BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

forgeried, the most infaraoas witnesses, were sure to hare his
countenance. To his court his countrymen came in multitudes
with writs of ejectment and writs of trespass. In his court the
government attacked at once the charters of all the cities and
boroughs in Ireland ; and he easily found pretexts for pro-
nouncing all those charters forfeited. The municipal corpora-
tions, about a hundred in number, had been instituted to be the
strongholds of the reformed religion and of the English inter*
est, and had consequently been regarded by the Irish Roman
Catholics with an aversion which cannot be thought unnatural
or unreasonable. Had those bodies been remodelled in a judi-
cious and impartial manner, the irregularity of the proceedings
by which so desirable a result had been attained might have been
pardoned. But it soon appeared that one exclusive system
had been swept away only to make room for another. The
boroughs were subjected to the absolute authority of the
Crown. Towns in which almost every householder was an
Enghsh Protestant were placed under the government of Irish
Roman Catholics. Many of the new Aldermen had never even
seen the places over which they were appointed to bear rule.
At the same time the SherifiTs, to whom belonged the execution
of writs, and the nomination of juries, were selected in almost
every instance from the caste which had till very recently been
excluded from t^ll public trust It was atfirmed that some of
these important functionaries had been burned in the hand for
theft. Others had been servants to Protestants ; and the Prot-
estants added, with bitter scorn, that it was fortunate for the
country when this was the case ; for that a menial who had
cleaned the plate and rubbed down the horse of an English
gentleman might pass for a civilized being, when compared
with many of the native aristocracy whose lives had been spent
in coshering or marauding. To such Sheriffs no colonist, even
if he had been so strangely fortunate as to obtain a judgment,
dared to intrust an execution.*

Thus the civil power had, in the space of a few months, been
transferred from the Saxon to the Celtic population. The
transfer of the military power had been not less complete. The
army, which, under the command of Ormond, had been the chief

* Kingf ii. 5, I, iiL 3, 5 ; A Short View of the Methods mode use of
In Ireland for the Subversion and Destruction of the Protvstant Reli^o
ftnd Interests, by a Clerj^ymaa lately escaped from tUeoco, licensed Oei
17, 1689.

HI8TORT OF SNOLAHD* 1<W

nfegoard of the English ascendency, had ceased to exist
Whole regiments had been dissolved and reconstructed. Six
thousand Protestant veterans, deprived of their bread, were
brooding in retirement over their wrongs, or had crossed the
sea and joined the standard of William. Their place was sup-
plied bj men who had long suffered oppression, and who, find-
ing themselves suddenly transformed from slaves into masters^
were impatient to pay back, with accumulated usury, the heavy
debt of injuries and insults. The new soldiers, it was saiOi
never passed an Englishman without cursing him and calling
him by some foul name. They were the terror of every Protest*
aot innkeeper ; for, from the moment when they came under hii
roof, they ate and drank every thing ; they paid for nothing ;
and by their rude swaggering they scared more respectable
guests from his door.*

Such was the state of Ireland when the Prince of Orange
landed at Torbay. From that time every packet which arrived
at Dublin brought tidings, such as could not but increase the
mutual fear and loathing of the hostile races. The oolonisty
who, afler long enjoying and abusing power, had now tasted
for a moment the bitterness of servitude, the native who, hav-
ing drunk to the dregs all the bitterness of servitude, had at
length for a moment enjoyed and abused power, were alike
sensible that a great crisis, a crisis like that of 1641, was at
hand. The majority impatiently expected Phelira O'Neil to
revive in TyroonneL The minority saw in William a second
Oliver.

On which side the first blow was struck was a question which
Wiliiamites and Jacobites afterwards debated with much asper-
ity. But no question could be more idle. History must do to
both parties the justice which neither has ever done to the other,
and must admit that both had fair pleas and cruel provocations.
Both had been placed, by a fate for which neither was answer-
able, in such a situation that, human nature being what it iUf

♦ King, iii. 2. I cannot find that Charles Leslie, who wrb zeahHi? on
the oUier side, has, in his Answer to King, contradicted any of these fuels.
Indeed, Leslie gives op Tyrconnel's administration. *' I desire to obviate
one objection which I know will be made, as if I were about wholly to
vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of King James's minis
lers have done in Ireland, especially before this revolution began, and
which most of any thing brought it on. No ; I am far from it. I am
sensible that their carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion
lo King James's enemies than all the other mal-administrations which
irere charged upon his government." Leslie's Answer to King, 169^

5*

106 HI8TORT OF ENGLAND.

they could not but regard each other with enmity. During
*.hree years tbe government which might have reconciled them
had systematically employed its whole power for the purpose
of inflaming their enmity to madness. It was now impossible
to establish in Ireland a just and beneficent government, a
government which should know no distinction of race or of sect,
a government which, while strictly respecting the rights guar-
anteed by law to the new land-owners, should alleviate by a ju-
dicious liberality the misfortunes of the ancient gentry. Such
a government James might have established in the day of his
power. But the opportunity had passed away ; compromise
had become impossible ; the two infuriated castes were alike
convinced that it was necessary to oppress or to be oppressed,
and that there could be no safety but in victory, vengeance,
and dominion. They agreed only in spuming out of the way
every mediator who sought to reconcile them.

During some weeks there were outrages, insults, evil reports,
violent panics, the natural preludes of the terrible conflict which
was at hand. A rumor spread over the whole island that, on
the ninth of December, there would be a general massacre of
the Englishry. Tyrconnel sent for the chief Protestants of
Dublin to the Castle, and, with his usual energy of diction, in-
voked on himself all the vengeance of heaven if the report was
not a cursed, a blasted, a confounded lie. It was said that, io
his rage at finding his oaths ineffectual, he pulled off his hat and
wig, and flung them into the fire.* But lying Dick Talbot was
BO well known that his imprecations and gesticulations only
strengthened the apprehension which they were meant to allay.
Ever since the recall of Clarendon there had been a large em-
igration of timid and quiet people from the Irish ports to Eng-
land. That emigration now went on faster than ever. It was
not esLfij to obtain a passage on board of a well-built or com-
modious vessel. But many persons, made bold by the excess
of fear, and choosing rather to trust the winds and waves than
the exasperated Irishry, ventured to encounter all the dangers
of Saint George's Channel and of the Welsh coast in open
boats and in the depth of winter. The English who remained
began, in almost every county, to draw close together. Every
large country house became a fortress. Every visitor who

* A True and Impartial Account of the most materia' Passages in Ire
and since December 1688, by a GentlemAn who wob an Eyo-witnofti
hocused July 22, 16^9.

HI8T0BT OF BN6LAjn>. 107

arrived after nightfall was challen^^ from a loop-liole or
from a barricaded window; and, if he attempted to enter
without passwords and explanations, a blunderbu.<<s was pre-
sented to him. On the dreaded ni^ht of the ninth of De*
cember, there was scarcely one Protestant mansion from the
Giant's Causowaj to Bantrj Bay in which armed men were
not watching and lights burning from the early sunset to the
late sunrise.*

A minute account of what passed in one district at tliis time
bas come down to us, and well illustrates the general state of
the kingdom. The southwestern part of Kerry is now weU
known as the most beautiful tract in the British isles. The
mountains, the glens, the capes stretching far into the Atlantic,
the crags on which the eagles build, the rivulets brawling down
rocky passes, the lakes overhung by groves in which the wild
deer find covert, attract every summer crowds of wanderers
sated with the business and the pleasures of great cities. The
beauties of that country are indeed too ofVen hidden in the mist
and rain which the west wind brings up from a boundless
ocean. But, on the rare days when the sun shines out in all
his glory, the landscape has a freshness and a warmth of color-
ing seldom found in our latitude. The myrtle loves the soil.
The arbutus thrives better than even on the sunny shore of
Calabria.t The turf is of livelier hue than elsewhere ; the
bills glow with a richer purple ; the varnish of the holty and
ivy is more glossy ; and berries of a brighter red peep through
foilage of a brighter green. But during the greater part of the
seventeenth century, this paradise was as little known to the
civilized world as Spitzbergen or Greenland. If ever it was
mentioned, it was mentioned as a horrible desert, a chaos of
bogs, thickets, and precipices, where the she wolf still littered,
and where some half naked savages, who could not speak a
word of English, made themselves i>urrows in the mud, and
lived on roots and sour milk.{

* Tme and Impartial Acooant, 1689; Leslie's Answer to King, 169S.

t There have been in the neighborhood of Killamey specimens ?f the
vbntus thirty feet high and four feet and a half round. See the Phiio*
•ophicai Transactions, 227.

I In a very full account of the British isles published at Nuremberg io
1690, Kcrnr is described as **an vielen Orten univegsam und voller wal*
ier und Gcbiirge." Wolres still infested Ireland. *'Kcin schiidlich
Thier ist da, ausserhalb Wolff und Fiichse." So late as the year 1710
noney was levied on presentments of the Qrand Jury of Kerry for th4
lestmction of wolves m that county. See Smith's Ancient and Modorp

108 HISTORY OF SKGLANB.

At length, in the year 1670, the benevolent and enlightened
Sir William Petty determined to form an English settlement id
this wild district He possessed a large domain there, which
has descended to a posterity worthy of such an ancestor. On
the improvement of that domain he expended, it was said, not
less than ten thousand pounds. The little town which he
founded, named from the bay of Kenmare, stood at the head of
that bay, under a mountain ridge, on the summit of which trav*
ellers now stop to gaze upon the loveliest of the three lakes of
Killamey. Scarcely any village, built by an enterprising band
of New Englanders, far from the dwellings of their countrymen,
in the midst of the hunting-grounds of the Red Indians, was
more completely out of the pale of civilization than Kenmare.
Between Petty ^s settlement and the nearest English habitation
the journey by land was of two days through a wild and danger-
ous country. Yet the place prospered. Forty-two houses
were erected. The population amounted to a hundred and
eighty. The land round the town was well cultivated. The
cattle were numerous. Two small barks were employed in
fishing and trading along the coast The supply of herrings,
pilchards, mackerel, and salmon was plentiful, and would have
been still more plentiful, had not the beach been, in the finest
part of the year, covered by multitudes of seals, which preyed
on the fish of the bay. Yet the seal was not an unwelcome
visitof ; his fur was valuable; and his oil supplied light through
the long nights of winter. An attempt was made with great
success to set up iron works. It was not yet the practice to
employ coal for the purpose of smelting ; and the manufacturers
of Kent and Sussex had much difficulty in procuring timber at
a reasonable price. The *neighborhood of Kenmare was then
richly wooded ; and Petty found it a gainful speculation to send
ore thither. The lovers of the picturesque still regret the woods
of oak and arbutus which were cut down to feed his furnaces.
Another scheme had occurred to his active and intelligent mind.

State of the Coanty of Kerry, 1756. I do not know that I have ever met
with a better book of the kind and of the size. In a poem published aa
late as 1719, and entitled Macdermot, or the Irish Fortune Hunter, in six
eantos, wolf-huntine and Wolf'Spearing are represented as common sports
in Munster. In mlliam's reign Ireland was sometimes called by the
nickname of Woltland. Thus in a poem on the battle of r«a Uoguo,
iiaUed Alvice to a Painter, the terror of the Irish armv is thus lescribed

** A chilling damp
And Wolfland bowl runs thro* the riaiug camp.'*

HISTORY OF ENGLANr. IM

Some of the neighboring L<«lands aboandec? with variegated mar*
ble, red and white, purple and green. Petty well knew at what
eo8t the ancient Romans had decorated their baths and temples
with many-colored columns hewn from Laconian and African
quarries ; and he seems to have indulged the hope that the
rocks of his wild domain in Kerry might furnish embellish*
roents to the mansions of Saint James's Square, and to the
dioir of Saint Paul's Cathedral.*

From tlie first, the settlers had found that they must be pre*
pared to exercise the right of self-defence to an extent w hich
would have been unnecessary and unjustifiable in a well gow*
emed country. The law was altogether without force in tlia
highlands which lie on the south of the vale of Tralee. No
officer of justice willingly ventured into those parts. One pu]>
suivant who in 1680 attempted to execute a warrant there waa
murdered.' The people of Kenmare seem, however, to have
been sufficiently secured by their union, their intelligence, and
their spirit, till the close of the year 1688. Then at length the
effiscts of the policy of Tyrconnel began to be felt even in that
remote corner of Ireland. In the eyes of the peasantry of
Munster the colonists were aliens and heretics. The buildings,
the boats, the machines, the granaries, the dairies, the furnaces,
were doubtless contemplated by the native race with that min»
gled envy and contempt with which the ignoi*ant naturally re-
gard the triumphs of knowledge. Nor is it at all improbable that
the emigrants had been guilty of those faults from which civil-
ized men who settle among an uncivilized people are rarely
free. The power derived from superior intelligence had, we
may easily believe, been sometimes displayed with insolence,
and sometimes exerted with injustice. Now therefore, When
the news spread from altar to altar, and from cabin to cabin,
that the strangers were to be driven out, and that their housea
and lands were to be given as a booty to the children of the soil,
a predatory war commenced. Plunderers, thirty, forty, seventy
in a troop, prowled round the town, some with fire-arms, some
with pikes. The barns were robbed. The horses were stolen.
In one foray a hundred and forty cattle were swept away and
driven off through the ravines of Glengariff. In one night six
dwellings were broken open and pillaged. At last the colonists,
driven to extremity, resolved to die like men rather than bo
murdered in their beds. The house built by Petty for bii

Smith's Ancieat and Modem State of Keny.

110 HI8T0BT OF SNOLAKD.

Agent was the largest in the place. It stood on a rocky penin*
Bula ruunii which the waves of the bay broke. Here the whole
population assembled, seventy-five fighting men, with about a
hundred women and children. They had among them sixty fire-
locks, and as many pikes and swords. Bound the agent's house
they threw up with great speed a wall of turf fourteen feet in
height and twelve in thickness. The space inclosed was about
half an acre. Within this rampart all the arms, the ammunition
and the provisions of the settlement were collected, and several
huts of thin plank were built. When these preparations were
completed, the men of Kenmare began to make vigorous repri«
Bals on their Irish neighbors, seized robbers, recovered stolen
property, and continued during some weeks to act in all thinga
as an independent commonwealth. The government was car*
ried on by elective officers, to whom every member of the
•ociety swore fidelity on the Holy Grospels.*

While the people of the small town of Kenmare were thus
bestirring themselves, similar preparations for defence were
made by larger communities on a larger scale. Great numbers
of gentlemen and yeomen quitted the open country, and re-
paired to those towns which had been founded and incorporated
for the purpose of bridling the native population, and which,
thoughi fecentlj placed under the government of Roman Cath-
olic magistrates, were still inhabited chiefly by Protestants. A
considerable body of armed colonists mustered at Sligo, an-
3ther at Charleville, a third at Mallow, a fourth still more
formidable at Bandon.t But the principal strongholds of the
Englishry during this evil time were Enniskillen and London-
derry.

Enniskillen, tliough the capital of the county of Fermanagh,
was tlien merely a village. It was built on an island sur-
rounded by the river wliich joins the two beautiful sheets of
water known by the common name of Lough Erne. The
stream and both the lakes were overhung on every side by
natural forests. Enniskillen consisted of about eighty dwell-
ings clustering round an ancient castle. The inhabitants were,
with scarcely an exception, Protestants, and boasted that their
town had been true to the Protestant cause through the ter-

* Exact Relation of the Persecutions, Robberies, and Losses, sostained
b? the Trotestants of Killmare in Ireland, 1689; Smitli's Ancient and
llodcm State of Kerry, 1756.

t Ireland's Lamentation, lieonied May 18 1689^

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. Ill

rible rebellion .which broke out in 1641. Early in December
they received from Dublin an intimation that two companies
of Popish infantry were to be immediately quartered on them.
The alarm of the little community was great, and the greater
because it was known that a preaching friar had been exerting
himself to inflame the Irish population of the neighborhood
against the heretics. A daring resolution was taken. Come
what might, the troops should not be admitted. Yet the
means of defence were slender. Not ten pounds of powder»
not twenty firelocks fit for use, could be collected within the
walls. Messengers were sent with pressing letters to summon
the Protestant gentry of the vicinage to the rescue ; and the
summons was ^landy obeyed. In a few hours two hundred
foot and a hundred and fifty horse had assembled. Tyrconnera
soldiers were already at hand. They brought with them a
considerable supply of arms to be distributed among the peas-
antry. The peasantry greeted the royal standard wjth delight,
and accompanied the march in great numbers. The townsmen
and their allies, instead of waiting to be attacked, came boldly
forth to encounter the intrudei's. The officers of James had
expected no resbtance. They were confouuded when they
saw confronting them « column of foot, flanked by a large
body of mounted gentlemen and yeomen. The crowd of camp
followers ran away in terror. The soldiers made a retreat so
precipitate that it might be called a flight, and scarcely halted
till they were thirty miles off at Cavan.*

The Protestants, elated by this easy victory, proceeded to
make arrangements for the government and defence of Ennis-
kiUen and of the surrounding count'*y. Gustavus Hamilton, a
gentleman who had served in the army, but who had recently
been deprived of his commission by Tyrconnel, and had since
been living on an estate in Fermanagh, was appointed Gover»
nor, and took up his residence in the castle. Trusty men were
enlisted and armed with great expedition. As there was a
scarcity of swords and pikes, smiths were employed to make
weapons by fastening scythes on poles. All the country houses

♦ A Tme Relation of the Actions of the Inniskilling men, by Andnw
HHmilton, Rector of Kilskerric, and one of the Prebends of the Diocese of

Cloijher, an Eye-witness thereof and Actor therein, licenced Jan. 15, i6f$i
A Farther Impartial Account of the Actions of tlie Inniskilling men, by
Captain Wiliiam Mac Cormick, one of the first that took *ip AriUf,
ISOl

118 HISTOBT OF ENGLAND.

round Lough Erne were turned into garrisons. No PapiBl
was suffered to be at large in the town ; and the friar who was
accused of exerting his eloquence against the Englishiy was
thrown into prison.*

"the other great fastness of Protestantism was a place of
more importance. Eiglitj years before, during the troubles
caused by the last struggle of the houses of O'Neil and O'Don-
nel against the authority of James the First, the ancient city
of Derry had been surprised by one of the native chiefs ; the
inhabitants had been slaughtered, and the houses reduced to
ashes. The insurgents were speedily put down and punished ;
the government resolved to restore the ruined town ; the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of London were
invited to assist in the work ; and King James the First made
over to them in their corporate capacity the ground covered by
the ruins of the old Derry, and about six thousand English
acres in the neighborhood.f

This country, then uncultivated and uninhabited, is now
enriched by industry, embellished by taste, and pleasing even
to eyes accustomed to the well tilled fields and stately manor
houses of England. A new city soon jm)se which, on account
of its connection with the capital of the empire, was called
Londonderry. The buildings covered the summit and slope
of a hill wWch overlooked the broad stream of the Foyle, then
whitened by vast flocks of wild swans.l On the highest
ground stood the Cathedral, a church which, though erected
when the secret of Grothic architecture was lost, and though
ill qualified to sustain a comparison with the awful temples of
the middle ages, is not without grace and dignity. Near the
Cathedral rose the palace of the Bishop, whose see was one
of the most valuable in Ireland. The city was in form neai-ly
an ellipse ; and the principal streets formed a cross, the arms
of which met in a square called the Diamond. The original
bouses have been either rebuilt or so much repaired that their
ancient character can no longer be traced ; but many of them
were standing within living memory. They were in general

* Hamilton*! Trae Relation ; Mac Cormick's Farther Impartial Ac
coont

t Concise View of the Irish Society, 1822; Mr. Heath's interesting
Account of the Worshipful Company of Grocers, Appendix 17.

t The Interest of England in the Preservation of Ireland, lionised Jol^
V7. U89

HISTORY OF EN6LAin>. Ill

two stories in height ; and some of them had stone staircases
on the outside. The dwellings were encompassed by a wall
of which the whole circumference was little less than a mile.
On the bastions were planted culverins and sakers presented
by the wealthy guilds of London to the colony. On some of
these ancient guns, which have done memorable service to a
great cause, the devices of the Fishmongers' Company, of the
Vintnonf' Company, and of the Merchant Tailors' Company
are still discernible.*

The nhabitants were Protestants of Anglo-Saxon blood*
They were indeed not all of one country or of one church ; but
Englishmen and Scotchmen, Episcopalians and Presbyterians,
seem to have generally lived together in friendship, a friendship
which is sufficiently explained by their common antipathy to
Che Irish race and to the Popish religion. During the rebellion
of 1641, Londonderry had resolutely held out against the native
chieftains, and had been repeatedly besiegod in vain.f Since
the Restoration the city had prospered. The Foyle, when the
tide was high, brought up ships of large burden to the quay.
The fisheries throve greatly. The nets, it was said, were some-
times so full that it was necessary to fling back multitudes of
fish into the waves. The quantity of salmon caught annually
was estimated at eleven hundred thousand pounds' weight.^

The people of Londonderry shared in the alarm which,
towardii the close of the year 1688, was general among the
Protestants settled in Ireland. It was known that the aborigi-
nal peasantry of the neighborhood were laying in pikes and
knives. Priests had been haranguing in a style of which, it
must be owned, the Puritan part of the Anglo-Saxon colony
had httle right to complain, about the slaughter of the Amale-
kites, and the judgments which Saul had brought on himself by
sparing one of the proscribed race. Rumors from various
quarters and anonymous letters in various hands ^reed ia
naming the ninth of December as the day fixed for the extir*
pation of the strangers. While the minds of the citizens were
agitated by these reports, news came that a regiment of twelve
hundred Papists, commanded by a Papist, Alexander Macdon^
Biell, Karl of Antrim, had received orders from the Lord Dep*

* These things I observed or learned on the spot.

t The best accoont that I have seen of what passed at Londonicn7
during the war which began in 1641 is in Dr. Reid*8 History of the Prcc
bjterian Chiypch in Ireland.

t The Interest of Eilgland in the Preservation of Ireland; 16S9.

114 HISTORT OF BNOLAND.

ofy to occupy Londonderry, and was already on the march from
Colcraine. The consternation was extreme. Some were for
dosing the gates and resisting; some for submitting; some for
temporizing. The corporation had, like the other corporations
of Ireland, been remo<lelled. The magistrates were men of
low station and character. Among them was only one person
of Anglo-Saxon extraction ; and he had turned Papist In such
rulers the inhabitants could place no confidence.* The Bishop,
Ezekiel Hopkins, resolutely adhered to the doctrine of non*
resistance which he had preached during many years, and ex-
horted his flock to go patiently to the slaughter rather than
incur the guilt of disobeying the Lord's Anointed.f Antrim
was meanwhile drawing nearer and nearer. At length the
citizens saw from the walls his troops arrayed on the opposite
shore of the Foyle. There was then no bndge ; but there was
a ferry which kept up a constant communication between the
two banks of the river ; and by this ferry a detachment from
Antrim's regiment crossed. The officers presented themselves
at the gate, produced a warrant directed to the Mayor and
Sheriffs, and demanded admittance and quarter for his Majesty's
Roldiers.

Just at this moment thirteen young apprentices, most of
whom appear, from their names, to have been of Scottish
birth or descent, flew to the guard-room, armed themselves,
seized the keys of the city, rushed to the Ferry Gate, closed
it in the face of the King's officers, and let down the portcullis.
James Morison, a citizen more advanced in years, addressed

* My aathority for this unfavorable accoant of the corporation is an
epic poem entitled the Londeriad. This extraordinary work most have
been written very soon after the events to which it rchitcs; for it is dedi-
cated to Robert Rochfort, Speaker of the House of Commons; and Boch-
fort was Speaker from 1695 to 1699. The poet had no invention ; he had
evidentlv a minute knowledge of the city which ho celebrated ; and hif
doggerel is consequently not without historical value. He says :— •

^ For bnr^^esses and freemen they had chose
Bro^e-makers, batchers, raps, and such as thoM:
In all the corporation not a man
Of British parents, except Buchanan."

Thb Buchanan is afterwards described as

" A knave all o*er,
For he had learned *» tell his beads before.*'

. t See a sermon preached bj him at Dublin on Jan. 81, Ki69. Tha
text is, ** Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man W the Lofd'f

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 11 >

tbe intmders from the top of the wall and adrised them to Tie
gene. Thej stood in consultation before the gate till they
lieard him cry, " Bring a great gun thia way." They then
thought it time to get beyond the range of shot. They ro«
treated, reembarked, and rejoined their comrades on the other
side of the river. The flame had already spread. The whole
city was up. The other gates were secured. Sentinels paced
the ramparts everywhei*c. The magazines were opened.
Muskets and gunpowder were distributed. Me3sengei*s were
sent, under cover of the following night, to the Protestant
gentlemen of the neighboring counties. The bishop expostu-
lated in vain. It is indeed probable that the vehement and
daring young Scotchmen who had taken the lead on this occa>
sion had little res[)ect for his office. One of them broke in on
a discourse with which he interrupted the military preparations
by exclaiming, " A good sermon, my lord ; a very good ser-
mon ; but we have not time to hear it just now."*

The Protestants of the neighborliood promptly obeyed the
summons of Londonderry. Within forty-eight hours hundreds
of hoi*se and foot came by various roads to the city. Antrim,
aot thinking himself strong enough to risk an attack, or not
disposed to take on himself the responsibility of commencing
a civil war without further orders, retired with his troops to
Coleraine.

It might have been expected that the resistance of £nnis-
killen and Londonderry would have iiritated Tyrconnel into
taking some desperate step. And in truth his savage and
imperious temper was at first inflamed by the news almost to
madness. But, after wreaking his rage, as usual, on his wig,
he became somewhat calmer. Tidings of a very sobering na-
ture had just reached him. The Prince of Orange was march-
ing unopposed to London. Almost every county and every
great town in England had declared for him. James, deserted
by his ablest captains and by his nearest relatives, had sent
commissioners to treat with the invaders, and had issued writs
convoking a Parliament While the result of the negotiations

♦ Walker's Aceoant of the Siege of Derry, 1689; Mackenzie's Narra-
live of thie Siege of Londonderry, 1689; An Apology for the failurci
charged on the Reverend Mr. Walker's Account of the late Siege of
Uerry, 1689, A Light to the Blind. This last work, a manuscript in
4he |)osse88ion of Lord Fingal, is the work of a zealous Roman Catnolic
and a mortal enemy of England. Large extracts from it are among tht
Mackintotih M8S. * The dat« in the tide-page is 171 1 w

116 HTSTORT OF ENGLAND.

wLich were pending in England was ancerfain, the Vicero;^
eould not venture to take a bloody revenge on the refractory
Protestants of Ireland. He therefore thought it exi>edient to
affect for a lime a clemency and moderation which were by no
means cong»*nial to his di8(X)sition. The task of quieting the
EngUshry of Ulster was intrusted to William Stewart, Vis-
count Mountjoy. Mountjoy, a brave soldier, an accomplished
scholar, a zealous Protestant and yet a zealous Tory, was one
of the very few members of the Established Church who stiD
held office in Ireland. He was Master of the Ordnance in
that kingdom, and was colonel of a regiment in which an un*
commonly large proportion of the Englishry had been suffered
to remain. At Dublin he was the centre of a small circle of
learned and ingenious men who had, under his presidency,
fonned themselves into a Royal Society, the image, on a small
scale, of the Royal Society of London. In Ulster, with which
he was peculiarly connected, his name was held in high honor
by the colonists.* He hastened with his regiment to London-
derry, and was well Received there. For it was known that,
tliough he was firmly attached to hereditary monarchy, he was
not less firmly attached to the reformed religion. The citizens
readily permitted him to leave within their walls a small gar-
rison exclusively composed of Protestants, under the command
of his lieutenant colonel, Robert Lundy, who took the title of

Govemor.f

The news of Mountjoy's visit to Ulster was highly gratifying
to the defenders of Enniskillen. Some gentlemen deputed by
that town waited on him to request his good offices, but were
disappointed by the reception which they found. " Mj advice
lo you is," he said, ** to submit to the King's authority." " What,
my Lord ? " said one of the deputies ; " Are we to sit still and
let ourselves be butchered ? " ** The King," said Mountjoy, " will
protect you." " If all that we hear be true," said the deputy,
^ his Majesty will find it hard enough to protect himself." Tlie
conference ended in this unsatisfactory manner. Enniskillen still
kept its attitude of defiance ; and Mountjoy returned to Dublin.t

By Uiis time it had indeed become evident that James could

* As to Mountjoy's character and position, see Clarendon's letters
horn Ireland, pitrticnUirly that to Lord Dartmouth of Feb. 8, and tliat to

Evelyn of Feb. 14, 168^. **Bon offlcier, et homme d'esprit stjf
ATaux.

\ Walker*8 Account ; Light to the Blind.

t Mac Connick% FurUicr Impartial Acooont

HIBTOBT OF SMUi^AND. 117

not protect himself. It was known in Ireland that he had fled ;
that he had been stopped ; that he had fled again ; that the
Prince of Orange had arrived at Westminster in trimBph, had
taken on himself the admiriritration of the realm, and had issued
letters summoning a Convention.

Those lords and gentlemen at whose request the Prince had
assumed the government, had earnestly entreated him to taka
the state of Ireland into his immediate consideration ; and he
had in reply assured them that he would do his best to main-
tain the Protestant religion and the English interest in thai
kingdom. His enemies afterwards accused him of utterly dis-
regarding this promise ; nay, they alleged that he purposely
suffered Ireland to sink deeper and deeper in calamity. Halifax,
they said, had, with cruel and perfidious ingenuity, devised thi»
mode of placing the Convention under a species of duress ; and
the trick had succeeded but too well. The vote which called
WiUiam to the throne would not have passed so easily but for
the extreme dangers which threatened the state ; and it was in
consequence of his own dishonest inactivity that those dangers
had become extreme.* As this accusation rests on no proof,
tliose who repeat it are at least bound to show that some course
clearly better than the course which William took was open to
him ; and this they will find a difficult task. If indeed he could*
within a few weeks afler bis arrival in London, have sent a
great expedition to Ireland, that kingdom might perhaps, after a
short struggle, or without a struggle, have submitted to his
authority ; and a long series of crimes and calamities might
have been averted. But the factious orators and pamphleteers,
who, much at their ease, reproached him for not sending such
an expedition, would have been perplexel if they had been
required to find the men, the ships, and the funds. The
English army had lately been arraryed against him ; part of it
was still ill disposed towards him ; and the whole was utterly
disorganized. Of the army which he had brought from Hollandi
not a regiment could be spared. He had found the treasury
empty and the pay of the navy in arrear. He had no power
to hypothecate any part of the public revenue. Those who
lant him money lent it on no security but his bare word. It
was only by the patriotic liberality of the merchants of London
that he was enabled to defray the ordinary charges of govern-

\

* Bomct, t. 807 *, and tho noten by Swift and Dartmouth. Tatchin, in
ttia Obscrvator, repeats this idle calamny

120 HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND.

had not seemed to be displeased by the attentkms of her prei
Bomptuous admirer.* The adventurer had subsequently r^
turned to his native country, had been appointed Brigadier-
General in the Irish army, and had been sworn of the Irish
Privy CounciL When the Dutch invasion was expected, he
came across Saint George's Channel with the troops which
Tyrconnel sent to reinforce the royal army. After the flight
of James, those troops submitted to the Prince of Orange.
Richard Hamilton not only made his own peace with what was
now the ruling power, but declared himself confident that,
if he were sent to Dublin, he could conduct the negotiation
which had been opened there to a happy close. If he failed,
he pledged his word to return to London in three weeks. His
influence in Ireland was known to be great ; his honour had
never been questioned ; and he was highly esteemed by the
Temple family. John Temple declared that he would answer
for Richard Hamilton as for himself. This guarantee was
thought sufficient ; and Hamilton set out for Ireland, assuring
his English friends that he should soon bring Tyrconnel to
reason. The offers which he was authorized to make to the
Roman Catholics, and to the Lord Deputy personally, were
most liberal.t

It is not impossible that Hamilton may have really meant
to perform his promise. But when he arrived at Dublin he
found that he had undertaken a task which was beyond his
power. The hesitation of Tyrconnel, whether genuine or
feigned, was at an end. He had found that he had no longer
a choice. He had with little difficulty stimulated the ignorant
and susceptible Irish to fury. To calm them was beyond his
skilL Rumors were abroad that the Viceroy was correspond-
ing with the English ; and these rumors had set the nation
on fire. The cry of the common people was that, if he dared
to sell them for wealth and honors, they would bum the Castle
and him in it, and would put themselves under the protection
of France.^ It was necessary for him to protest, truly or
(alsely, that he had never harbored any thought of submission,
and that he had pretended to negotiate only for the purpose
o£ gaining time. Yet, before he openly declared against the

♦ M^raoires de Madame do la Fayette.

t Boraetf L 808; Life of James, ii. 3S0; Commoos' Jonmak, Jalj
€69.

I Araaz to Lewis, ^^^ 1689

BISTORT OP ENGLAHD. 181

Ekiglish settlers, and agsunst England herself, what must be a
war to the death, he wished to nd himself of Mountjoy, who
had hitherto been true to the cause of Jamefi, but who, it was
well known, would never consent to be a party to the spoliation
and oppression of the colonists. Ilypocritiud professions of
friendship and of pacific intentions were not spared. It was a
sacred duty, Tyrconnel said, to avert the calamities w!iich
seemed to be impending. King James himself, if ho under-
stood the whole case, w^ould not wish his Irish friends to en-
gage at that moment in an enterprise wliich must be fatal to
them and useless to him. lie would permit them, he would
command them, to submit to necessity, and to reserve them^
selves for better times. If any man of weight, loyal, able, and
well informed, would repair to Saint Germains and explain
the state of things, his Majesty would easily be convinced.
Would Mountjoy undertake this most honorable and important
mission ? Mountjoy hesitated, and suggested that some person
more likely to be acceptable to the King should be the messen«
ger. Tyrconnel swore, ranted, declared that, unless King
James were well advised, Ireland would sink to the pit of hell,
and insisted that Mountjoy should go as the representative of
the loyal members of the Established Church, and should be
accompanied by Chief Baron Rice, a Romsui Catholic high in
the royal favor. Mountjoy yielded. The two ambassadors
departed together, but with very different commissions. Rice
was charged to tell James that Mountjoy was a traitor at
heart, and had been sent to France only that the Pratest^mts
of Ireland might be deprived of a favorite leader. The King
was to be assured that he was impatiently expected in Ireland,
and that, if he would show himself there with a French force^
he might speedily retrieve his fallen fortunes.* The Chief
Baron carried with him other instructions which were prob-
ably kept secret even from the Court of Saint Germains. If
James should be unwilling to put himself at the head of the
native population of Ireland, Rice was directed to request a
private audience of Lewis, and to offer to make the island a
province of France.t

As soon as the two envoys had departed, Tyrconnel set him-

* Clarke's Life of James, ii. 321 ; Moantjoy's Circalnr Letter, dated

im. 10, lesf : King, iv. 8. In "Light f» the Blind," Tyny>niiorf ''wise
iistiwnliitiftn is oommended.

t Avaax to Lewis, April ^f, 168U
VOL. IIL 6

122 HTSTORT OP ENGLAND.

Belf to prepare for the conflict which had become ir.evitable
and he was strenuously assisted by the faithless Ilaniilton.
The Irish n<ition was called to arms ; and the call was obeyed
with strange promptitude and enthusiasm. The flag on the
Castle of l)ublin was embroidered AvitJi the words, " Now :>r
never ; now and forever ; " and those words resounded throngh
the whole island.* Never in modem P^urope lias there been
such a rising up of a whole people. The habits of the Celtic
peasant were such that he made no sacriflce in quitting hitf
potatoe ground for the camp. He loved excitement and adven-
hire. He feared work far more than danger. His national
and religious feelings had, during three years, been exasperated
by the constant application of stimulants. At every fair and
market he had heard that a good time was at hand, that the
grants who spoke Saxon and lived in slated houses were about
to be swept away, and that the land would again belong to its
own children. By the peat fires of a hundred thousand cabins
had nightly been sung rude ballads which predicted the deliv-
erance of the oppressed race. The priests, most of whom
belonged to those old families which the Act of Settlement had
ruined, but which were still revered by the native population,
had, from a tliousand altars, charged every Catholic to show
his zeal for the true Church by providing weajions against
the day when it might be necessary to try the changes of battle
m her cause. The army, which, under Onnond, had consisted
<rf only eight regiment^, was now increased to forty eight ; and
the ranks were soon full to overflowing. It was impossible to
find at short notice ono tenth of the number of good officers
which was required. Commissions were scattered profusely
among idle cosherers who claimed to be descended from good
Irish families. Yet even thus the supply of captains and
lieutenants fell short of the demand ; and many companies
were commanded by cobblers, tailors, and footmen.f
The pay of the soldiers was very smalL The private had

. * Printed Letter from Dublin, Feb. 25, 1689 ; Mephibosheth and Ziba,
1689.

t Tlic connection of the priests with tlie old Irish families is meitiont J
in Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland. See the Short View by a
Clergyman lately escaped, 1689; Ireland's Lamentation, by an Enj^lish
Protestant that lately narrowly esca|>cd with life from thence, 1689; A
True Account of the State of Ireland, by a person who with great d'ffi-
eultj left Dublin, 1689; King, ii. 7. Avaux condims all that tticM
wriUin say about the Irish officers.

H1ST0BT OF ENOLA^ND. 128

only threepenco a day. One half only of this pittance was
ever given him in money; and that half was often in arreai.
But a far more seductive bait than his miserable stipend was
the prospect of boundless license. If the government allowed
him less than sufRced for hLs wants, it was not extreme to mark
the means by whicli he supplied the deficiency. Though four
Gfths of the population of Ireland were Celtic and Roman Cath«
olio, more than four fifths of the property of Ireland belonged
to the Protestant Englishry. The gamers, the cellars, above
all the flocks and herds of the minority, were abandoned to the
majority. Whatever the regular troops spared was devoured
by bands of marauders who overran almost every barony in the
island. For the arming was now universal. No man dared to
present himself at mass without some weapon, a pike, a long
knife called a skeati, or, at the very least, a strong ashen stake^
pointed and hardened in the fire. The very women were ei
horted by their spiritual directors to carry skeans. ESvery
smith, every carpenter, every cutler, was at constant work on
guns JEind blmles. It was scarcely possible to get a horse sIvkL
If any Protestant artisan refused to assist in the manufacture
of implements wtiich were to be used against his nation and his
religion, he was fiung into prison. It seems probable that, at
the end of February, at least a hundred thousand Irishmen were
in arms. Near fifty thousand of them were soldiers. The rest
were banditti, whose violence and licentiousness the Grovetn-
ment affected to disapprove, but did not really exert itself to
suppress. The Protestants not only were not protected, but
were not suffered to protect themselves. It was determined
that they should be left unarmed in the midst of an armed and
hostile population. A day wa^ fixed on which they were to
bring all their swoi*ds and firelocks to the parish churches ; and
it was notified that every Protestant house in which, after that
day, a weapon should be found should be given up to be sacked
by the soldiers. Bitter complaints were made that any knave
might, by hiding a spear head or an old gun-barrel in a com-r
oi' a mansion, bring utter ruin on the owner.*

♦ At the French War Office is a report on the State of lrc!an<l in
February, IC89. In that report, it is said that the Irish who had enlisted
as Holdiers were Torty-fivc thmwand, and that the nnmhor wonld have
been a handrcd thousand if all who vohinieered had l)een admitted. See
the Sod and finmentable Condition of the Prote8t;\ntfl in Ireland, 1689;
Hamilton's True Relation, 1690; The State of Papist and Pn)testant
Piroperties in the Kinj^dora of Ireland, I6SM; A true Represcniatiou C«

mSTORT OF ENGLAND.

islice Keating, himseir a Protestanf, and ftlmosl tlie

ij in the CHu^R or justice and order apninsi the untied
the Rovemment and ihe papulnce. Ai the Wicklow

liat spring, he, from the seat of judsmcnt. set forth
strength of lang:iinge the miserable slate of th«

IVhole counties, he said, were devastated by a nibbla
the vultures and ravens which follow the march of
Most of these wretches were not soldiers, Tliey

r no antliorilj known to the law. Yel it was, ha
loo evident that ihey were encouraged and screened

ket overt for plunder should be held within a obort
the capital ? The stories which travellers told of
Hotlentotf near the Cape of Good Hope were real-
einster. Nothiiig was more common than for an
, to lie down rii-h in flocks and hci-ds acquired by
r of a long life, and to wake a bcgjar. It was, how-
all pur[>ose that Keating atiempted, in the midsi of
1 anarciiy, to uphold the supi-emacy of the law.
military chiefs appeared on the bench for the pur-
eratving the jndge and countenancing the i-ohbers.
1 escaped because no pro-iecutor dared to apjiear.

HIBTOBT OF ENGLAND. 135

clared on the bendt at Cork that, without violence and spolia-
tioi^ the intentions of the Govemment could not be carried into
effect, and that robbery must at thatT conjuncture be tolerated
•8 a necessary eviL *

The destruction of property which took place within a few
weeks would be incredible, if it were not attested by witnesses
unconnected with each other and attached to very different iiw
tcrestd. There is a close, and sometimes almost a verbali
agreement between the descriptions given by Protestants, whO)
during that reign of terror, escaped, at the hazard of theif
lives, to England, and the descriptions given by the envoys,
commissaries, and captains of Lewis. All agreed in declaring
that it would take many years to repair the waste which had
been wrought in a few weeks by the armed pcasiintry.t Some
of the Saxon aristocracy had mansions richly furnished, and
sideboards gorgeous with silver bowls and chargers. All this
wealth disappeared. One house, in which there had been three
thousand pounds' worth of plate, was lefl without a spoon.{
But the chief riches of Ireland consisted in cattle. Innumerable
flocks and herds covered that vast expanse of emerald meadow,
saturated with the moisture of the Atlantic More than one
gentleman possessed twenty thousand sheep and four thousand
oxen. The freebooters who now overspread tho country be*
longed to a class which was accustomed to live on potatoes and
sour whey, and which had always regarded meat as a luxury
reserved for the rich. These men at first revelled in beef and
mutton, as the savage invaders, who of old poured down from
the forests of the north on Italy, revelled in Massic and Fa-
lemian wines. The Protestants described with contemptuous
disgust the strange gluttony of their newly liberated slaves.
l*he carcasses, half raw and half burned to cinders, sometimes
still bleeding, sometimes in a state of loathsome decay, were
lorn to pieces and swallowed without salt, bread, or herbs*
Those marauders who preferred boiled meat, being often in
want of kettles, contrived to boil the steer in his own skin. An
aVsurd tragi-comedy is still extant, which was acted in this and
the following year at some low theatre for the amusement of

• King, iii. la

i Ten years, sajs the French ambassador ; twenty years, says a Ptofe*
mant fugitive.
X Animadversions on the proposal for sending back the nobility and

gentry of Ireland ; l&|j*

126 HI8TORT OF EKGLAITD.

Ihe English populace. A crowd of half naked savages ap*
peared on the stage, howling a Celtic song and dancing round
an ox. They then preceded to cut steaks out of the animal
while still alive and to fling the bleeding flesh on the coals. In
truth the barbarity and filthiness of the banquets of the Rap-
parees was such as the dramatists of Grub Street could scarcely
caricature. When Lent began, the plunderers generally ceased
to devour, but continued to destroy. A peasant would kill a cow
merely in order to get a pair of brogues. Often a whole flock
of sheep, often a herd of fifty or sixty kine, was slaughtered :
the beasts were flayed; the fleeces and hides were carried
away ; and the bodies were left to poison the air. The French
ambassador reported to his master that, in six weeks, fifty
thousand horned cattle had been slain in this manner, and were
rotting on the ground all over the country. The number of
sheep that were butchered during the same time was popularly
said to have been three or four hundred thousand.*

Any estimate which can now be framed of the value of the
property destroyed during this fearful conflict of races must
necessarily be \ery inexact. We are not, however, absolutely
without materials for such an estimate. The Quakers were
neither a very numerous nor a very opulent class. We can
hardly suppose that they were moro than a fiftieth part of the

* King, iii. 10; The Sad Estate and Condition of Ireland, as represent-
ed in a Letter from a Worthy Person who was in Dublin on Friday last,
March 4, 1689; Short View by a Ciertryraan, 1689; Lamentation of Ire-
land, 1689 ; Coinplcut History of tho Life and Actions of Richard, Earl
of Tyrcoiinel, 1689; The Royal Voya^'O, acted in 1689 and 1690. This
drama, which, 1 believe, was performed at Bartholomew Fair, is one of
tlie most curious of a curious class of compositions, utterly destitute of
literary merit, itut valuable as showing what were then the most snccess-
fal clap-traps for an audience composed of the common people. '* The
end of tiiis play," says the author in his preface, *' is chictiv to expose the
perfidious, base, cowardly, and bloody nature of tiie Irish.'^ The account
which the fugitive Protestants give of the wanton destruction of cattle is

oonfirmed by Avaux in a letter to Lewis, dated April j^§, 1689. and by

Desgrigny in a letter to Loivois, dated May ^f, 1690. Most of the dis-
patches written by Avaux durin;; his mission to Ireland are contained in
• volunio of wliicli a very few copies wcro printed some years aj^o at the
ICnglish Foreign Olfice. Of many 1 have also copies made at the French
Forcij;n Oificc. Tiie letters of Desgrigny, who w:is employed in the Cora-
missari.it, 1 found in the Library of the French VVarOlfice. I cannot too
•tn)ngly express my simse of the lil)erality and courtesy with which the
immense and admiral)ly arranged storehouses of curious ioiormatioa at
Paris were thrown open to me.

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 127

Proti'^taiit population of Ireland, or that they possessed more
than a fiftieth part of the Protestant wealth of Ireland. Thej
were undoubtedly better treated than any other Protestant sect.
James had always been partial to them : they own that Tyr-
connel did his best to protect them ; and they seem to have
found favor even in the sight of the Rapparees.* Yet the
Quakers computed their pecuniary losses at a hundred thousand
pounds.f

In Leinster, Munstcr, and Connaught, it was utterly impo8«
Bible for the English settlers, few as they were and dispersed,
U> offer any effectual resistance to this terrible outbreak of the
aboriginal population. Charleville, Mallow, Sligo, fell into the
hands of the natives. Bandon, where the Pit)testants had
mustered in considerable force, was reduced by Lieuttinant-
Geneitil Macarthy, an Irish officer who was descended from
one of the most illustrious Celtic houses, and who had lung
served, under a feigned name, in the French arniy.| Ihe
people of Kenmare held out in their little fastness till they
were attacked by three thousand regular soldiers, and till it was
known that several pieces of ordnance were coming to batter
down the turf wall which surrounded the agetit^s house. Then
at length a capitulation was concluded. The colonists were
suffered to embark in a small vessel scantily supplied with food
and water. They had no experienced navigator on board;
but after a voyage of a fortnight, during which they were
crowded together like slaves in a Guinea ship, and suffered the
extremity of thirst and hunger, they reached Bristol in safety .f
When such was the fate of the towns, it was evident that the
country seats which the Protestant land-owners had recently
fortified in the three southern provinces could no longer be de-
fended. Many families submitted, delivered up their arms,
and thought themselves happy in escaping with lii'e. But many

* '* A remarkable thing never to be forgotten was that tbej that were
in government then " — at the end of 1688 — '^seemed to favor us and
endeavor to preserve Fiieiids." History of the Rise and Progress of the
People culled Quakers in Ireland, bv Wight and liutty, Dublin, 1751.
Kin^ indeed (iii. 17) reproaches the Qaakcrs as aUics and tools of th«
Papi^jts.

+ Wight and Uiitty.

I Life of Jaiiies, ii. 327. Orig. Mem. Macarthy and his feigned namt
•re repeatedly mentioned by Dangeau.

\ Exact Relation of the rersecutions, Robberies and Losses ftii8*aiiie4
%7 the Protestants of Killmaru in Lrclaud, 16£9.

118 HISTORT OF ENOLA.N9.

t^solute and high-spirited gentlemen and jeomen were deter
mined to perish rather than yield. Thej packed up such
valuable property as could easily be carried away, burned what-
ever they could not remove, and, well anned and mounted, set
out for those spots in Ulster which were the strongholds of their
race and of their faith. The flower of the Protestant popula-
tion of Munster and Connaught found shelter at Enniskillen.
Whatever was bravest and most true-hearted in Leinster took
the road to Londonderry.*

The spirit of Enniskillen and Londonderry rose higher and
higher to meet the danger. At both places the tidings of what
had been done by the Convention at Westminster were received
with transports of joy. William and Mary were proclaimed
at Enniskillen with unanimous enthusiasm, and with such
pomp as the little town could fumisn.f Lundy, who corn-
manded at Londonderry, could not venture to oppose himself
to the general sentiment of the citizens and of his own sol-
diers. He therefore gave in his adhesion to the new govern-
ment, and signed a declaration by which he bound himself to
Btand by that government, on pain of being considered a cow-
ard and p traitor. A vessel from England soon brought a
commission from William and Mary which confirmed him in
his othce4

To reduce the Protestants of Ulster to submission before
aid could arrive from England, was now the chief object of
Tyrconnel. A great force was ordered to move northward,
under the command of Richard Hamihon. This man had
violated all the obligations which are held most sacred by gen-
tlemen and soldiers, had broken faith with his friends the Tem-
ples, had forfeited his military parole, and was now not ashamed
o take the field as a general against the government to which
ne was bound to render himself up as a prisoner. His march
left on the face of the country traces which the most careless
eye could not during many years fail to discern. His army
was accompanied by a rabble, such as Keating had well com*
pared to the unclean birds of prey which swarm wherever the

* A true Representation to the King and People of England how Mat-
ten were carried on all along in Ireland by the late King James, licensed
Aug. 16, 1689 ; A true Account of the Present State of Ireland by a Vnr
|on that with great ditiiculty left Dublin, Ucenned June 8, 1689

t Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling Men, 1689.

i Walker's Account, 1689.

HISTORT OF ENOLANB. IM

scent of carrioa is strong. The general professed bimsetf
ftoxious to save from ruin and outrage all Protestants who re»
mained qaietly at their homes ; and he most readily gave them
protections under his hand. But these protections proved of
no avail; and he was forced to own that, whatever power
he might be able to exercise over his soldiers, he could not
keep order among the mob of camp-followers. The country
behind him was a wilderness ; and soon the country before
him became equally desolate. For, at the fame of his ap-
proachf the colonists burned their furniture, pulled down
their houses, and retreated northward. Some of them at-
tempted to make a stand at Dromore, but were broken and
scattered. Then the flight became wild and tumultuous. The
fugitives broke down the bridges and burned the ferryboats.
Whole towns, the seats of the Protestant population, were left
In ruins without one inhabitant. The people of Omagh de»
Btroyed their own dwellings so utterly that no roof was left to
shelter the enemy from the rain and Avind. The people of
Cavan migrated in one body to Enniskillen. The day was
wet and stormy. The road was deep in mire. It was a pite*
ous sight to see, mingled with the armed men, the women and
children weeping, famished, and toiling through the mud up to
their knees. All Lisburn fled to Antrim ; and, as the foes
drew nearer, all Lisburn and Antrim together came pouring^
into Londonderry. Thirty thousand Protestants, of both
sexes and of every age, were crowded behind the bulwarks of
the City of Refuge. There, at length, on the verge of the
ocean, hunted to the last asylum, and baited into a mood in
which men may be* destroyed, but will not easily bf subja*
gated, the imperial race turned desperately to bay.*

Meanwhile Mountjoy and Rice had arrived in Franoew
Mountjoy was instantly put under arrest, and thrown into the
Bastile. James determined to comply with the invitation
which Rice had brought, and applied to Lewis for the help of
a French army. But Lewis, though he showed, as to all
things which concerned the personal dignity and comfort of his
royal guests, a delicacy even romantic, and a liberality ap-
proaching to profusion, was unwilling to send a large body of
troops to Ireland. He saw that France would have to main*

* Mackenzie's Narrative ; Mac Cormack's Further Impartial Accoont ;
Story's Impartial History of the AlT.iirs of Ireland, 1691 ; Apology tor tb«
Protestants of Ireland ; XiOtter from Dahlin of Feb. 2ft, 1689 j A faux to

^rnn April H, 1689.

a*

var on the Continent against a formidable coalifion

lure must he immense ; and, great 0.1 were her r«
flit it to be important Ihnt notliing should b«
a doubtless regurded wiib Bincfre eommiseratioa
11 the uiirortonate exiles to wliom lie had given bq
welcome. Yet neither coraraifieration nor good-

h^iigland waa Ihe dullest and most perverse of

1' men and the signs of the times, his obstinacy, at-
olFensively dis[)layed when wisdom enjoined con-
racillation, always exhibited most pitiably in en>./^
:h required firmnesa, had made him an ouleastfrom
id might, if bis counsels were blindly followed,
calamities on France. As a legilimate sorereign
rebels, as a eonfeSBor of the true faith persecuted
as a near kinsman of the House of Bourbon, who
Ijimself on ihe hearth of that House, he was en
pimlily, lo tendern<iss, to r(>specL It was fit that
ive a stately palace and a spacious forest, Ibat the
oops should salute him with the highest uiilitary
he should bave at hid command all the hounds of
luntsman, and all the hawks of the Grand Fal-
., when a prince, who, at the bead of a great fleet

HISTOHT OF ENOLAND. 191

of JuxoD.* 1/auzun had been encouraged to hope that, if
Fiench forces were sent to Ireland, he should command them
and this ambitious hope Louvois was bent on di^appointing.f

An army was therefore for the present refused ; but every
thing else was granted. The Brest fleet was ordered to be in
readiness to sail. Arms for ten thousand men and great quan-
tities of ammunition were put on boainl. About four hundred
captains, heutenants, cadets, and gunners were selected for the
important service of organizing and disciplining the Irish levies.
The chief command was held by a veteran warrior, the CoaDft
of Rosen. Under him were Maumont, who held the rank of
lieutenant-general, and a brigadier named Pusignan. Five
hundred thousand crowns in gold, equivalent to about a hun-
dred and twelve thousand pounds sterling, were sent to Bre8t.|
For James's personal comforts provision was made with anx-
iety resembling that of a tender mother equipping her son for
a first campaign. The cabin furniture, the camp furniture,
the tents, the bedding, the plate, were luxurious and superbw
Nothing which could be agreeable or useful to the exile was
too costly for the munificence, or too trifiing for the attention,
of his gracious and splendid hosL On the fifteenth of Febru-
ary, James paid a farewell visit to Versailles. He was con-
ducted round the buildings and plantations with every mark of
Respect and kindness. The fountains played in his honor. It
was the season of the Carnival ; and never had the vast palace
and the sumptuous gardens presented a gayer aspect. In the
evening the two kings, after a long and earnest conference ia
private, made their appearance before a splendid circle of lords
and ladies. ^ I hope," said Lewis, in his noblest and most win*
ning manner, ^' that we are about to part, never to meet again
in this world. That is the best wish that I can form for you.
But, if any evil chance should force you to return, be assured
that you will find me to the last such as you have found ma
hitherto." On the seventeenth Lewis paid in return a farewell
visit to Saint Grermains. At the moment of the parting em-
brace he said, with his most amiable smile : '* We have tbrgot-
len one thing, a cuirass for yourself. You shall have mine." Ths
cuirass was brought, and suggested to the wits of the Court in-

* M^mobet de Madame de la Fayette ; Madame de S^vign^ to Ma
wuue de Grignan, Feb. 28, 1689.
t Bume^ ii. 17 ; CUrke's Life of James XL 320, 321, SSS.
X Maaxnoat's Instrv etions.

I8i BISTORT OF BKOLAKD.

genioas allusions to the Yalcaoian panoplj which Achilles lent
to his feebler fi iend. James set out for Brest ; and his wife, over*
eome with sickness and sorrow, shut herself up with her child
to weep and pray.*

Jaraes was accompanied or speedily followed by several of
his own subjects, among whom the most distinguished were hia
son Berwick, Cartwright Bishop of Chester, Fowis, Dover, and
Mclfort. Of all the retinue, none was so odious to the people
of Great Britain as Melfort. He was an apostate ; he was be-
lieved by many to be an insincere apostate ; and the insolent,
arbitrary, and menacing language of his state papers dis^gusted
even the Jacobites. He was therefore a favorite with his mas-
ter ; for to James unpopularity, obstinacy, and implacability
were the greatest recommendations that a statesman could
have.

What Frenchman should attend the King of England in the
character of ambassador had been the subject of grave deliber-
ation at Versailles. Barillon could not be passed over without
a marked slight. But his self-indulgent habits, his want of en-
ergy, and, above all, the credulity with which he had listened
to the professions of Sunderland, had made an unfavorable im-
pression on the mind of Lewis. What was to be done in Ire-
land was not work for a trifler or a dupe. The agent of France
in that kingdom must be equal to much more than the ordinal^
functions of an envoy. It would be his right and his duty to
offer advice touching every part of the political and military
administration of the country in which he would represent the
most powerful and the most beneficent of allies. BJarillon waa
therefore passed over. He affected to bear his disgrace with
composure. His political career, though it had brought great
calamities both on the House of Stuart and on the Hou^e of
Bourbon, had been by no means unprofitable to himself. He
was old, he said ; he was fat ; he did not envy younger men the
honor of living on potatoes and whiskey among the Irish bogs ;
he would try to console himself with partridges, with cham-
pagne, and with the society of the wittiest men and prettiest
women of Paris. It was rumored, however, that he was tor-
tured by painful emotions which he was studious to conceal;
his health and spirits failed ; and he tried to find consolation in

♦ Daneeau, February J|, Jf , 1689 ; ]l|{{ulame de S^vignif, Ftbru*!
H* i^^ * ^^'^'"^i'^B de Madame de la Fayette.

HI8T0BT OF EKGLAHD. lU

reKgioos daties. Some people were much edified by the pietj
of the old voluptuary; but others attributed his death, which
took place not long afler his retreat from public life, to shame
and vexation.*

The Count of Avaux, whose sagacity had detected all the
plans of William, and who had vainly recommended a policy
which would probably have frustrated them, was the man oa
whom the choice of Lewis fell. In abilities Avaux had no sa*
perior among the numerous able diplomatists whom his coun-
try then possessed. His demeanor was singularly pleasing, bii
person handsome, his temper bland. His manners and con-
versation were those of a gentleman who had been bred in the
most polite and magnificent of all Courts, who had represented
that Court both in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries,
and who had acquired in his wanderings the art of catching
the tone of any society into which chance might throw him.
He was eminently vigilant and adroit, fertile in resources, and
skilful in discovering the weak parts of a character. His own
character, however, was not without its weak parts. The con-
sciousness that he was of plebeian origin was the torment of his
life. He pined for nobility with a pining at once pitiable and
ludicrous. Able, experienced, and accomplished as he was, he
sometimes, under the influence of this mental disease, descend^
ed to the level of Moliere's Jourdain,and entertained malicious
observers with scenes almost as laughable as that in which the
honest draper was made a Mamamouchi.f It would have beeit
well if this had been the worst. But it is not too much to say
that of the difference between right and wrong Avaux had no
more notion than a brute. One sentiment was to him in the
place of religion and morality, a superstitious and intolerant
devotion to the Crown which he served. This sentiment per-
vades all his dispatches, and gives a color to all his thoughts
and words. Nothing that tended to promote the interest of the
French monarchy seemed to him a crime. Indeed, he appears
to have taken it for granted that not only Frenchmen, but all
human beings, owed a natural allegiance to the House of Bour-

* Memoirs of La Fare and Saint Simon ; Note of Renaadot on English

affairs, 1697, in the French Archives; Madame de S^yign<^, Mattkl

March XX, 1689 ; Letter of Madame de Coulanges to M dc Coulangea,

Inly S3, 1691.

1 8ee Saint Simon's account of the trick by which Avaux tried to pa*
luoseif off at Stockholm as a Knight of the Order of the Holy Qhopt.

mSTORT OP ENOLAKD.

,[ wUoei'er hesimted to sacrifice llie Imppiness and

s own nalirc counlrj to llie f^lory of lliat Hunaa

Wliilu lie rcsideil nt the Hn^ue, he alwaya des-

Duidijucii who hud suld ihem^elves to France as

:ntioned party. In the letters which he wrote from

same feeling appears etil] more strongly. H»

been a more sagacious poliEii;!ati if he had symp^

ith those feelings of mural approbation and dis-

hich prevail among the vulgar. Fur his own

to all considerations of justice and mercy was iuch

I allowance for the conguiencea

:. More than once hedetiher-

BO horrible that wicked men

. Bui they could not succeed

ig their scruples intelligible to him. To every

i he listened with a cynical sueer, wondering with-

hether those who lectured him were such fools u

>ed to be, or were only shamming.

: man whom Lewis selected lo be the compan-
of James. Avaux was charged to open, if poa-
th Ibe nmleconleuts In the English

schemes, he

ai of his neighbt

I mended wicked ne:

rilh indignati

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 185

hini> and perhaps not insincerely. For, though an enemy of
theii religion, he was not an enemy of their nation ; and they
might reasonably hope that the worst king would show some-
what Diore respect for law and property than had been shown
by the Merry Boys and Rapparees. Tiie Vicar of Kinsale
was among those who went to pay their duty ; he was pre*
sen ted by the Bishop of Chester, and was not ungraciously
received*

James learned that his cause was prospering. In the three
aouthem provinces of Ireland the Protestants were disarmed,
and were so efiectually bowed down by terror that he had
nothing to apprehend from them. In the North there waa
some show of resistance ; but Hamilton was marching against
the malecontents ; and there was little doubt that they would
easily be crushed. A day was spent at Kinsale in putting the
arms and ammunition out of reach of danger. Horses sufficient
to carry a few travellers were with some difficulty procured;
and, on the fourteenth of March, James proceeded to Cork.t

We should greatly err if we imagined that the road by which
he entered that city bore any resemblance to the stately approach
which strikes the traveller of the nineteenth century with ad-
miration. At present Cork, though deformed by many misera-
ble relics of a former age, holds no mean place among the ports
of the empire. The shipping is more than half what the ship-
ping of Lfondon was at the time of the Revolution. The customs
exceed the whole revenue which the whole kingdom of Ireland,
in the most peaceful and prosperous times, yielded to the Stu-
arts'. The town is adorned by broad and well-built streets, by
fair gardens, by a Corinthian portico which would do honor to
Palladio, and by a Gothic college worthy to stand in the High
Street of Oxford. In 1689, the city extended over about one
tenth part of the space which it now covers, and was intersected
by muddy streams, which have long been concealed by arches
and buildings. A desolate marsh, in which the sportsman who
pursued the waterfowl sank deep in water and mire at every
«tep, covered the ai*ea now occupied by stately buildings, the
palaces of great commercial societies. There was only a single
street in which two-wheeled carriages could pass each other.

* A fall and true Account of the Landing and Reception of tl o lati
King James at Kinsale, in a letter from Bristol, licensed April 4, 1689;
LesUe's Answer to King; Ireland's Lamentation; Avaax, March l^.

t Avaox. March li, 1689} Life of James, ii. 327, Orig. Mem.

186 HISTOST OF ENGLAND.

From tbis street diverged to right and left alleys squalid and
noisome beyond the belief of those who have formed their no-
tions of misery from the most miserable parts of Saint Gileses
and Whitechapel. One of these alleys, called, and, by com-
parison, justly called. Broad Lane, is about ten feet wide.
From such places, now seats of hunger and pestilence, al)an"
doned to the most wretched of mankind, the citizens poured
forth to welcome James. He was received with military hoc.-
ors by Macarthy, who held the chief command in Munster.

It was impossible for the King to proceed immediately to
Dublin; for the southern counties had been so completely laid
waste by the banditti whom the priests had cklled to arms, that
the means of locomotion were not easily to be procured. Horses
had become rarities ; in a large district there were only two
carts ; and those Avaux pronounced good for nothing. Some
days elapsed before the money which had been brought from
France, though no very formidable mass, could be d nigged
over the few miles which separated Cork from Kinsale.*

While the King and his Council were employed in trying to
procure carriages and beasts, Tyrconnel arrived from Dublin.
He held encouraging language. The opposition of Enniskillen
he seems to have thought deserving of little consideration.
Londonderry, he said, was the only important post held by the
Protestants ; and even Londonderry would not, in his judg^
ment, hold out many days.

At length James was able to leave Cork for the capital. On
the road, the shrewd and observant Avaux made many remarks.
The first part of the journey was through wild highlands, wHere
it was not strange that there should be few traces of art and
industry* But, from Kilkenny to the gates of Dublin, the path
of the travellers lay over gently undulating ground rich with
natural verdure. That fertile district should have been cov-^
ered with flocks and herds, orchards and cornfields ; but it was
an untiUed and unpeopled desert. £ven in the towns the arti-
sans were very few. Manufactured articles were hardly to be
found, and if found could be procured only at immense prices.t
The truth was that most of the English inhabitants had fied,
and that art, industry, and capital had fled with them.

James received on his progress numerous marks of the good

* Avaax, March H, 1689.

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 187

Will of the peasantry ; bot marks soch as, to men bred in tb«
eoiirts of France and England, had an uncouth and ominous
appearance. Though very few laborers were seen at work in
the fields, the road was lined by Rapparees armed with skeans,
stakes, and half pikes, who crowded to look upon the deliverer
of their race. The highway along which he travelled presented
the aspect of a street in which a fair is held. Pipers came
forth to play before him in a style which was not exactly that
of the French opera ; and the villagers danced wildly to tha
music Long fi-ieze mantles, resembling those which Spenser
bady a century before, described as meet beds for rebels and
apt cloaks for thieves, were spread along the path which the
cavalcade was to tread ; and garlands, in which cabbage stalks
supplied the place of laurels, were offered to the royal hand*
The women insisted on kissing his Majesty ; but it should seem
that they bore little resemblance to their posterity ; for this
compliment was so distasteful to him that he ordered bis reti-
nue to keep them at a distance.*

On the twenty-fourth of March he entered Dublin. That
city was then, in extent and population, the second in the
British isles. It contained between six and seven thousand
houses, and probably above thirty thousand inhabitants.f In
wealth and beauty, however, Dublin was inferior to many
English towns. Of the graceful and stately public buildings
which now adorn both sides of the Liffey, scarcely one had
been even projected. The College, a very different edifice
from, that which now stands on the same site, lay quite out of
the city. J The ground which is at present, occupied by Lein-
Bter House and Charlemont House, by Sofikville Street and
Merrion Square, was open meadow. Most of the dwellings
were built of timber, and have long given place to more sub-
stantial edifices. The Castle had in 1686 been almost unin-
habitable. Clarendon had complained that he knew of no
gentleman in Pall Mall who was not more conveniently and
handsomely lodged than the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. No

^ A foil and troe Vccoant of the Landing and Reception of the hUo
King James; lreland*8 Lamentation; Light to the Blind.

t See the calculations of Petty, King, and Davenant. If the average
nnraber of inhabitants to a house was the same in Dublin as in London,
the popalation of Doblin would have been about thirtv-four thousand.

I John Dunton speaks of CoUef^e Green near Dublin. I have seen
fetters of tliat age directed to the College, by Dublin. There are loiiif
takterestir^ old maps of Dublin in the British liiueom.

188 HI8T0BT OF ENOLAND.

public ceremony could be performed in a becominj^ mannet
nnder the Vice-repil roof. Nay, in spite of constant glazing
and tilin*?, the rain perpetually drenched the apartments.*
Tyrconnel, since he became Lord Deputy, had erected a new
building somewhat more commoilious. To this building the
King was conducted in state through the southern part of the
city. Every exertion had been made to give an air of festivity
and splendor to the district which he was to traverse. The
ftreets, which were generally deep in mud, were strewn witb
gravel. Boughs and flowers were scattered over the path.
Tapestry and arras hung from the windows of those who could
adbrd to exhibit such finery. The poor supplied the place of
rich stufis with blankets and coverlids. In one place waa
stationed a troop of friars with a cross ; in another a company
of forty girls dressed in white and carrying nosegays. Pipers
and harpers played " The King shall enjoy his own again."
The Lord Deputy carried the sword of state before his master.
The Judges, the Heralds, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
appeared in all the pomp of office. Soldiers were drawn up
on the right and left to keep the passages clear. A procession
of twenty coaches belonging to public functionaries was mus-
tered. Before the Castle gate, the King was met by the host
under a canopy l>orne by four bishops of his church. At the
eight he fell on his knees, and passed some time in devotion.
He then rose and waa conducted to the chapel of his palace,
once — such are the vicissitudes of human things — the riding
house of Henry Cromwell. A Te Deum wa.'* performed in
honor of his Majesty's arrival. The next mornuig he held a
Privy Council, (Ijscharged Chief Justice Keating from any
further attendance at the board, ordered Avaux and Bishop
Cartwright to be sworn in, and issued a proclamation convok-
ing a Parliament to meet at Dublin on the 7th of May.f

When the news that James had arrived in Ireland reached
London, the sorrow and alarm were general, and were mingled
with senous discontent. The multitude, not making sufficient
Allowance for the difficulties by which William was encom-
passed on every side, loudly blamed his neglect To all the
invectives of the ignorant and malicious he opposed, as waa

* Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 8, 168^, April 20, Aug. 121, Nov. 80
1686.

t Clarke's Life of James II., ii. 330; Full and tme Aooount (€ tht
Landing and Ueception, &c ; Ireland's Lamentation.

BISTORT OF ENOLAHD. 180

his wont, nothing hut irarautahle gravity and the silence of pro-
found disdain. But few minds Iiad received from nature a
temper so firm as his ; and still fewer had undergone so long
and so rigorous a discipline. The reproaches which had no
power to shake liis fortitude, tried from childhood upwards by
both extremes of fortune, inflicted a deadly wound on a less
resolute heart.

While all the coffee-houses were unanimously resolving that
a fleet and army ought to have been long before sent to Dub-
lin, and wondering how so renowned a politician as his Majesty
oould have been duped by Hamilton and Tyrconnel, a gentle-
man went down to the Temple Stairs, called a boat, and de-
sired to be pulled to Greenwich. He took the cover of a letter
from his pocket, scratched a few lines with a pencil, and laid
the paper on the seat with some silver for his fare. As tl^e
boat passed under the dark central arch of London Bridge, he
spning into the water and disappeared. It was found that he
had written these words: *' My folly in undertaking what I
could not execute hath done the King great prejudice which
cannot be stopped — No easier way for me than this — May
his undertakings prosper — May he have a blessing." There
was no signature; but the body was soon found, and proved to
^ that of John Temple. He was young and highly accom-
plished ; he was heir to an honorable name ; he was united .to
an amiable woman ; he was possessed of an ample fortune ; and
he had in prospect the greatest honors of the state. It does
not appear that the public had been at all aware to what an
extent he was answerable for the policy which had brought so
much obloquy on the government. The King, stern as he was,
bad far too great a heart to treat an error as a crime. He had
just appointed the unfortunate young man Secretary at War ;
and the commission was actually preparing. It is not improb-
able that the cold magnanimity of the master was the very
thing which made the remorse of the servant insupportable.*

But^ great as were the vexations whjch Wiiliam had to un-
dergo, those by which the temper of his father-in-law was at

* Ciarendon^s Diary ; Reresby's Memoirs; Narcissus LuttrcU's Diary.
I have followed Luitrcll's version of Temple's last words. It agrees in
r.408tance with Clarendon's, but has more of tiio abruptness natural or
tncti an occasion. If any thing could make so tragical an event ridim
ioiu, it would be the lameutation of the author of the Londeriad:—

^ The wretched youth against his friend exclaims,
And in despair drowns himself iu the Thame*.*'

140 HISTOST OF ENGLAND.

Iliis time tried were greater still. No court in Europe was
distracted by more quarrels and intrigues than were to be
found within the walls of Dublin Cai^tle. The numerous petty
cabals which sprang from the cupidity, the jealousy, and the
malevolence of* individuals scarcely deserve mention. But
there was one cause of discord which has been too little no-
ticed, and which is the key to much that has been thoug^it
mysterious in the history of those times.

Between English Jacobitism and Irish Jacobitism there was
nothing in common. The English Jacobite was animated by a
strong enthusiasm for the family of Stuart ; and in his zeal for
the interests of that family he too often forgot the interests of
the state. Victory, peace, prosperity, seemed evils to the
stanch nonjuror of our island if they tended to make usurpa-
tion popular and permanent Defeat, bankruptcy, famine,
invasion, were, in his view, public blessings, if they increased
the chance of a restoration. He would rather have seen his
country the last of the nations under James the Second or
James the Third, than the mistress of the sea, the umpire
between contending potentates, the seat of arts, the hive of
industry, under a prince of the House of Nassau or of Bruns-
wick.

The sentiments of the Irish Jacobite were very different, and,
it must in candor be acknowledged, were of a nobler character.
The fallen dynasty was nothing to him. He had not, like a
Cheshire or Shropshire cavalier, been taught from his cradle
to consider loyalty to that dynasty as the first duty of a Chris-
tian and a gentleman. All his family traditions, all the lessons
taught him by his foster mother and by his priests, had been
of a very diiferent tendency. He had been brought up to
regard the foreign sovereigns of his native land with the feeling
with which the Jew regarded C»sar, with which the Scot re^
garded Edward the First, with which the Castilian regarded
Joseph Bonaparte, with which the Pole regards the Autocrat
of the Russias. It was the boast of the highborn Milesian
that, from the twelfth century to the seventeenth, every gener-
ation of his family had been in arms against the English crown.
His remote ancestors had contended with Fitzstephen and De
Burgh. His great-grandfather had cloven down the soldiers
of Elizabeth in the battle of the Blackwater. His grandfatlier
bad conspired with O'Donnel against James the First. His
father had fought under Sir PheUm O'Neill against Charles the
First. The coniiscation of the family estate had been ratified

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 141

by an Act of Charles the Second. No Puritan, who had been
cited before the High Commission by Laud, who had charged
under Cromwell at Nasebj, who had been prosecuted under
the Conventicle Act, and who had been in hiding on account
of the Rye House Plot, bore less affection to the House of
Stuart than the O' Haras and Macmahons, on whose support
the fortunes of that House now seemed to depend.

The fixed purpose of these men was to break the foreign
Yoke, to exterminate the Saxon colony, to sweep away the
Protestant Church, and to restore the soil to its ancient pro-
prietors. To obtain these ends they would without the smallest
scruple have risen up against James ; and to obtain these ends
they rose up for him. The Irish Jacobites, therefore, were
not at all desirous that he should again reign at Whitehall ; for
tbey could not but be aware that a Sovereign of Ireland, who
was also sovereign of England, would not, and, even if he
would, could not, long administer the government of the smaller
and poorer kingdom in direct opposition to the feeling of the
larger and richer. Their real wish was that the Crowns might
be completely separated, and that their island might, whether
under James or without James they cared little, form a distinct
state under the powerful protection of France.

While one party in the Council at Dublin regarded James
merely as a tool to be employed for achieving the deliverance
of Ireland, another party regarded Ireland merely as a tool to
be employed for effecting the restoration of James. To the
English and Scotch lords and gentlemen who had accompanied
him from Brest, the island in which they sojourned was merely
a stepping-stone by which they were to reach Great Britain.
They were still as much exiles as when they were at Saint
Grermains ; and indeed they thought Saint Grermains a far
more pleasant place of exile than Dublin Castle. They had
no sympathy with the native population of the remote and
half barbarous region to which a strange chance had led them.
Nay, they were bound by common extraction and by common
language to that colony which it was the chief object of the
native population to root out. Tiiey had indeed, like the great
body of their countrymen, always regarded the aboriginal Irish
with very unjust contempt, as inferior to other European na-
tions, not only in acquired knowledge, but in natural intelli-
gence and courage ; as bom Gibeonites who had been liberally
treated, in being permitted to hew wood and to draw water foi
% WHer 4Uid mightier people. These politicians also thought,

r's objfct wiia lo rei-over ilie llirone of En-jland, if
i!u1th?.-s ill him to give himself up to the guidance
artil ilii: .M;iirs (vlio regardei! England with mortal
. L.iv ili ' uiiig the cmwii of Irelrtnd independent, a
n-lii;; tii;:rfs, >;li;be3, nnd tithes, from tlie Prutustant
iiii Cuiliidic Ulmrch, u law transferrins '«" milliona
,m Swons to Culls, would doubtless be loudly Bp-

Clitre &nil Tipiwrary. But what would be th«
leh lava at Westrnmster ? What at Oxford? It
nor policy to alienate sueh men as Clarendon and
kcn and Sherlock, in order lo obtuin the applause
n.ireea of the Bog of Allan.*

EnRiish and Irish factions in the Council at Dubliu
vd in ft dispute which admitted of no eomprorai^e.
inwhile looked on that dispute from a point of view

own. His obje(;t was neither the emandpallon of

maruliy. In what way that object might be bust
^ a very complicated problem. Untloublfdly, h
lesmen could not but wi^h for a counter revotulloa
. The effect of such a counter revolution wouhi be
rer which was the most formidable enemy of France

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 143

and resolution he had, during an unintermitted coitdi. t of ten
jears, learned to apprnciate, would easily part with ilie great
prize which had been won by such strenuous exertions and
profound combinations. It was therefore necessary to consider
what arrangementd would be most beneficial to France, on the
supposition that it proved impossible to dislodge William from
England. And it was evident that, if William could not be
dislodged from England, the arrangement most beneficial to
France would be that which had been contemplated eighteen
months before when James had no prospect of a male heir*
Ireland must be severed from the English crown, purged of
the English colonists, reunited to the Church of Rome, placed
under the protection of the House of Bourbon, and made, in
every thing but name, a French province. In war, her re
sources would be absolutely at the command of her Lord
Paramount. She would furnish his army with recruits. She
would furnish his navy with fine harbors commanding all the
great western outlets of the English trnde. The strong na-
tional and religious antipathy with which her aboriginal popu-
lation regarded the inhabitants of the neighboring island would
be a sutTicient guarantee for their fidelity to that government
which could alone pi-otect her against the Saxon.

On the whole, therefore, it appeared to Avaux that, of the
two parties into which the Council at Dublin was divided, the
Irish party was that which it was for the interest of France to
support. He accordingly connected himself closely with the
chiefs of that party, obtained from them the fullest avowala
of all that they designed, and was soon able to report to his
government that neither the gentry nor the common people
were at all unwilling to become French.*

The views of Louvois, incomparably the greatest statesman
that France had produced since Richelieu, seem to have en-
tirely agreed with those of Avaux. The best thing, Louvois
wrote, that King James could do would be to forget that he
had reigned in Gre^it Britain, and to think only of putting Ire-
land into a good condition, and of establishing himself firmly
there. Whether this were the true interest of the House ol
Stuart may be doubted. But it was undoubtedly the true
interest of the House of Bourbon.f

Avaax, -j^^^-j-' 1689, April J J. But it is less from any single letter

lan from the whole tendency ami spirit of the coiTcspondunco of Ayaax,
that I have formed my notion of his objects.
* '' 11 faui lioDc, oabliaot qa'il a est^ Roy d'Angleterre et d'Esooise, cfl

BISTORT OF ENOLAMD.

le Sootcli ami Englisli exiles, and especially about
vaux cofismnlly expressed himself with an aaperitr
iiave been enpecled from a man of m mueli sense
ence. Mclfort was in a singularly unforlunale posi-
was a renef-iiJe ; he wna a roorlat eiieny of (he
Ills country; he wiis of a bad and tyraimtual na-
ycA he wa=, in some sense, a patriot. The conse-
i lliat lie wa3 more universally deiested than any
; time. For, while lii« aposiady and his arliitrHry
croveniment made him the abhorrence of Enjjknd
id, hi,* anxiely for the dignity and iiiiegriiy of (he
idu him the abhorrence of the Irish and of the

: question to be decided was whether James should
Dublin, or should put himself at the head of his
Uler. On this question the Irish and British fao-
1 battle. Reasons of no great weight were adduced
es { for neither party ventured to spenk out. The
' in issue was whetiier the King should be in Irish
iL hands. If he remained at Dublin, it would be
i>siblti for him to withhold his absent from any bill

■

HI8TOBT OF EKOLAXl>. 145

on the British side of the question, deteroiined to follow the
fidvice of Melfort* Avaux was deeply mortified. In his
official letters he expressed with great acrimony his contempt
for the King's character and understanding. On Tyrconnel,
who had said that he despaired of the fortunes of James, and
that the real question was between the King of France and
the Prince of Orange, the ambassador pronounced what was
meant to be a warm eulogy, but may perhaps be more prop-
erly called an invective. *' If he were a bom Frenchman, he
oould not be more zealous for the interests of France." f The
conduct 3f Melfort, on the other hand, was the subject of an
invective which much resembles eulogy : '* He is neither a
good Irishman nor a good Frenchman. All his affections are
set on his own country." X

Since the King was determined to go northward, Avaux
did not choose to be left behind. The royal party set ont,
leaving Tyreonnel in charge at Dublin, and arrived at Charle*
mont on the thirteenth of April. The journey was a strange
one. The country all along the road had been completely
de:ierted by the industrious population, and laid waste by
bands of robbers. "This," said one of the French officers,
^ is like travelling through the deserts of Arabia.*' § What-
ever effects the colonists had been able to remove were at
Londondeiry or Enniskillen. The rest had been stolen or
destroyed. Avaux informed his court that he had not been
able to get one truss of hay for his horses without sending five
or six miles. No laborer dared bring any thing for sale lest
some marauder should lay hands on it by the way. The
ambassador was put one night into a miserable tap-room full
of soldiers smoking, another night into a dismantled house
without windows or shutters to keep out the rain. At
Charlemont a bag of oatmeal was with great difficulty, and as
a matter of favor, procured for the French legation. There
was no wheaten bread except at the table of the King, who
bad brought a little flour from Dublin, and to whom Avaux
bad lent a servant who knew how to bake. Those who were
honored with an invitation to the royal table had their bread

• See the despatches written by Avmax during April, 1689; Light .0
thfl Blind.

t Avanx, April -f^j 1^89.

4 Ayanx, May ^, 1689.

f Pniigiuin to Avaux, ^^^ IM9.

TO^. III. 7

HISTOttr OF ENGLAND.

measured out to them. Everybody else, howeva
ink, ale horaecom, and dnink waler or detestdble
! with QMS in^ttad of barley, and tlavored with ionui
herb as a substilutn for hops,] Yet report ESid
■iintry between Cbarlemont and Simbane was cvea
liite thiin the country between Dublin and Cliarle-

were BO bad, and the borses so weak, that the bag-
ins had all been left far behind. The chief officers
y were consequently in want of necessaries ; and the
which was the natural effect of these privalious was

t everybody about him wa3 not perfectly comfort-

fourteenth of April the King and his train proceeded
The rain fell ; the wind blew ; the horses could
take their way through the mud. and in the face of
and the road wa^ frequently intersected by torrenis
;ht almost be called rivers, 'flie travellers had u)
111 <nrds where the water was breast high. Somi' of
fainted from fatigue and hunger. All around Ity
1 wilderness. In a journey of forty milea Avaux
Illy three miseruble cabins. Kvery thing else waa
and moor. When at length th« travellers reached

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 147

war had been been near the mouth of Lough Foyle. In one
minute three messages were sent to summon Avaux to the
ruinous chamber in which the royal bed had been prepared.
There James, half dressed, and with the air of a man bewil-
dered bj some great shock, announced his resolution to hasten
back instantly to Dublin. Avaux listened, wondered, and ap-
proved. Melfort seemed prostrated by despair. The travel-
lers retraced their steps, and, late in the evening, reached
Charlemont. There the King received despatches very differ-
ent from those which had terrified him a few hours beforor
The Protestants who had assembled near Strabane had been
attacked by Hamilton. Under a true-hearted leader they would
doubtless have stood their ground. But Lundy, who com-
manded them, had told them that all was lost, had ordered
them to shifl for themselves, and had set them the example of
flight.* They had accordingly retired in confusion to London-
derry. The King's correspondents pronounced it to be impos-
sible that Londonderry should hold out. His Majesty had
only to appear before the gates, and they would instantly fly
open. James now changed his mind again, blamed himself for
having been persuaded to turn his face southward, and, though
it was late in the evening, called for his horses. The horses
were in miserable plight ; but, weary and half starved as they
were, they were saddled. Melfort, completely victorious, car-
ried off his master to the camp. Avaux, after remonstrating
to no purpose, declared that he was resolved to return to Dub-
lin. It may be suspected that the extreme discomfort which
he had undergone had something to do with this resolution.
For complaints of that discomfort make up a large part of hia
letters ; and, in truth, a life passed in the palaces of Italy, in
the neat parlors and gardens of Holland, and in the luxurious
pavilions which adorned the suburbs of Paris, was a bad prep«
aration for the ruined hovels of Ulster. He gave, however,
to his master a more weighty reason for refusing to proceed
northward. The journey of James had been undertaken in
opposition to the unanimous sense of the Irish, and had excited
great alarm among them. They apprehended thiit he meant
to quit them, and to make a descent on Scotland. They knew
that, once landed in Great Brit^iin, he would have neither the

will nor the power to do those things which they most desired.

A^vaux, by refusing to proceed further^ gave them an assurance

^ Commons' Joarniils, Aug. 12, 1689 ; Mackoazic's NairatiTe,

BIBTORT or ENGLAND.

er might betray them, France would be their coo*

vaux was on his way lo DuMin, Jatnea hnstcned
mltinderry. He founJ his army concent riti-d a few

of the city. The French generals who had sailed
'rom Brerit were in his train j and Iwo of them,
MaumonI, were placed over (he head of Richard
Rosen waa a, native of Livonia, wlio had in early
me a soldier of fortune, who had fought his way to
and who, though utterly deitituie of the graces and
nciits characteristic of the Court of Versailles, waa
i high in favor there. His temper was savage ) hia
ire coar<Je ; his language was a stcaMgo jargon eon*-

various dialects of French and German, Even
thought best of liiin, and who maintained that hia
rior covered some good quslilies, owned that hia

a^uinM him, and liiat it would be niipK-aiunt to
I ligure in the dusk ut the corner of a wooil-t The

known of Mauint^ttt U to liIs honor.

viihuui a blow. Rosen ranlidently predicted that
ightof the Irish army would terrify the garrison
Aon. But Riehard Hamilton, who knew the lera-
eoloni.-is better, bud mipgivings. Tlie assailants

HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND. 148

lo have tboaght resistance hopeless ; and in truth, to a military
eye, the defences of Londonderry appeared contemptible. The
fortifications consisted of a simple wall overgrown with grass
and weeds; there was no ditch even before the gates; the
drawbridges had long been neglected ; the chains were rusty
and could scarcely be nsed ; the parapets and towers were
built after a fashion which might well move disciples of Vauban
to laughter; and these feeble defences were on almost every
side commanded by heights. Indeed, those who laid out the
city had never meant that it should be able to stand a regular
aege^ and had contented themselves with throwing up works
sufficient to protect the inhabitants against a tumultuary attack
of the Celtic peasantry. Avaux assured Louvois that a single
French battalion would easily storm such defences. £ven if
the place should, notwithstanding all disadvantages, be able to
repel a large army directed by the science and experience of
generals who had served under Conde and Turenne, hunger
must soon bring the contest to an end. The stock of pro*
visions was small ; and the population had been swollen -io
seven or eight times the ordinary number by a multitude of
colonists flying from the rage of the natives.*

Lundy, therefore, from the time when the Irish army en-
tered Ulster, seems to have given up all thought of serious
resistance. He talked so despondingly that the citizens and
his own soldiers murmured against him. He seemed, they
said, to be bent on discouraging them. Meanwhile the enemy
drew daily nearer and nearer ; and it was known that James
himself was coming to take the command of his forces.

Just at this moment a glimpse of hope appeared. On the
fourteenth of April ships from England anchored in the bay.
They had on board two regiments which had been sent, under
tlie command of a Colonel named Cunningham, to reinforce
tlie garrison. Cunningham and several of his officers went on
shore and conferred with Lundy. Lundy dissuaded them from
landing their men. The place, he said, could not hold out.
To throw more troops into it would therefore be worse than
useless : for the more numerous the garrison, the more prison-
ers would fall into the hands of the enemy. The best thing
that the two regiments could do would be to sail back to

* AvBDx, April -^j 1689. Among the MSS. in tho Bntish MnseuB
it a cnrioos report on the defences of Londonderry, drawn np in 1706 fix
die Duko of Ormond by a French engineer named Thomai.

He meant, he said, to withdraw himself prlvafsly, '
liabiiants must then try to make good terud foi

through the form of holding a raunnil of war ; bul
junfil he exeluJed all (hose officers of the garrison
menu he knew to be differenl from liin own. Sumn,
Jinarily been summoned on sudi occasions, and who
ininvited, were thrust out of the room. Whatever
or said was echoed by his creatures, Cunningliam
ghain's companions could scarcely venture In opiKwe
m to that of a person whose local knowledge was
far superior to theirs, and whom lliey were by their

directed to obey. One bravo soldier murmured

The meeting broke up. Cunningham atid hia

unied 10 the slji|i^ and m^de prepanitioii^ for de-
Icanwhile Lundj privately sent a messenger to the
:rs of the enemy, with assurances (hat the city
eaceably surrendered on Ihe first Hummona.
>on as what had passed in the council of war waa

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 15X

After some anxious hours the day broke. The Irish, with
James at their head, were now within four miles of the city
A tumultuous council of the chief inhabitants was called.
Some of them vehemently reproached the Grovemor to hia
&ce with his treachery. He had sold them, they cried, to
their deadliest enemy ; he had refused admission to the force
which good King William had sent to defend them. While
the altercation was at the height, the sentinels who paced the
ramparts announced that the vanguard of the hostile army
was in sigb't. Lundy had given orders that there should be no
firing ; but his authority was at an end. Two gallant soldiers^
Major Henry Baker and Captain Adam Murray, called the
people to arms. They were assisted by the eloquence of an
aged clergyman, George Walker, rector of the parish of Don-
aghraore, who had, with many of his neighbors, taken refuge in
Londonderry. The whole of the crowded city was moved by
one impulse. Soldiers, gentlemen, yeomen, artisans rushed to
the walls and manned the guns. James, who, confident of
success, had approached within a hundred yards of the southern
gate, was received with a shout of " No surrender," and with a
fire from the nearest bastion. An officer of his staff fell dead
by his side. The King and his attendants made all haste to
get out of reach of the cannon balls. Lmidy, who was now in
imminent danger of being torn limb from limb by those whom
he had betrayed, hid himself in an inner chamber. There he
lay during the day, and at night, with the generous and politic
connivance of Murray and Walker, made his escape in the
disguise of a porter.* The part of the wall from which he
let himself down is still pointed out ; and people still living
talk of having tasted the fruit of a pear-tree which assisted
him in his descent His name is, to this day, held in execra-
tion by the Protestants of the North of Ireland ; and his effigy
was long, and perhaps still is, annually hung and burned by
them with mai*ks of abhorrence similar to those which in
England are a^ropriated to Guy Faux.

And now Londonderry was left destitute of all military and
of all civil government. No man in the town had a right to
command any other ; the defences were weak ; the provision?
were scanty ; an incensed tyrant and a great army were at the
gates. But within was that which has often, in desperate ex-
!««niitiesy retrieved the fallen fortunes of nations. Betrayed,

* Walker and Mackenxio.

UI6T0BT OP ENGLAND.

L dtsorganizcd, unprovided with resourcos, bogirt yn'Jt

•h]e city wiu still do e«sy conque-sL Whatever

liglit tliitik of the strength of the ramii-uTs, all

iiiiiilligenl, most courageous, most high-jpiriied

:ri^hry of Leinster iind of Northern Ulster was

1 ti.em. The number of men capuble of b^t^'

[i the witlla was seven thouAontl ; and tlie nliolv

ot have fumuhcd seven thousand men bettor

eet a terrible emergency with clear judgment,

', and stubborn patience. They were all zealous

Int:^ ; and the Protestantism of the majority was tingnd

rilani'^m. They liad much in eommon with tliat 8ol>er,

and God-fearing doss out of which Cromwell bad

'a iinconiiuerable army. But ibe peculiar situation in

ley bad been placed had developed in them some qual-

lieh, iu Ibe mother country, might po-igibly have re-

llikteni. The EngU<^ inbabitaaU of Ireland were an

'c caste, wliich had been enabled, by euperior civiltxa-

ose union, by sleepless vigihince. by cool inlrepidily,

in subjection a numerous and hostile population.

tvery one of them had been in some mensure trained

HISTORY OF KKOLAND. 15d

itrenaoos, and courageoas assistance may at any moment be
necessary to preserve his property and life. It is a truth
ever present to his mind that his own well-being depends oo
the ascendency of the class to which he belongs. His very
lelfishness, therefore, is sublimed into public spirit ; and this
public spirit is stimulated to fierce enthusiasm by sympathy,
by the desire of applause, and by the dread of infamy. For
the only opinion which he values is the opinion of his fellows |
and in their opinion devotion to the common cause is the meet
■acred of duties. The character, thus formed, has two aspects.
8eeo on one side, it must be regarderl by every well-constituted
mind with disapprobation. Seen on the other, it irresistibly
extorts applause. The Spartan, smiting and spuming the
wretched Helot, moves our disgust. But the same Spartan,
calmly dressing his hair, and uttering Ms concise jests, on what
he well knows to be his last day, in the pass of Thermf)pyhe,
is not to be contemplated without admiration. To a superficial
observer it may seem strange that so much evil and so much
good should be found together. But in truth tlie good and the
evil, which at first sight appear almost incompatible, are (tlosely
connected, and have a common origin. It was because the
Spartan had been taught to revere himself as one of a race of
sovereigns, and to look down on all that was not Spartan as of
an inferior species, that he had no fellow-feeling for the miser-
able serfs who crouched before him, and that the thought of
submitting to a foreign master, or of turning his back before
an enemy, never, even in the last extremity, crossed his mind.
Something of the same character, compounded of tyrant and
hero, has been found in all nations which have domineered over
more numerous nations. But it has nowhere in modem Europe
shown itself so conspicuously as in Ireland. With what con-
tempt, with what antipathy, the ruling minority in that country
long regarded the subject majority may be best leamed from
the hateful laws which, within the memory of men still living,
disgraced the Irish statute book. Those laws were at length
annulled; but the spirit which had dictated them survived
them, and even at this day sometimes breaks out in excesses
)>emicious to the commonwealth and dishonorable to the Prot-
estant religion. Nevertheless, it is impossible to deny that the
English colonists have had, with too many of the faults, all the
noblest virtues of a sovereign caste. The faults have, as was
natu*iJ, been most offensively exhibited in times of prosperity
«iif' security ; the virtues have been most resplendent In times

and peril J and never were those virtuea more lip

ij-iid ihiin by the defenders of Londonderry, whea
mor had abandoned them, iind when the camp oT
1 enemy was pitclif^d before iheir walla.
ttr had tlie first burst oC the rage esciied by Iho
juiidy spent ilsclf than those whom he had betrayed
with a gravity and prudence wonliy of the mosl
enales, to provide for the order and defence of the
governors were elected. Baker and Walker. Bakei
ief military command. Walker's especial busineM
,erve internal iranquilliiy, and to dole out supplies
najrazines." The inhabiiants capable of bearing
distributed into eight regiments Colonels, captains,
inale oflicora were apfiointed. In a few hours every
bis post, and was ready to repair to it as soon as iho

, in the preceding generation, kept up among hu

with not leas complete success. Preaching and
;u]jied a large part of every day. Eighteen clergy-
Efllabliihed Ciinrch and seven or eight noncon-
iiisiers were within the walls. They all exerted
indelatigubly to rouse and susEain tlie spirit of the
mong themselves there was for the lime entire
Aiyisouie^bou^hn^l^ovetwn^^

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 15A

planted on the sammit of the broad tower which has ainoe
giyen place to a tower of different proportions. Ammunition
was stored in the vaults. In the choir the liturgy of tht
Anglican Church was read every morning. Every afternooo
the Dissenters crowded to a simpler worship.*

James had waited twenty-four hours, expecting, as it should
■eem, the performance of Lundy's promises ; and in twenty-
four hours the arrangements for the defence of Londonderry
were complete. On the evening of the nineteenth of April, a
trumpeter came to the southern gate, and asked whether tha
engagements into which the Governor had entered would be
fuiiilled. The answer was that the men who guarded tliese
walls had nothing to do with the Governor's engagements, and
were determined to resist to the last.

On the following day a messenger of higher rank was sent,
Claude Hamilton, Lord Strabane, one of the few Roman
Catholic peers of Ireland. Murray, who had been appointed
to the command of one of the eia:ht res^iments into which the
garrison was distributed, advanced from the gate to meet the
flag of truce ; and a short conference was held. Strabane had
been authorized to make large promises. The citizens should
have a free pardon for all that was past if they would submit
to their lawful Sovereign. Murray himself should have a
colonel's commission, and a thousand pounds in money. ^ The
men of Londonderry," answered Murray, "have done nothing
that requires a pardon, and own no Sovereign but King
William and Queen Mary. It will not be safe for your Lord-
ship to stay longer, or to return on the same errand. Let me
have the honor of seeing you through the lines.''t

James had been assured, and had fully expected, that the
city would yield as soon as it was known that he was before
the walls. Finding himself mistaken, he broke loose from the
cootroi of Melfort, and determined to return instantly to Dublin.
Rosen accompanied the King. The direction of the siege was
intrusted to Maumont. Richard Hamilton was second, and
Pusignan third, in command.

The operations now commenced in earnest The besiegcii
began by battering the town. It was soon on fire in several
places. R00& and uppsr storios of houses fell in, and crushed

* A View of the Danger and Folly of being public-spirited, by WiUiaa
Oamill, 1721.
^ See Walker'ii Trae Account and Mackenzie's Narrative.

eiSTOBT or ENOLAKO.

1 During a short time (he garrison, many ot' witan

(1 bj Die crush of clilnmcys, and by the heaps of
ud with dii>rigut^<l corpses. But f&miliui'ity with
horror produced in & few hours llie natural effccL
of llie people rose io high that their chiefs thought
;t on the offensive. On the tweiity-firat of April r

ground resolutely ; and a furioua and bloody contest
MauinonC, at the he-ad of a body of cavalry, flev
! where the fight was raging. He was struck in tho
n)u--^kel-ball, nnd fell a, corpse. The besiegers loat
cr officers, and about two hundred men, before tlie
uld be driven in. Murray escaped with difEculty.
fas killed under hiin ; and lie wiia be^el by enemies ;
3 able to delt^nd hicnself till some of \iU friends
sh from the gale to his rescue, with old Walker
id,-

iiuenceof the death of MauniDnC, Humillon wa^oDce
lander of the Irish army. Ilis t:xploit8 in that post
m bis reputation. He was a line gentlemaa and a
er ; but he had no pretensions to the character of a
-al, and hod never, in his life, eeen a eiege.t Pusig-
aore science and energy. But Pusignan survived
itlle more than a fortnight. Al four in the morn-

HI8T0BT 0¥ ENOLAND. 157

was no such sargeon in the Irish camp ; and the communiea
lion with Dublin was slow and irregular. The poor French-
man died, complaining bitterly of the barbarous ignorance and
negligence which had shortened his days. A medical man,
who had been sent down express from the capital, arrived afler
the funeral. James, in consequence, as it should seem, of this
disaster, established a daily post between Dublin Castle and
Hamilton's head-quarters. Even by this conveyance letters
did not travel very expeditiously ; for the couriers went on
foot; and, from fear probably of the Enniskilleners, took •
circuitous route from military post to military post.*

May passed away ; June arrived ; and still Londonderry
held out. There had been many sallies and skirmishes with
various success ; but, on the whole, the advantage had been
with the garrison. Several officers of note had been earned
prisoners into the city ; and two French banners, torn aAer
hard fighting from the besiegers, had been hung as trophies in
the chancel of the Cathedral. It seemed that the siege must
be turned into a blockade. But before the hope of reducing
the town by main force was relinquished, it was determined to
make a great effort. The point selected for assault was an
outwork called Windmill Hill, which was not far from the
southern gate. Religious stimulants were employed to animate
the courage of the forlorn hope. Many volunteers bound
themselves by oath to make their way into the works or to
perish in the attempt. Captain Butler, son of the Lord Mount-
garret, undertook to lead the sworn men to the attack. Oo
the walls the colonists were drawn up in three ranks. The
office of those who were behind was to load the muskets of
those who were in front. The Irish came on boldly and with
a fearful uproar, but after long and hard fighting were drivea
back. The women of Londonderry were seen amidst th«
thickest fire serving out water and ammunition to their hus-
bands and brothers. In one place, where the wall was only
seven feet high, Butler and some of his sworn men succeeded

* Wa&er; Mackenzie; Araox to Loayois, May ^^ JL^ 16S9 ;

James to HamiltoD, -j^V in the library of the Royal Irish Academy.

XiOavois wrote to Avaux in ereat indignation. " La mauvaise condnitit
que I'on a tenoe devant LonJondery a coasts la Tie k M. de Maumont et
4 M. de Piuignan. II ne faut pas que sa Majestd Bntannique croye qa'en
fiusant toer dcs officiers generaox comme des soldats, on pnuse ne Tea

iot laisser manqucr. Ces sortes de genjt sont rares ea toat pn/Sf ot

ivest Mtre menagcu."

HISTOltr OF ENQLAND.

the lop; liul they weru all killed or made pritan-
ingth, al^er four hundred of the Irish had fallen,

ordered a retreat to be sounded.*

w.ia left but to try the effect of hunger. It waa

the Slock of food ill tlie city was but slender. In-
I thought stninga thai the supplies should have held
Every precaution was now taken against the in*
)f provisions. All the avenues leading to lie cily
re closely guarded. On the south were encamped
efl bank of the Foyle. the horsemen who bad foU
[ Galmoy from the valley of the Barrow. Their
if all the Irish captains the most dreaded and the
red by the Proteatanta. For he had disciplined hi*
are eliill and care ; and many frightful stories wero

barbarity and perfidy. Long lines of tents, occu-
. infantry of Butler and O'Neil, of Lord Slane and

li, and by Cavauagh's Kerry men, extended norih-
ey again approached the waier eide-t The river was
.h forts and batleries which no ressel could pass
liat peril. After some time it was determined to

HI8TOST OF ENOLAKD. 15%

UsXL Hard by it is the well from which the besiegers draDk«
A little further off is the burial-ground where thej laid their
slain, and where even in our own time the spade of the gar*
dener has struck upon many skulls and thigh-bones at a short
distance beneath the turf and flowers.

While these things were passing in the North, James wai
l.olding his court at Dublin. On his return thither from Lon-
donderry, he received intelligence that the French fleet, com«
manded by the Count of Chateau Renaud, had anchored in
Bantry Bay, and had put on shore a large quantity of military
Btores and a supply of money. Herbert, who had just been
sent to those seas with an English squadron for the purpose
of intercepting the communications between Britanny and Ire-
land, learned where the enemy j/lj, and sailed into ibe bay
with the intention of giving battle. But the wind was un-
favorable to him ; his force was greatly inferior to that which
was opposed to him ; and after some firing, which caused no
serious loss to either side, he thought it prudent to stand out to
sea, while the French retired into the recesses of the harbor.
He steered for Scilly, where he expected to find reinforce-
ments ; and Chateau Elenaud, content with the credit which he
had acquired, and afraid of losing it if he stayed, hastened
back to Brest, though earnestly entreated by James to come
round to Dublin.

Both sides claimed the victory. The Commons at West*
minster absurdly passed a vote of thanks to Herbert. James,
not less absurdly, ordered bonfires to be lighted, and a Te Deum
to be sung. But these marks of joy by no means satisfied
Avaux, whose national vanity was too strong even for his char-
acteristic prudence and politeness. He complained that James
was so unjust and ungrateful as to attribute the result of the
late action to the reluctance with which the English seamen
fought against their rightful King and their old commander,
and that his Majesty did not seem to be well pleased by being
told that they were flying over the ocean pursued by the tn«
omphant French. Dover, too, was a bad Frenchman. He
teemed to take no pleasure in the defeat of his countrymen,
and had been heard to say that the afikir in Bantry Bay did
not deserve to be called a battle.*

• Avaax, May VV, "j^*' 1689; London Gazette, May 9; Life of

James, ii. S70; Burchett's Naval Transactions; Commons' Jonraalf,
May 18, 21. From the Memoirs of Madame de la Fayette it appear!
that tbU paltry affair was correctly appreciated at VenMiillea.

HI3T0BT or ENGLAND.

la; after ibe Te Deum had been sung at Dublin ftf

aive Kkinnish, llie Parliaraenl convoked by Jamei
Tlie number of temporal peers af Irelaml, when
in (hat kingdom, was iiboul a hundred. t)f tbe^ej
en obeyed liis aummoris. Of ibe iburreen, ten wera
tholics. By the reversing of old ailiuiider*, and by
ions, aevenleen more Lords, all ]toTn;ui Catholics,
iduced into the Upper House. The ProKslant
!tleaih, O^ssory, Cork, and Limerick, wheiher Trom
unviction that they could not lawfully withhold theii
even from a tyrant, or from B rain ho[>e that iha
of A tyrant might he softened by their patience^
appearitnce in the midat of their mortal enemies.
use of Commons consisted almost exclusively of
ind PapiaW. Wiih the writs the returning olfi<»r«
■d from Tyrconnel letlora naming the persons wliom

ere at this lime very small. For scitrcely any but
Iholics dared to show their faces ; and the Roman
Beholders were then very few, not more, it is said,
lunties, than ten or twelve. Even in cities so con-
a Cork, Limerick, and Galway, the number of per^
inder tlie nevt Charters, were enritlud to vote did
ttvcDty-four. About two hundred and filly mem-

aiSTOBT OF BKOLAIYD. ICi

HeDrj Luttrell, member for the coanty of Carlow, had served
long in France, and had brought back to liis native Irehinu ;i
Bharpeued intellect and polished manners, a flattering tongubi
eorae skill in war, and much more skill in intrigue. His elder
brother, Colonel Simon Luttrell, who was member for the
county of Dublin, and military governor of the capital, had
also resided in France, and, though inferior to Henry in parta
and activity, made a highly distinguished figure among the ad«
herents of James. The other member for the county of Dub*
lin was Colonel Patrick Sarsfield. This gallant oiBcer was
regarded by the natives as one of themselves ; for his ances-
tors on the paternal side, though originally English, were
unong those early colonists who were proverbially said to have
become more Irish than Irishmen. His mother was of noble
Celtic blood ; and he was firmly attached to the old religion.
He had inherited an estate of about two thousand a year, and
was therefore one of the wealthiest Roman Catholics in the
kingdom. His knowledge of courts and camps was such as
few of his countrymen possessed. He had long borne a
commission in the English Life Guards, had lived much about
Whitehall, and had fought bravely under Monmouth on the
Continent, and against Monmouth at Sedgemoor. He had,
Avaux wrote, more personal influence than any man in Ire-
land, and was indeed a gentleman of eminent merit, brave,
upright, honorable, careful of his men in quarters, and certain
to be always found at their head in the day of battle.
His intrepidity, his frankness, his boundless good-nature, his
stature, which far exceeded that of ordinary men, and the
strength which he exerted in personal conflict, gained for him
the atfectionate admiration of the populace. It is remarkable
that the Englishry generally respected him as a valiant, skilful,
and generous enemy, and that, even in the most ribald farces
which were performed by mountebanks in Smithfield, he wai
always excepted from the disgraceful imputations which it was
then the fashion to throw on the Irish nation.*

♦ "Sarsfield," Araax Mrrote to LoiiTois, Oct. J^f , 1689, "n*est paa cm
hommo de la naissance de myloixl Gkillowaj" (Gulmoy, I suppose) "nj
de Blakarty: mais c'cst un ^entilhomme distinn^ud par son m^rite, qui b
plus de cr^lit dans co royaume qu'aucan hommo que je connoisse. 11 a
de Ut Taleur, niau surtout de rhonncur et de la probity k toute ^preur«
. . homme qui sera to^jours k la tdte de sea rroupes, ct qui en aura
graod soin." Leslie, in his Answer to King, sajb that the Irish Proi-
t&tants did justice to Sarsfield's integrity and honor. ' Indeed, justice it
imu to Saiv^d eren io such fcorriloos pieces as the Royal Elight.

in like IhesB were rare in the House of Cunraont
1 met Qt Dublin. It is no reproach to the Irish na-
inn which has since furnislied its Tull proportion of
nd ftccoinjili^heil senators, to say that, of all the par-
ihich have met in the British islands, Barebone'i
: not excepted, the a^uembly convoked by Jumes wa«
(.■iicient in nil thequalities which a legislature should
rhe stern domination of a hostile caste hod blighted
ss of the Irish gentleman. If he viaa so furtunate
a lands, he bad generally passed his life on them,
i^hing, carousing, and making love among his vad>
bis estate had been confiscated, he had wandered
1 bawn to biiwn, and from cabin to cabin. levying
Hhuiions, and living at the expense of olhir men.
iveraate in the House of CoramonH; he had never
1 an active part at an election ; he had never been a
; scarcely ever had he been on a grand jury. He
are absoluiely no esperience in public affaii-s. The
uire of tliat age, though assuredly not a very proround
■w.d politician, was a statesman and a philo:<opher
lareil with the Roman Catholic squire of Mmister
ghl.
rliaments of IrelanJ had then no fised place of as-

HISTOBT OF ENOLAMD. 163

for having adhered to his cause when the people of his othcnr
kinji^doms had deserted him. His resolution to abolish all rt-
ligious disabilities in all his dominions he declared to be unal-
terable. He invited the houses to take the Act of Settlement
into consideration, and to redress the Injuries of which the old
prjprietors of the soil had reason to complain. He concluded
by acknowledging in warm terms his obligations to the King
of France.*

When the rojal speech had been pronounced, the Chancellor
directed the Commons to repair to their chamber and to eleet
A Speaker. Thej chose the Attorney-General Nagle; and
the choice was approved by the King.f

The Commons next passed resolutions expressing warm
grntitude both to James and Lewis. Indeed, it was proposed
to send a deputation with an address to Avaux; but the
Speaker pointed out the gross impropriety of such a step;
and, on this occasion, his interference was successful.^ It was
seldom, however, that the House was disposed to listen to rea-
son. The debates were all rant and tumult. Judge Daly, a
Roman Catholic, but an honest and able man, could not refrain
from lamenting the indecency and folly with which the mem-
bers of his Church carried on the work of legislation. Those
gentlemen, he said, were not a Parliament ; they were a mere
rabble ; they resembled nothing so much as the mob of fisher-
men and market gardeners, who, at Naples, yelled and threw
up their caps in honor of Massaniello. It was painful to heai
member after member talking wild nonsense about his own
losses, and clamoring for an estate, when the lives of all, and
the independence of their common country, were in peril.
These words were spoken in private ; but some talebearer re*
peated them to the Commons. A violent storm broke forth.
Daly was ordered to attend at the bar ; and there was little
doubt that he would be severely dealt with. But, just when
he was at the door, one of the members rushed in, shouting,
**Good news; Londonderry is taken." The whole House
rose. All the hats were Hung into the air. Three loud huzzas
were raised. Every heart was soRcned by the happy tidings.
Nobody would hear of punishment at such a moment. The
order for Daly's attendance was discharged amidst cries of

* Life of James, ii. 355.

t Joamai of the Parliament io Ireland

Mat «

• Avanz, jf^' 1689.

HI3T0Kt OF ENGLAJfD.

liMion ; no submission ; we pardon him." In a few
as known that IjODdiinderry liel<l out as ohstinatoly

qualiiiea wUicli ooght to be round in the great council

i, and without temper, was now to legislate on (juev
li would liave tasked to the utmost the capacity of
^t slates men. •

;t James induced them to pass which would have
. honorable to him and to them, if there were not
proofs that it was meant to be a dead letter. It wu
irporling to grant entire liberty of conscience to all

g in boastful language to the English people that

accused him of affecting zeal for religious liberty
order to serve a turn, If he were at heart indineft

tion, would he not have persecuted the Irish Protest
3 did not want power, lie did not want provocsr
: at Dubiin. where the members of his Church wera
ily, as at Westminster, where they were a minority,
miy adhered to the principles laid duvrn in Ills much
Declaralion of Indulgenee.t L'liforluimlely for him.

HIBTORT OF ENGLAND. 165

mpidly passed; and then followed, in qoick succession, ecu-
fiscations and proscriptions on a gio^antic scale. The pergonal
estates of absentees above the age of seventeen years were
transferred to the King. When lay property was thus invaded,
it was not likely that the endowments which had been, in
contravention of every sound principle, lavished on the Church
of the minority . would be spared. To reduce those endow-
ments, without prejudice to existing interests, would have
been a reform worthy of a good prince and of a good
parliament. But no such reform would satisfy the vindictive
bigots who sate at the King's Inns. By one sweeping Act, the
greater part of the tithe was transferred from the Protestant
to the Roman Catholic clergy ; and the existing incumbents
were left, without one farthing of compensation, to die of
hunger.* A Bill repealing the Act of Settlement and trans-
ferring many thousands of square miles from Saxon to Celtic
landlords was brought in and carried by acclamation.f

Of legislation such as this it is impossible to speak too
severely; but for the legislators there are excuses which it ia
the duty of tlie historian to notice. They acted unmercifully,
unjustly, unwisely. But it would be absurd to expect mercy,
justice, or wisdom from a class of men first abased by many
years of oppression, and then maddf^ned by the joy of a sudden
deliverance, and armed with irresistible power. The repre-
sentatives of the Irish nation were, with few exceptions, rude
and ignorant. They had lived in a state of constant irritation.
With aristocratical sentiments they had been in a servile posi«
tion. With the highest pride of blood, they had been exposed
to daily afironts, such as might well have roused the choler of
the humblest plebeian. In sight of the fields and castles which
they regarded as their own, they had been glad to be invited
by a peasant to partake of his whey and his potatoes. Those
violent emotions of hatred and cupidity which the situation of
the native gentleman could scarcely fail to call forth appeared
to him under the specious guise of patriotism and piety. For
his enemies were the enemies of his nation ; and the same
tyranny which had robbed him of bis patrimony had robbed
his Church of vast wealth bestowed on her by the devotion of
tn earlier age. How was power likely to be used by an un

♦ An Act concerning Appropriate Tythes and other Duties payable to
Bcclesiastical Dignitaries. London, 1690.

t An Act for repealing the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, and
■n QrantSy Patents, and Certificates parsoant to them or oqv of them.
London, 1690

niSTORT OF EN Q LAND.

ind inexperienced man, ai^tated by Btrong iesiret
menis which he mistook Tor aacred duties? And,
or llirt-e hunilivd siii^h men \tevv hroiigfat togi^ther in
bly, what was to be ezpet^ted but iliat llie paBsioni
b had long nur.'ed in silence would be at once tdw
fearful Ti^or bj the influence of sympathy?
1 James and lii^ |u>rliameiit there v/m little in com*
pt hatred of the Protestant religion. He was aa
n. Supeistition liad not utterly extinguished ftll
eling in hifl mind ; and lie could not but be displeased
evalcnce with which his Celtic supporters regarded
oin which he sprang. Tiie ninge of his intellectual
small. Yet it was impossible that, having reigned
i, and looking constantly forward to the day wlien
reign in England once more, he should not take a
' of politics than was taken by men who bad no ob-
f Irebnd. The few Irish Protestants who still ad-
m,and tlie British nobles, both Protectant and Roman
'ho had followed litm into exile, implored li>m to .re-
violence of the rapacious and vindictit-^ senate which

coiment lo the repeal of the Act of SeltlemenL Oo

-iiy. they a^^ked, could any man invest his money or
■tiun to his children, if he could not ruly on positive

HIgTOBT OF ENGLAND. 167

bis Majesty should, in spite of those complaints, be happily
restored^ he would to the end of his lifb feel the pernicious
effects of tbe injustice which evil advisers were now urging
him to commit He would find that, in trying to quiet one set
of malecontents, he had created • another. As surely as he
yielded to the clamor raised at Dublin for a repeal of the Act
of Settlement, he would, from the day on which he returned
to Westminster, be assailed by as loud and pertinacious a
clamor for a repeal of that i*epeal. He could not but be
Aware that no English Parliament, however loyal, would permit
such laws as were now passing through the Iri:>h Parliament
to stand. Had he made up his mind to take the part of Ire«
land against the universal sense of England ? If so, to what
ooald he look forward but another banishment and another dep-
osition ? Or would he, when he had recovered the greater
kingdom, revoke the boons by which, in his distress, he had
purchased the help of the smaller? It mi«;ht seem an insult
to him even to suggest that he could harbor tlie thought of such
unprincely, of such unmanly, perfidy. Yet what other course
would be let^ to him ? And was it not better for him to refuse
unreasonable concessions now than to retract those concessions
hereafter in a manner which must bring on him reproaches in-
supportable to a noble mind ? His situation was doubtless em-
barrassing. Yet in this case, as in other cases, it would be
found that the path of justice was the patli of wisdom.*

Though James had, in his speech at the opening of the
session, declared against the Act of Settlement, he felt that
these arguments were unanswerable. He held several con-
ferences with the leading members of the House of Commons,
and earnestly recommended moderation. But his exhortations
irritated the passions which he wished to allay. Many of the
native gentry held high and violent language. It was impudent,
they said, to talk about the rights of purchasers. How could
right spring out of wrong ? People who chose to buy property
acquired by injustice must take the consequences of their folly
and cupidity. It was clear that the Lower House was alto-
gether impracticable. James had, four years before, refused
to make the smallest concession to the most obsequious parlia-
ment that has ever sat in England ; and it might have been

^ See tho paper delivered to James bj Chief Justice Keating, and the
tpeech of the Bishop of Meath. Both are in King's Appendix. Life of
/•OMa, ii. 357-3SI.

hat Ihe obstinacy, which he had never wanted whea
ice, would not have ikiled him now when it would
1 a virtue. During a short time he scemiil dt;(t;r-
ict justly. He even talked of diesolvi rig the partia-
K chiefs of the old Celtic families, on the other hand,
ely that, if he did not give them back their inheri-
f would not figlit for his. Hia very soldiers railed on
■ etreets of Dublin. At lengtli he determined to go
iself to the House of Peers, not iu his robea and
t in the garh in which he had been used to attend
'Westminster, and personally to solicit the Lords to
dieck on the violence of the Commons. But juat aa
tting into lii.i coach for this iiurfwse ho wa* flopped
. Avaux was ns zealous as any Irishman for the
I the Commona were urging forward- It was enough
at those bills seemed likely to make the enmity be-
;land and Ireland irreconcilable. His remonstrances

Settlement. Slill, the unfortuiiale prine« continued to
ne faint hope that the law for which the Commons were

would be rejected, or at least modified, by the Peers,
nard, one of the few Protestant noblemen who sate
rliament, exerted himself strenuously on the side of
h and sound policy. The King sent bim a message
•^^rotcstantSjj^ai^ranann^Jowisj^

HISTORY OF RNQLAND. it$9

at heart an Englishman ; and not a day passed without Rom«
indication of this feeling. Thej were in no haste to grant him
a supply. One party among them planned an address urging
him to dismiss Melfort as an enemy of their nation. Another
party drew up a bill for deposing all the Protestant Bishops,
even the four who were then actually sitting in Parliament. It
was not without difficulty that Avaux and Tyrconnel, whos^
influence in the Lower House far exceeded the King's, could
restrain the zeal of the majority.*

It is remarkable that, while the King was losing the confi-
dence and good-will of the Irish Commons by faintly defending
against them, in one quarter, the institution of property, he
was himself, in another quarter, attacking that institution with
a violence, if possible, more reckless than theirs. He soon
found that no money came into his Exchequer. The cause
was sufficiently obvious. Trade was at an end. Floating
capital had been withdrawn in great masses from the island.
Of the fixed capital much had been destroyed, and the rest
was lying idle. Thousands of those Protestants who were the
most industrious and intelligent part of the population had emi-
grated to England. Thousands had taken refuge in the places
which still held out for William and Mary. Of the Roman
Catholic peasantry who were in the vigor of life, the majority
had enlisted in the army or had joined gangs of plunderers.
The poverty of the treasury was the necessai*y eifect of the
poverty of the country ; public prosperity could be restored
only by the restoration of private prosperity ; and private pros-
perity could be restored only by years of peace and security.
James was absurd enough to imagine that there was a more
speedy and efficacious remedy. He could, he conceived, ai
once extricate himself from his financial difficulties by the
simple process of calling a farthing a shilling. The right of
eoining was undoubtedly a fiowcr of the prerogative ; and, in
his view, the right of coining included the right of debasing
die coin. Pots, pans, knockers of doors, pieces of ordnance
mhich had long been past use, were carried to the mint In a
fliort time lumps of base metal, nominally worth near a million
Bterling, intrinsically worth about a sixtieth part of that sum,
were in circulation. A royal edict declared these pieces to.be

M*/**. 1COO --.-1 '•»^ »

• Aranx, ^^^ 1689, and ^^y^ The author of Light to the Blind

UtrongW oondemns the iodnlfj^enoe shown to the Frotegtant Biflliops who
•4hered to James.

VOL. in. 8

r in nl] cases whatever. A mortgage for a thoosand
n cleared off by a bug of counters made out of old
he creditors who complained to the Court of Chancery
ly Fitton to take their money and be gone. But of
!he tradesmen of Dublin, who were generally Prat-
sre the greate^it losern. At first, of course, they
r demand-i ; but the magistrates of the city look on

fjit might walk intd a shop, lay on the counter a bit
orth threepence, and carry off goods to the value of
ea. Legal redress waa out of the qiiC'^lion. Indeed
ra thought themseWes happy if, by the sacriiice of
and trade, they could redeem their limbs and their
ere was not a baker's shop in the city round which
thirty soldiers were not cotislantly prowling. Some
lo refused the base money yere arrested by trooper*
d before the Provo=t Marshal, who cursed thorn,
iL'tn, lacked Ihem up in dark cells, and, by threa,teii-
! them at their own doors, soon overcame their re-
bf all lite plagues of that time none miule a deeper
lasting impression on the minds of llie Protestants
than the plague of the brai^ money.* To iho
1 of Ihe coiitiision and misery which liiid been pro-

flISTORT OF ENGLAJn). 171

4

out a parallel in the histoiy of civilized countries, the great Act
<»f Attainder.

A list was framed containing between two and three thousand
names. At the top was half the peerage of Ireland. Then
came baronets, knights, clergymen, squires, merchants, yeomen,
artisans, women, children. No investigation was made. Any
member who wished to rid himself of a creditor, a rival, a pri-
vate enemy, gave in the name to the clerk at the table, and it
was genenilly inserted without discussion. The only debate
of which any account has come down to us related to the Earl
of Strafford. He had friends in the House who ventured to
offer something in his favor. But a few words from Simon
Luttrell settled the question. " I have," he said, " heard the
King say some hard tilings of that lord." This was thought
sufficient, and the name of Strafford stands fifth in the long table
of the proscribed.*

Days were fixed before which those whose names were on
the list were required to surrender themselves to such justice
as was then administered to English Protestants in Dublin. If
a proscribed person was in Ireland, he must surrender himself
by the tenth of August. If he had left Ireland since the fifth
of November, 1C88, he must surrender himself by the first of
Se[»tember. If he had left Ireland before the fifth of November
1688, he must surrender himself by the first of October. If he
failed to appear by the appointed day, he was to be hanged,
drawn, and quartered without a trial, and his property was to
be confiscated. It might be physically impossible for him to
deliver himself up within the time fixed by the Act. He might
be bedridden. He might be in the West Indies. He might be
in prison. Indeed, there notoriously were such cases. Among
the attainted Lords was Mountjoy. He had been induced by
the villany of Tyrconnel to trust himself at Saint Grermains ;
he had been thrown into the Bastile ; he was still lying there ;
and the Irish parliament was not ashamed to enact that, unless
he could, within a few weeks, make his escape from his cell,
and present himself at Dublin, he should be put to death.f

As it was not even pretended that there had been any in-
quiry into the guilt of those who were thus proscribed, as not
a singbj one among them had been heard in his own defence,

♦ King, iii. 12.

t An Act for the Attainder of divers Robeb and for preserring tbA
(nlevcst of lojal Subjects, London. 1690.

DISTORT OF KK01.AND,

om to Burreniler themselvcB in time, it was clfar Uifit
t a. liirge exf^-cise of the royiil jirerogalivc of mercy
ent the ^cqxitrtition of iniquities so horribit! thai no

dml the rojal prerogative of raen-y ahould be lim-
ral regulaliom were dsvised for ihe purjiose of nutk*
«sing of pardoDH diflicult and cosily ; and liitally il
•d tliat every pardon granted by liia MHJii-sty, atier

November, 1C89, to fuiy of the nuuiy hundreds of

:ly void a»d of none effecL Sir Richard Magle eame
tJte bar of the Lords and presented the bill witb B
rtJiy of the occasion. " Miiiiy of tlie p«rson« here
said he, " have been proved traitors by such evidence
U8. As to die rest we have followed common fame."*
di reeklesa barbarity wtk' the IL^t framed that fanat-
ts, who were, at that very ^me, hazarding their prop-
liberty, their lives, id the cause of James, were oot
1 proscriptiou. The most learned man of whom the
ruly could boast was Henry Dodwell, Cauiilenian
n Ihe University of Oxford. In the cause of liered-
rchy he slirauk from iiu sacrifice and from no dan-

BISTORT or EKOLAHO. 17b

which had been enjojed by his predecessors ever since the ori-
gin of the monarchy, and which had never been questioned by
the Whigs. The stern look and raised voice with which he had
reprimanded the Tory gentlemen, who, in the language of prc^
foand reverence and fervent affection, implored him not to dis-
pense with the laws, would now have been in place. He might
also have seen that the right course was the wise courie. Had
he, on this great occasion, had the spirit to declare that Le
would not shed the blood of the innocent, and that, even as ?«>
sfiected the guilty, he would not divest himself of the power of
tempering judgment with mercy, he would have gained mo/0
hearts in England than he had lost in Ireland. But it was
ever his fate to resist where he should have yielded, and tc

C'eld where he should have resisted. The most wicked of all
ws received his sanction ; and it is but a very small exteno*
ation of his guilt that his sanction was somewhat reluctant!/
given.

That nothing might be wanting to the completeness of thij
great crime, extreme care was taken to prevent the persons
who were attainted from knowing that they were attainted, til)
the day of grace fixed in the Act was passed. The roll of
names was hot published, but kept Ciirefully locked up in Fit*
ton's closet. Some Protestants, who still adhered to the cause
of James, but who were anxious to know whether any of their
friends or relations had been proscribed, tried hard to obtain a
sight of the list ; but solicitation, remonstrance, even bribery,
proved vain. Not a single copy got abroad till it was too late
for any of the thousands who had been condemned without a
trial to obtain a pardon.*

Towards the close of July James prorogued the Houses.
They had sate more than ten weeks ; and in that space of time
they had proved most fully that, great as have been the evils
which Protestant ascendency has produced in Ireland, the evils
produced by Popish ascendency would have been greater stilL
That the colonists, when they had won the victory, grossly
abased it, that their legislation was, during many years, unjust
and tyrannical, is most true. But it is not less true that they

* A List of most of the Names of the Nobilitj, Gentry, and Common
alt J of £n{i;Iand and Ireland (amongst whom are several Women and
Children) who are all, hv an Act of a Pretended Parliament assembled
in Dublin, attainted of iiij^h Treason, 1690; An Account of the Trans-
actions of the late King James in Ireland, 1690; King, iii 13, Memoirs
if Ireland, 1716.

HISTORT OF ENGLAND.

o the

example set hj their va»

s short tenure ot'jmwer.

ras loudly boai^ting lljal he bad passed

iherly of c ' ■ ■■

e up to tl

pliile James i

. ' 0 to all s.

lel &g that of Lanjruedoc wiia raging through all the

h owned liU aulliority. It wiu said by those who

an excuse for him that almost all the Protestnnta

juained in Munster, Coniiaiight, and Leinster weni

I and that it was not as aciiismalics, but as rebvla iu

inly opportunity to become rebels in Ad,

le them up to be oppressed and despoiled ; and Iu

■Eome weight might have been allowed ir he had

lexerted himself lo protect those few colonists, who^

lly attached to the reformed religion, were slill true

foes of non-resis[anco and of indefeasible hereditary

ven Ihi.'sc dcvuiud royaliHts fuund that ihcii' heresy

lew a crime for which no services or sacriHcua

Three or four nobleiaen, members of the Angli-

K'ho had welcomed him to Ii^Un<l, and had eaie

■anienL, repre^tenled to him that, if the rule which

1 Pi'otCHtiiiit 10 possess any we»pon were strictly en-

f country houses would be at the mercy of the Rap-

nbtnined from liim pennis.sion u> keep arms sullit'irnt

servants. But Avuux rcmoiislralcd. The ijidul-

HISTOET OF ENGLAND. 17d

lions. Every wearer of a cassock was a mark for the titsaltf
and outrages of soldiers and Rapparees. In the country hm
house was robhcd, and he was fortunate if it was not burned
over his head. He was hunted through the streets of Dublin
with cries of " There goes the devil of a heretic." Sometimes
he was knocked down ; sometimes he was cudgelled.* The
rulMs of the University of Dublin, trained in the Anglican
doctrine of passive obedience, had greeted James on his first
arrival at the Castle, and had been assured by him that he would
protect them in the enjoyment of their property and their priv-
ileges. They were now, without any trial, without any ao-
casation, thrust out of their house. The communion plate of
the chapel, the books in the library, the \ery chairs and beds
of the collegians were seized. Part of the building was turned
into a magazine, part into a barrack, part into a prison. Simon
Luttrell, who was Governor of the capital, was, with great diffi-
culty and by powerful intercession, induced to let the ejected
fellows and scholars depart in safety. He at length permitted
them to remain at large, with this condition, that, on pain of
death, no three of them should meet together.f No Prote.<tant
divine suffered more hardships than Doctor William King,
Dean of Saint Patrick's. He ha^ been long distinguished by
the fervor with which he had inculcated the duty of passively
obeying even the worst rulers. At a later period, when he had
published a defence of the Revolution, and had accepted a
mitre from the new government, he was reminded that he had
invoked the divine vengeance on the usurpers, and had de-
clared himself willing to die a hundred deaths rather than desert
the cause of hei*editary right. He had said that the true religion
bad often been strengthened by persecution, but could never
be strengthened by rebellion ; that it would be a glorious day
for the Church of England when a whole cart-load of her min-
isters should go to the gallows for the doctrine of non-resistance ;
and that his highest ambition was to be one of such a company.}
It is not improbable that, when he spoke thus, he felt as ha
spoke. . But his principles, though they might perhaps have
beLl out against the severities and the promises of William, were
Dot proof against the ingratitude of James. Human nature al
last asserted its ri«:hts. After King had been repeatedly iiu-

* King's State of the Protestants in Ireland, iii. 19.
t King's St&tAi of the Protestanrs in Irc'and, iii. IV
I Leiilie's Answer u> Kin^;.

DISTORT OF ESHLAND.

>7 tiie ^vemment to which he was devotedly it-
er lie had been insulted and threatened in hU own
he soldiers, after he had bepu inierdiclod (Vom bury-
own chiirchysrd, and from preaehhig iii hia own pul-
e hiid narrowly escaped with life from & musket-shol
01 in the street, he began to ihink the Whig theory

ired Id him, and persuiidcd hinD^elf that the oppressed
light lawfully accept deliverance, if God should Im
y whatever means, to send it tu her.
long time it appeared that James would have done
arken lo those counsellors who had lolil him that tha
lich he was trying to make himself popular in one
■ee kingdoms, would make him odious in the oihert.

reign liere. he continued during more tlian a year tc
reland. The Revolution had been followed by a re-
public feeling in hi^ fjvor. That reaelion, if it had
irad 10 proceed uninterrupted, might perhapB not
;d [ill he was again King ; bul it was violenrly inler-
himself. He would not suffer Ilia people to Ibi'geli
not suffer lh<;m to hojie ; while they were trying to
;es for his past errors, and to persuade themselves
)uld not repeat these orrurs, he forced upon them, in
(leapiie. the conviciion that he was incorrigible, that

RIBTORT OF ENOLAKD. 177

indigiuition of Ronqaillo, a Spaniard and a bigoted member dt
the Church of Rome. He informed his Court that, though the
English laws against Poperj might seem severe, they were ao
much mitigated bj the prudence and humanity of the Gk>vem«
ment that they caused no annoyance to quiet people ; and he
took upon himself to assure the Holy See that what a Roman
Catholic suffered in London was nothing when compared with
what a Protestant suffered in Ireland.*

The fngitive Englishry found in England warm sympathy
and muniBoent relief. Many were received into the hoasea
of friends and kinsmen. Many were indebted for the means
of subsistence to the liberality of strangers. Among those
who bore a part in this work of mercy, none contributed more
largely or less ostentatiously than the Queen. The House of
Commons placed at the King's disposal fifteen thousand pounds
for the relief of those refugees whose wants were most press*
ing, and . requested him to give commissions in the army to
those who were qualified for military employ ment.f An Act
was also passed enabling beneficed clergymen who had fled
from Ireland to hold preferment in England.} Yet the in*
terest which the nation felt in these unfortunate guests was
languid when compared with the interest excited by that portion
of the Saxon colony which still maintained in Ulster a des*
perate confiict against overwhelming odds. On this subject
scarcely one dissentient voice was to be heard in our island*
Whigs, Toriea, nay even those Jacobites in whom Jacobitism
had not extinguished every patriotic sentiment, gloried in thQ
glory of Enniskillen and Londonderry. The House of Com*
mons was all of one mind. ^This is no time to be counting
cost,'' said honest Birch, who well remembered the way in
which Oliver had made war on the Irish. ^ Are those brave
fellows in Londonderry to be deserted ? If we lose them will
not all the world cry shame upon us? A boom across the
river I Why have we not cut the boom in pieces ? Are oui
brethren to perish almost in sight of England, within a few

* '^ En oomparazion de lo que se hace in Irlanda con los Protestantet
es nada." ~^^ 1689 ; "Para qae vea Sa Santitad qae aq:ii estaa lot
^J«toIico8 ma3 benignamente tratados qae los Protestantes in Irlanda.*

fane ^f .

f Commons' Joamala» Jane 15, 1689.
t Stat. 1 W. & M. sess. I, c. ».

8»

UlSTORT OF £IIGLA.ND.

ge of our slioresP"* Howe, the moet Tehcmeol

[larly, declared tliat the hearts of the people wora
luiid. Seymour, the leader of lliu otiier pony,
m, tlji>iigh lie hud not takeu parL in selling up iho
iiiii-iii, he sliould uordially Eujiport it in all iliat
lettssarj- for the preservation of Iruland-f The
^ipoinled a conimiltee 10 inquire into the cause of
md luiscai-riagea which htid been all but fatal to tlta
if Ulster. The oBieerfi to whoae treachery or oow-
tublic Jiscrlbed the ealamilied of Londonderry were
arrest. Liiudy wna sent to the Tower, Cunninp
i Gate HouM. The agitation of the public mind
e degree calmed by the announcement that, before
ihe summer, an army powerful enough to reeslab-
ngliah ascentliiQcy in Ireland would be sent acroai
■ge's Channel, and that Schomberg would be the
In the mean time an expi^dilion which wa^ thought

'l>ooI Un<iel- the COIQiAand of Kirkg. The dogg«d
(ilh which this man had, in gpile of royal soliuita-
red to his religion, and the pait wliich he hod
:ie Resolution, bad perhaps entitled him to an am-
lasi crimes. But it is dilRcuU to uiideisiand why
iroenl should have seleclod for a post of the highest

BISTORT OF VNGLUTD. I7S

pieces of artillery and several horses fell into the hands of the
conquerors. Elated bj this success, the Enniiskilleners soon
invaded the county of Cavan, drove before them fifteen hundred
of Jamep's troops, took and destroyed the castle of Haltincarrig,
reputed the strongest in that part of the kingdom, and carried
olT the pikes and muskets of the garrison. The next incursion
was into Meath. Three thousand oxen and two thousand
8heep were swept away and brought safe to the iiitle island in
Lough Erne. These daring exploits spread terror even to
the gates of Dublin. Colonel Hugh Sutherland wa8 ordered
to march against Enniskillen with a regiment of dragoons and
two regiments of foot He carried with him arms for the
native peasantry ; and many repaired to his standard. The
Enniskilleners did not wait till he came into their neighbor-
hood, but advanced to encounter him. He declined an action,
And retreated, leaving his stores at Belturbet under the care
of a detachment of three hundred soldiers. The ProtestantA
attacked Belturbet with vigor, made their way into a lofty
house which overlooked the town, and thence opened such a
fire that in two hours the garrison surrendered. Seven hundred
muskets, a great quantity of powder, many horses, many sacks
of biscuits, many barrels of meal, were taken, and were sent
to Enniskillen. The boats which brought these precious spoils
were joyfully welcomed. The fear of hungitr was removed.
While the aboriginal population had, in many counties, alto-
gether neglected the cultivation of the earth, in the expectation,
it should seem, that marauding would prove an inexhaustible
resource, the colonists, true to the provident and industrious
character of their race, had, in the midst of war, not omitted
carefully to till the soil in the neighborhood of their strong-
holds. The harvest was now not far remote; and, till the
harvest, the food taken from the enemy would be amply suf-
ficient.*

Yet in the midst of success and plenty, the Enniskillcnen
were tortured by a cruel anxiety for Londonderry. They
were bound to the defenders of that city, not only by religious
and national sympathy, but by common interest For there
could be no doubt that, if Londonderry fell, the whole Lish

* Uamilton's Trae Relation ; Mac Cormick's Farther Account. Of
tfao island generally, Avaax says : "• On n'attend rien do oette recolte cj,
let paysans ayant presqoe tons pris lei armes." Letter to Loavoia

March ^f, 1SS9.

BISTORT OF ESOLAWD.

d instantly march in irresistible force upon Lou^
!t wliat could be done ? Some brave men were f«

ic occasion, carried awaj the horses of Ihree entire
»vali7.- S^Il, the line of posta which surrounded
■ry by land remained uobroken. The river was «liU
scd and guarded. Within the walls the distress had
ireme. So early as the eighth of June horseflesh
:l tlie only meat which could be purchased ; and of
the supply was wamty. It was necessary to make
ciency with IjiUow ; and even uillow was doled ool

fifteenth of June a. gleam of hope appeared. The
in the top of Ihe Caiheikal saw smIs nine miles off
of Lough Foyle. Thirty vessels of different sizei
^ed. Signals were made from the steeples and re-

At last a messenger from the fleet eluded the Irish
lived under the boom, and informed the garrison that

arrived frum EngLiod with troops, aims, ammuni-
■rovision'i, to relieve the cily-t
ioiiderry expectation was at tlie height ; but a few

HISTOKT OF ENGLAND. 181

Meanwhile it was known at Dublin that Kirke and hit
fquadron were on the coast of Ulster. The alarm was great
at the Castle. Even before this news arrived, Avaux had
given it as his opinion that Richard Hamilton was unequal to
the difficulties of the situation. It had therefore been resolved
that Rosen should take the chief command. He was now sent
down with all speed.*

On the nineteenth of June he arrived at the head-quarten
if the besieging army. At first he attempted to undermine
be walls ; but his plan was discovered ; and he was compelled
o abandon it afler a sharp fight, in which more than a ban*
dred of his men were slain. Then his fury rose to a strange
pitch. He, an old soldier, a Marshal of France in expect*
ancy, trained in the school of the greatest generals, accus-^
tomedy during many years, to scientific war, to be baffled by a
mob of country gentlemen, farmers, shopkeepers, who were
protected only by a wall which any good engineer would at
once have pronounced untenable ! He raved, he blasphemed,
in a language of his own, made up of all the dialects spoken
from the Baltic to the Atlantic. He would raze the city to
the ground; he would spare no living thing; no, not the young
girls ; not the babies at the breast. As to the leaders, death
was too light a punishment for them ; he would rack them ; he
would roast them alive. In his rage he ordered a shell to be
flung into the town with a letter containing a horrible menace.
He would, he said, gather into one body all the Protestants
who had remained at their homes between Charlemont and
the sea, old men, women, children, many of them near in blood
and afiection to the defenders of Londonderry. No protection,
whatever might be the authority by which it had been given,
should be respected. The multitude thus brought together
should be driven under the walls of Londonderry, and should
there be starved to death in the sight of their countrymen,
their friends, their kinsmen. This was no idle threat. Par-
ties were instantly sent out in all directions to collect victims.
At dawn, on the morning of the second of July, hundreds of
Protestants, who were charged with no crime, who were inca*
pable of bearing arms, and many of whom had protections
granted by James, were dragged to the gates of the city. It
was imagined that the piteous sight would quell the spirit of
the colonists. But the only effect was to rouse that spirit tc

* Avaiix, June it, 1689.

niSTORT OP ENOLAND.

<iy- An order wbs iroraediately put forth thai

utter thfi wori] Surrender on pain of death)

(ered tlinl word. SeverHl prisonera of high

' lawn. Ilittierto thi^y hiLd been well treated,

reived as good rations as were mea^'ured out to tba

I They were now closely confined. A gallows wu

of the bai^lions ; and h messajre was conveyed

pctinE him lo send a confensor instantly to pr»>

is for death. Tlie priBoners in great disioaj

vHge Livonian, but received no nnswer. They

^sed them.Bclves to their couiilryman Richard Hamil-

e willing, they fiaid, to fhed their blood for their

[ they thought it hard to die the ignomiDious death

ni^equence of (he barbarity of their own cora-

s. Hamillon, though a man of las principles,

Lei. He had been disgusted by the inhumanity of

1, being only second in commnnd, eould not venture

I publicly all that he thought He however remoo'

ligly. Some Irish oflii-ers felt on this occasion as it

il lliRt brave men i^bould feel, and declared, wee{)ing

indignation, that they should never cease to havB

the cries of the poor women and children who had

it the point of the pike lo die of famine between

i the city, Eosen pcrsisied during foriy-eight

HISTORY OF ENOLAND. . 189

ftr. Englishman, he would have been hanged. Avanx was
utterly unable to understand this effeminate sensibility. In
his opinion, nothing had been done that was at all reprehen-
sible ; and he had some difficulty in commanding himself when
he heard the King and the secretary blame, in strong lan«
guage, an act of wholesome severity.'* • In truth, the French
ambassador and the French general were well paired. There
was a great difference doubtless, in appearance and manner,
between the handsome, graceful, and refined diplomatist,
whose dexterity and suavity had been renowned at the most
polite courts of Europe, and the military adventurer, whose
look and voice reminded all who came near him that he had
been bom in a half savage country, that he had risen from the
ranks, and that he had once been sentenced to death for mar
rauding. But the heart of the courtier was really even more
callous than that of the soldier.

Rosen was recalled to Dublin ; and Richard Hamilton was
again left in the chief command. He tried gentler means
than those which had brought so much reproach on his prede
cessor. No trick, no lie, which was thought likely to discour-
age the starving garrison was spared. One day a great shout
was raised by the whole Irish camp. The defenders of Lon-
donderry were soon informed that the army of James was
rejoicing on account of the fall of Enniskiilen. They were
told that they had now no chance of being relieved, and were
exhorted to save their lives by capitulating. They consented
to negotiate. But what they asked was, that they should h^
permitted to depart armed and in military array, by land or
by water at their choice. They demanded hostages for the
exact fulfilment of these conditions, and insisted that the host-
ages should be sent on board of the fieet which lay in Lough
Foyle. Such terms Hamilton durst not grant ; the Governors
would abate nothing ; the treaty was broken off ; and the con-
flict recommenced.f

By this time July was far advanced ; and the state of the
city was, hour by hour, becoming more frightful. The num*
ber of the inhabitants had been thinned more by famine and
disease than by the fire of the enemy^ Yet that fire was

♦ Leslie's Answer to King; Avaax, July t^, 1689. ** Je trouvay Vex
•re8.sior4 bicn forte : mais je ne voaloiB rien i^pondre, car le Roy %'iMXoU
Isija fort emport^."

^ MackenzM

BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

nd more constnnt thaa ever. One of the gBtea waf
; one of the bastions was laid in ruios; but tb«
made by day were repaired by nijrlit wirh indefati-
vity. Every attiick was still repelled. But the fijiht.
of the [tarrison were so much exhausted ihal they
rcely keep tlieir legs. Several of ihern, in the ad
; at the enemy, fell down from mere weakneas. A
1 quantity of grain remained, and was doled out by

tened on the blood of the slain who lay unburit4
town, were luxuries which few could afford to pui^
'he price of a whelp's paw was five shillings and nix-
line horses were still alive, and but barely nlive,
re so lean that little meat was likely to be found
n. It was, however, determined to slaughter ihem
TLb people perished so fast that it was im|i««sible
rvivors to perform the rilea of sepulture. There waa
1 cellar in which some eoqwe waa not decaying
the extremity of distress, tliat the rats whu rame to
lOse hideous dens were eagerly hunted and greedily
A small fiEh, eaught io the river, was not to be pui^
:h money. The only price for which such a trensur«
iblniiied was some handfuls of oatmciil. Leprosies,

flISTOBT OF ENGLAND. iM

* No aairendcr.'* And there were not wanting voicoa which,
in low tones, added, '* Firet the horses and hides ; and then the
prisoners ; and then each other." It was afterwards related.
half in jest, yet not without a horrible mixture of earnest, thai
a corpulent citizen, whose bulk presented a strange contrast to
the skeletons which surrounded him. thought it expedient to
conceal himself from the numerous eyes which followed hini
with cannibal looks whenever he appeared in the streets.*

It was no slight aggravation of the sufferings of the garrison
f'tat all this time the English ships were seen far off in Lough
Foyle. Communication between the fleet and the city was
almost impossible. One diver who had attempted to pass the
boom was drowned. Another was hanged. The language of
signals was hanlly intelligible. On the thirteenth of July, how-
ever, a piece of paper sewed up in a cloth button c:irae to
Walker^s hands. It was a letter from Kirke, and contiiined
assurances of speedy relief. But more than a fortnight of in-
tense misery had since elapsed; and the hearts of the most
saoguine were sick with deferred hope. By no art could the
provisions which were left be made to hold out two days more.t

Just at this time Kirke received a despatch from England,
which contained positive orders that Londonderry should be
relieved. He accordingly determined to make an attempt
which, as far as appears, he might have made, with at least an
equally fair prospect of success, six weeks earlier.f

Among the merchant ships which had come to Lough Foyle
onder his convoy was one called the Mountjoy. The master
Micaioh Browning, a native of Londonderry, had brought from
England a large cargo of provisions. He had, it is smd, re-
peatedly remonstrated against the inaction of the armament

* Walker's Accoant. " The fat man in Londonderry " became a
proTerbial expression for a person whose prosperity excited the envy and
eapiditj of his less fortanate neighbors.

T This, according to Narcissus Lattrell, was the report made by Cap>
lain Withers, afterwards a highly distinguished officer, on whom Pope
wrote an epitaph.

I The despatch, which positively commanded Kirke to attack the Iraom,
was signed bv Sohombcrg, who had already been appointed commander
in chief of all the English forces in Ireland. A copy of it is among «ho
Maime M8S. in the Bodleian Library. Wodrow, on no better aathoritj
than tlie* gossip of a country parij>h in Dumbartonshire, attributes the
relief of I^ndonderry to the exhortations of an heroic Scotch preachet
named Gordon. I am inclined to think that Kirke was more likely to b«
iaflaenced by a pcrcmptorr order from Schomberg, than by the anite<|
ikKineiki.'e oC a irhole synod of presbyteriaa dirinea.

HISTORY OP ENOLAMD.

r-citizins; and hie olTc-r was accpjiled. Andrew
ma.'^tor of ihi; Pliioni^, who had od boiird a great
f meiil from Sroiland, wild willing to share the dungei
jQor. The two mtrchftnimeii wei-e to hp. escorleil by
loulh frigate of thirty-dix guns, eommiuKied by Cap-
Leake, alierwards an ikdmiral of great fame,
be tliirtieUi of July. The sun had just set ; the even-
in in the cathedral was over ; and the heart-brokea
ion had separated, when the eenlincU on tlie lower
Ills of three vessels coming u|j the Foyle. Soon there

in the Iriah camp. The besiegers were on the alert
ilong both slioi-fts. The ships were in extreme peril ;
er was low, and the only navigable channel ran very
e left bank, where the hea<t-qnarterH of the enemy liad
.. and where the batterie.9 were mo.-t numerous. Leake

his duty with a skill and spirit worthy of his noble
, exposed his frigate to cover the men:hantnien, and
■una with great effect. At length the liule sfjuaiLon
le place of peril Then the Mounijoy took the lead,
right at the boom. The huge barricade cracked and
; but the shock was such that the Mountjoy rebounded,
in the mud, A yell of triumph ro*e from tl»e banks ;
rujhcd to their boats, and wi-re prejiaring to lioai'd:

HISTORY OF EKOLAND. 187

terrible half hour of suspense. It was ten o'clock before the
Bhips arrived at the quay. The whole population was there to
welcome them. A screen made of casks tilled with earth w&a
hastily thrown up to protect the landing-place from the batteries
on the other side of the river ; and then the work of unloading
began. First were rolled on shore barrels containing six
thousand bushels of meal. Then came great cheeses, casks of
beef, flitches of bacon, kegs of butter, sacks of pease and bis-
cuit, ankers of brandy. Not many hours before, half a pound
of tallow and three quarters of a pound of salted hide hnd been
weighed out with niggardly care to every tighting man. The
ration which each now received was three pounds of flour, two
pounds of beef, and a pint of pease. It is easy to imagine with
what tears grace was said over the suppers of that evening.
There was little sleep on either side of the wall. The bontires
shone bright along the whole circuit of the ramparts. The
Irish guns continued to roar all night ; and all night the bells
of the rescued city made answer to the Irish guns with a peal
of joyous defiance. Through the whole of the thirty-first of
July the batteries of the enemy continued to play. But, soon
after the sun had again gone down, fiames were seen arising
from the camp ; and, when the first of August dawned, a line
of smoking ruins marked the site lately occupied by the huts
of the besiegers ; and the citizens saw far ofi* the long column
of pikes and standards reti*eating up the leH bank of the Foyle
towards Strabane.*

So ended this great siege, the most memorable in the annals
of the British isles. It had lasted a hundred and five days.
The garrison had been reduced from about seven thousand ef-
fective men to about three thousand. The loss of the besiegers
cannot be precisely ascertained. Walker estimated it at eight
thousand men. It is certain from the despatches of Avaux that
the regiments which returned from the blockade had been so
much thinned that many of them were not more than two hun-
dred strong. Of thirty-six French gunners who had superio-
tended the cannonading, thirty-one had been killed or disabled.!

• Walker; Mackenzie; Histoire de la Revolution d'Irlande, Arasior-

dam, 1 69 1 ; London Gazette, Aug. i^« 1 6S9 ; Letter of Buchan among
the Nairne MSS. ; Life of Sir John Leake; The Londeriad; Obsorva'
»ions on Mr. Walker's Account of the Siege of Londondeny, licensed
Oct. 4, 1689.

t Avaax to Seigiiela;^, July ^ ; to Lewis, Aug. ^,

HISTORY OF ENSLiNO.

roM have moved iho great warriors of the Coniinent
LT ; anil iliia is ihe very circumstanee whicli (jives so
an interest lo the history of the content It was a
lOt between engineers but befnreea noiioiis ; and the
cmained with the nation whicli, though inferior in
was superior in civilization, in tapacity for self-goverii-
1 in stubbornnesB of resolution."

in as it was known that tlie Iriah army had retired, a
n from the city hastened to Lough Foylo, atiJ invited
take the comraaml. He came aceompiuiied by a long
ffieers, and was received in state by the two Governors,
vered up to him the authority which, under the pres-
ecessity, they had assumed. He remained only a few
il he luid lime to show enough of the incurable vices
iracler to disgust a population dietinguL<hed by austere
nd ardent public spiriL There wa^, however, no out-
rhe city was in Ihe highest good-humor. Such quan-
jiiMvisions had been landed from the fleet, that there
,ery house a plenty never before known. A few days
man had been glad to obtain for twenty pence a mouth-
rrion scraped from the bones of a stsirved hoi-se. A
good beef was now sold for three half-pence. Mean-
hands were busied in removing corpses which had
jl^overg^it^anhJi^llinyi^h^joie^hi^^

HISTORr OF ENOL4Kl>* 189

mice of joy ; all the ships in the river made answer ; barrels
of ale were broken up ; and the health of their Majesties waa
drunk with shouts and volleys of musketry.

Five generations have since passed away ; and still the wall
of Londonderry is to the Protestants of Ulster wliat the trophy
of Marathon was to the Athenians. A lofty pillar, rising from
a bastion which bore during many weeks the heaviest fire of
the enemy, is seen far up and far down the Foyle. On the sum-
mit is the statue of Walker, such as when, in the last and
most terrible emergency, his eloquence roused the fainting
courage of his brethren. In one hand he grasps a Bible. The
other, pointing down the river, seems to direct the eyes of his
fiunished audience to the £nglish topmasts in the distant bay.
Such a monument was well deserved; yet it was scarcely
Deeded ; for in truth the whole city is to this day a monument
of the great deliverance. The wall is carefully preserved;
nor would any plea of health or convenience be held by the
inhabitants sufficient to justify the demolition of that sacred
inclosure which, in the evil time, gave shelter to their race and
their religion.* The summit of the ramparts forms a pleasant
walk. The bastions have been turned into little gardens.
Here and there, amoi;g the shrubs and flowers, may be seen
the old culverins which scattered bricks, cased with lead,
among the Irish ranks. One antique gun, the giil of the
Fishmongers of London, was distinguished, during the hun-
dred and five memorable days, by the loudness of its report,
and still bears the name of Roaring Meg. The cathedral is
filled with- relics and trophies. In the vestibule is a huge
shell, one of many hundreds of shells which were thrown into
the city. Over the altar are still seen the French flagstaves,
taken by the garrison in a desperate sally. The white ensigns
of the House of Bourbon have long been dust ; but their place
has been supplied by new banners, the work of the fairest
hands of Ulster. The anniversary of the day on which the
gates were closed, and ,the anniversary of the day on which
the siege was raised, have been down to our own time celebrated
by salutes, processions, banquets, and sermons; Lundy has
been executed in effigy ; and the sword, said by tradition to
be thai- of Maumont, has, on great occasions, been carried in
triumph. There is still a Walker Club and a Murray Club

*In a collection entitled "Dcrriana/' which was pttblished more tbaa
ibLtf yoAn ago, is a carioiM letlor oa this subject

BISTORT OF ENOLA.NI>.

e IuidIis of ihe Prot«9tant captains have been ■»»

jlit out, repaired, and erabellished. It is impotwible

L.specl [he i^miliment which indiciiles itseir by the^e

It ii) a i^entiinent which belongs lo the higher and

"t of hutnnn nai^ire, and which adds not a liitie to the

f sta[ps. A pcopli! which takes no pride in tlie

svements of remote ancestors will never achieve any

■■thy lo be remembered with pride by remote de'sceroi-

"I is impossible for the moralist or the Btalfismtui to

mixed complacency on the solemniiiea with which

lerry commemoratea her deliverance, and on the honors

; pays to those who saved her. Unhappily the ani-

r brave champions have descended with their

fUe faults which are ordinarily found in dominant

d dominant sects have not seldom shown themselves

uise at her festivities ; and even with the expren-

8 gratitude which have resounded from her pulpita

Joften been mingled words of wrath nnd defiance.

sli army wliich had retr^ted to Strabiine retnain^

1 very siiort time. The spirit of the troops hud been

1 by their recent failure, and was soon eompletely

I the news of a great disaster in another quarter.

1 weeks before this time the Duke of Berwick had

|i advantage over a dctachraeni of the Enniskilleners,

BISTORT OF ENOLAin>. 191

ntatioii whicb they had sent to Kirke. Kirke could spare) nc
soldiers ; but he had sent some arms, some ammunition, and
■ome experienced officers, of whom the chief were Colonel Wolse
ley and Lieutenant-Colonel Berry. Thei«e officers had come
by sea round the coast of Donegal, and had run up the Erne.
On 'Sunday, the twenty-ninth of July, it was known that their
boat was approaching the island of Knniskillen. The whole
population, male and female, came to the shore to greet them.
It was with difficulty that they made tlieir way to the Castle
through the crowds which hung on them, blessing Grod tlial
dear old England had not quite forgotten the Englishmen who
upheld her cause against great odds in the heart of Ireland.

Wolseley seems to have been in every respect well qualified
for his post. He was a stanch Protestant, had distinguished
himself among the Yorkshiremen who rose up for the Prince
of Orange and a free Parliament, and had, if he is not belied,
proved his zeal for liberty and pure religion, by causing the
Mayor of Scarborough, who had made a speech in favor of
King James, to be brought into the market-place and well
tossed there in a blanket,* This vehement hatred of Popery
was, in the estimation of the men of Knniskillen, the first of
lUl qualification^ for command ; and Wolseley had other and
more important qualifications. Though himself regularly bn'd
to war, he seems to have had a peculiar aptitude for the man-
agement of irregular troops. He had scarcely taken on hibi-
self the chief command when he received notice that Mouut-
cashel had laid siege to the Castle of Crum. Crum was the
frontier garrison of the Protestants of Fermanagh. The ruins
of the old fortifications are now among the attractions of a
beautiful pleasure-ground, situated on a woody promontory
which overlooks Lough Erne. Wolseley determined to raise
the siege. He sent Berry forward with such troops as could
be instantly put in motion, and promised to follow speedily
with a larger force.

Berry, after marching some miles, encountered thirteen coio-
panies of Mai^arthy's dragoons commanded by Anthony, the
most brilliant and accomplished of all who bore the name of
Hamilton, but much less successful as a soldier than as a a)ur-
tier, a lover, and a writer. Hamilton's dragoons ran at the
hrst fire ; he was severely wounded, and his second in com-
mand was shot dead. Macarthy soon i^me up to support

• Benuufdi'B Life of HimMU; 17a7

HISTORT OP ENQLAND.

; and, at the !>ame tiine, Wokele^ came np to bdj>-
y. The hostile armir^s were now in prcsfnce of each
fclacarlhy bad above live thousand men and several
■lillery. The Enniskillenerg were under tliree
; and they hud marched in such haste thai they had
knlyoDe day'^ provi^ion^. It was, therefore, absolutely
' them either to &ght in.'tantly or to retreat.
arminud to L-onsult the men ; and thia determina'
;h, in ordinary eircum-itances, would have been most
genera!, was fully justified by the peculiar corn-
land temper of the liitle army, an nrmy made up of
In and yeomen, fighting, not for pay, but for their
wives, their children, and Iheir God. The ranlu
I up under arms, and the question was put, " Ad-
^treacF" The answer was an universal shout of
Wobeley gsive out the word, '' No Popery." It
•1 with loud applause. He instantly made hig lis*
■ an aliaeli. Aa he approached, the enemy, to hia
se, began to retire. The Enniskilienera were eager
b with all speed; but their com inander, suspecting a
[strained their ardor, and posiiively forbade them to
ir runka. Thus, one army retre-ated, and the other
u good order, through the little town of Newton Uut-
mile from that town the Irish faced about, and
Island. Their poailion was well chosen.

HI8T0ST or KirOLAKD* 195

ooiiis, as incambranoes. The infantrj, seeing themselves de-
serted, flung down their pikes and muskets, and ran for their
tives. The conquerors now gave loose to tliat ferocity which
bas seldom failed to dispn^ace the civil wars of Ireland. The
butchery was terrible. Near fifteen hundred of the vanquished
were put to the sword. About five hundred more, in ignoram^e
of the country, took a road which led to Lough Erne. The
lake was before them, the enemy behind ; they plunged into
the waters, and perished there. Macarthy, abandoned by his
troops, rushed into the midst of the pursuers, and very nearly
found the death which he sought. He was wounded in several
places ; he was stmck to the ground ; and in another moment
his brains would have been knocked out with the butt end of a
musket, when he was recognized and saved. The colonists
lost only twenty men killed and ^fiy wounded. They took
four hundred prisoners, seven pieces of cannon, fourteen barrels
of powder, all the drums and all the colors of the vanquished
enemy.*

The battle of Newton Butler was won on the same aflemooa
on which the boom thrown over the Foyle was broken. At
Strabane, the news met the Celtic army which was retreating
from Londonderry. All was terror and contusion ; the tents
were sti-uck ; the military stores were flung by wagon-loads
into the waters of the Moume ; and the dismayed L*ish, leaving
many sick and wounded to the mercy of the victorious Protest-
ants, fled to Omagh, and thence to Charlemont. Sarsfield, who
commanded at Sligo, found it necessary to abandon that town,
which was instantly occupied by a detachment of Kirke'a
troops.t Dublin was in consternation. James dropped words

* Hamilton's Trae Relation ; Mac Cormick's Farther Accoont ; Lon-
don Gazette, Aag. 22, 1689 ; Life of James, ii. 368, 369 ; Avaux to Lewis,

Aog. -^, and to Louvois of the same dute. Story mentions a report that
the panic among the Irish was caused by the mistake of an officer who
called oat *' Right about face " instead of *' Right face.** Neither Avaux
nor James had beard any thing about this mistake. Indeed the dragoons
who set the example of flight were not in the habit of waiting for orders
to turn their backs on an enemy. They had run away once before on
that very day. Avaux gives a very simple account of the defeat: *' Ccs
mesmes dragons qui avoicut fay le matin lasch^rent le pied avec tout le
reste de la cavalerie, sans tirer un coup de pistolet ; et ils s'enfuirent too*
avec ane telle ^pouvante quMls jctt^rcnt moasquetons, pistolets, ct esp^eii;
et la plupart d'cux, avant crev6 leurs chevaux, se d^habill^reni pcJtf
Uler plas viste ii pied."
t iLunilton's Tme Relation.
TOL. IIL 9

niaTOKT or EKGi.Ainf.

dicated an intention of flying to the Continent. Erfl
nrieed came fast upon him. Almost at the same time
1 he leameil tliat one of his armies had raised the sieg*
onJerry, and that anolher had been routed at Newloo
le i-cteived inteliigeoce Bcnrcely loss diiihearteuing from

low neeeasary to trace the progress of ihosfl evenii W
collnnd owea her political and her religioaa liberty, b«
tj and Uer cJviUnUioa.

HUTOBT OF EirOLAND. IM

CHAPTER XIII.

T'he violence of revolutions is generally proportioned to the
degree of the maladministration which has produced them. It
is, therefore, not 8trange that the government of Scotland, hav-
ing been, during many years, far more oppressive and corrupt
than the government of England, should licive fallen with a far
heavier ruin. The movement against t\ie last king of the
House of Stuart was in England conservative, in Scotland de-
structive. The English complained, not of tlie law, but of the
violation of the law. They rose up against the first magistrate
merely in order to assert the supremacy of the law. They
were for the most part strongly attached to the Church estab-
lished by law. Even in applying that extraordinary remedy
lo which an extraordinary emergency compelled them to have
recourse, they deviated as little as possible from the ordinary
methods prescribed by the law. The Convention which met
at Westminster, though summoned by irregular writs, was con-
stituted on the exact model of a regular Parliament. No man
was invited to the Upper House whose right to sit there was
not clear. The knights and burgesses were chosen by those
electors who would have been entitled to choose the members
of a House of Commons called under the great seal. The
franchises of the forty-shilling freeholder, of the householder
paying scot and lot, of the burgage tenant, of the liveryman of
London, of the Master of Arts of Oxford, were respected. The
sense of the constituent bodies was taken with as little violence
on the part of mobs, with as little trickery on the part of re-
turning officers, as at any general election of that age. When
at length the Estates met, their deliberations were carried or«
with perfect freedom, and in strict accordance with ancient
forms. There was, indeed, after the first flight of Jamc$s, an
alirming anarchy in London, and in some parts ofthe country.
But that anarchy nowhere lasted longer than forty-eight hours.
From the day on which William reached St. James's, not even
the most unpopular agents of the fallen government, not even
the ministers ofthe Roman Catholic Church, had any thing to
fsar from tne fury of the populace.

eiSTiRT OF EItGLAin>.

olluntl the course of evenW waa tery different. Titers
iti^ilf was a grievance; and .Ittmea liiul jierhflps in-
nore unpopulariiy hy enforcing it tlinn by vioktinf; it
urch tsiablisht'd by law wns'tht: most odious inslilulion
■Him. The IribunaU had pronounced some senlencei
ious, the Purliament hud parsed fomc Acta m> <ip|>rea-
t. unle^4 tliuse i^eniences anil those Acix wcru treated af
, it would be imposiiible to bring to^iethcr a Coiiventioa
ding the public respect and expressing the public cpin*

WHS hardly to be expected, for example, that Iha
in ihia day of their [lower. would endure to fee iheir
ry leader, the son of a martyr, the gramisKii of a mai^
:uded from Ibe Parliament House in which nine of hit
s bad sate as Earia of Argyle, and excluded by a jud^

wUieh the whole kingdom cricil shame. Still less was
expected that ihey would suffer the elettion or mem-
eounlies and towns to be conducted according to tha
^3 of ilie existing liiw. For under ibe existint; law no
uuU vole ffitliout swe:iring ibal lie renounced the Cove-
1 ii.ii 1r' acknowledged till! lioyal supremacy in imitteni
, - Such an oalb no rigid Presbyterian rould take.
... II lj:id been exaeted, the eenstituent hodies would

1. Ill, M'lj small knots of prelati^ts : the busineaa of de-
jcuritics against oppression would have been left to the
irs ; and the anat jiariy which bad been roost active in

BISTORT OF EKOLAND. 197

The consequence was that the choice of almost all the shirei
and burghs fell on Whig candidates. The defeated party com-
plained loudly of foul play, of the rudeness of the populace,
and of the partiality of the presiding magistrates ; and these
complaints were in many cases well founded. It is not under
Buch rulers as Lauderdale and Dundee that nations learn jus-
tice and moderation.*

Nor was it only at the elections that the popular feeling, so
long and so severely compressed, exploded with violence. The
heads and the hands of the martyred Whigs were taken down
from the gates of Edinburgh, carried in procession by great
multitudes to the cemeteries, and laid in the earth with solemn
respect.! It would have been well if the public enthusiasm
had manifested itself in no less praiseworthy form. Unhappily
throughout a large part of Scotland the clergy of the Estab-
lished Church were, to ut»e the phrase then common, rabbled.
The morning of Christmas day was fixed for the commence-
ment of these outrages. For nothing disgusted the rigid Cove-
nanter more than the reverence paid by the prelatist to the
ancient holidays of the Church. That such reverence may be
carried to an absurd extreme is true. But a philosopher may,
perhaps, be inclined to think the opposite extreme not less ab-
surd, and may ask why religion should reject the aid of asso-
ciations which exist in every nation sutRciently civilized to have
a calendar, and which are found by experience to have a pow-
erful and often a salutary effect. The Puritan, who was,
in general, but too ready to follow precedents and analogies
drawn from the history and jurisprudence of the Jews, might
Lave found in the Old Testament quite as clear warrant for
keeping festivals in honor of great events as for assassinating
biiihops and refusing quarter to captives. He certainly did not
learn from his master, Calvin, to hold such festivals in abhor-
rence ; for it was in consequence of the strenuous exertions of
Calvin that Christmas was, after an interval of some years, again
cbsetTed by the citizens of Geneva.^ But there had arisen in
Scotland Calvinists who were to Calvia what Calvin was tc

* Balcarras'8 Memoirs ; Life of James, ii. 341.

t A Memorial fur His Highness the Prince uf Orange in relation to the
ilflfaira of Scuiian'l, by iwo Persons of Quality, 1689.

I See Calvin's httur to ilallcr, iv. Non. Jan. 1551 : " Priusquam urbcm
fioqaam ingrcdcrcr, nullae prorsus erant feriie pneter diem Dominican!
Ex quo sum rcvuctuos hoc temperameDtum qiuesiri, ut Christ! nataUi
4sldbrareiar.'*

insTOnr of enqland.

lo these anslere fanatics b holiday if as an obj>ct of
Jisgust and hatrL-d. They long continued in tbeir boI-
lifesUies to reckon it among the sins which woulJ ojia

Session look a vucalion in the last week of December.*
Iiristnias day, therefore, the Covenanters held armed
by tonceri in mnny parts of (he wesiem shires. Each
rched lo the nearest inanse, and sacked the cellar and

the minister, which at that senaon were probably better
ban usuaL The priest of Bual was reviled and in-

wn out of the windows ; his wife and children turned
ors in the snow. He was iheu carried to the market-
d exposed during .some lime aa a malefactor. His
d lorn to shreds over his bead ; if he hiid a prayer-
lis pocket ii wa9 burned ; anil lie was dLimissed with a
luver, as he valued his life, to officiate In the parish
riie work of reformation having been thu^ compldted,
iiiers locked up the church and departed with the key*
i to llicse men it must be owned thai they bad suffered
ressiori us may excuse, though it caunol justify, iheil
. and that, though Ihey were rude even to brutality,
not appear to have been guilty of any intentional
life or limb.t
.sorJt^r spreiul fast. In Ayrshire, Clydusdule, Nithis.

HI8TOBT OF ENGLAND, 19S

Ifriettto were called — were expelled. The graver Covenant-
ers, while they applauded the fervor of their riotous breihren,
were apprehensive that proceedings so irregular might give
scandal, and learned, with CvSpecial concern, that here and
there an Achan had disgraced the good cause by stooping to
plunder the Canaanites whom he ought only to have smitten.
A general meeting of ministers and elders was called for the
purpose of preventing such discreditable excesses. In this
meeting it was determined that, for the future, the ejection of
the established clergy should be performed in a more cere-
monious manner. A form of notice was drawn up and served
on every curate in the Western Lowlands who had not yet
been rabbled. This notice was simply a threatening letter,
commanding him to quit his parish peaceably, on pain of being
turned out by force.*

The Scottish Bishops, in great dismay, sent the Dean of
Glasgow to plead the cause of their persecuted Church at
Westminster. The outrages committed by the Covenanters
were in the highest degree offensive to William, who had, in
the south of the island, protected even Benedictines and Fran-
ciscans from insult and spoliation. But, though he had, at the
request of a large number of the noblemen and gentlemen of
Scotland, taken on himself provisionally the executive adminis-
tration of that kingdom, the means of maintaining order there
were not at his command. He had not a single regiment north
of the Tweed, or indeed within many miles of that river. It
was vain to hope that mere words would quiet a nation which
had not, in any age, been very amenable to control, and which
was now agitated by hopes and resentments, such as great
revolutions, following great oppressions, naturally engender.
A proclamation was however put forth, directing that all people
should lay down their arms, and that, till the Convention should
have settled the government, the clergy of the Established
Church should be suffered to reside on their cures witliout
molestation. But this proclamation, not being supported by
troops, was very little regarded. On the very day after it was
pubfished at Glasgow, the venerable Cathedral of that city,
almost the only fine church of the middle ages which stands
aninjured in Scotland, was attacked by a crowd of Presby-
terians from the meeting-houses, with whom were mingled

* The form of notice will be foand ia the book entitled Faithfol Coil'
mdings Displayed.

m ST OKI' OP EMOLANt>.

r ilercer brcihirn from the liills. It «ns b 8ui»
I rabble a eongrcgntion oF prelatistfi was bel> Ui b4
I neced^iif iind mercy. The worshippers were dis-
ujid pehed witli snowballs. It wits indued
t^ wounds were inflicled with much more fona-

r seal of government, was in a slaie of anarchy.
, which comiuanded (he whole city, wa*; still held
r the Duke of Gordon. The common people wra
1. The College of Justice, a great forenjjio
1 of judges, advocates, writers to ibe sigHot,
IS the stronghold of Toryism ; for a rigid lest
! years, excluded Presbyierians from alt the
I of the legal profession. The lawyeni, Bome
B nuniht;r, formed tbt^msctves into a battalion ofin-
timo efiectualiy kept dowii ihc niuliitude,
|hoHcver, so much respect to William's authority afl
[vci when his proclamation w.m published.
Lniple of obedience which Diey had f,el wtu not
3ely had ibey laid down iheir weapons, when
Is from the west, who had done ail that wa.s lo be
I way of jielling and hustling the curates of their
orhood, came dropping into Kdinbui-gh, by lens ajid
r ibe purpose of protucling, or, if ni'ed should be, of

HISTORY OF BNOLAKD. 201

must be the work of time. Just at this moment, however, a
party, stron<; both in numbers and in abilities, niif>ed a new
and most ini|K)rtant question, which seemed not unlike ly to pro*
long the interregnum till the autumn. This party maintained
that the Estates ought not immediately to dechire William and
Mary King and Queen, but to propose to England a treaty of
union, and to keep the throne vacant till such a treaty should
be concluded on terms advantageous to Scotland.*

It may seem strange that a large portion of a people, whose
patriotism, exhibited, oflen in a heroic, and sometimes in a
comic fonn, has long been proverbial, should have been will*
tog, nay impatient, to surrender an independence which had
been, through many ages, dearly prized and manfully defended*
The truth is that the stubborn spirit which the arms of the
Plantagenets and Tudors had been unable to subdue, had be-
gun to yield to a very different kind of force. Custom-houses
and tariffs were rapidly doing what the carnage of Falkirk and
Halidon, of Flodden and of Pinkie, had failed to do. Scotland
had some experience of the effects of an union. She had, near
forty years before, been united to England on such terms as
England, flushed with conquest, chose to dictate. That union
was inseparably associated in the minds of the vanquished
people with defeat and humiliation. And yet even that union,
cruelly as it had wounded the pride of the Scots, had promoted
their prosperity. Cromwell, with wisdom and hl)ei*ality rare
in his age, had established the most complete freedom of trade
between the dominant and the subject country. While he
governed, no prohibition, no duty, impeded the transit of com-
modities from any part of the island to any other. His navi*
gation laws imposed no restraint on the trade of Scotland. A
Scotch vessel was at liberty to carry a Scotch cargo to Barbie
docs, and to bring tlie sugars of Barbadoes into the port of
London.! The rule of the Protector, therefore, had been pro-
pitious to the industry and to the physical well-being of the
Scottish people. Hating him and cursing him, they could not
help thriving under him, and often, during the administration
of their legitimate princes, looked back Ynth regret tcf the
golden days of the usurper.}

—~-m- iHM I ■ I- _--_^--__ -^ ^ ^

* Burnet, ii. 21.

t Si'C/bell, 1654, cap. 9, and Oliver's Ordinance in Coancil of the I2t]|
of A pril in the name year.

f Bumet and Fletcher of Saltoon mention the prosperity of Scotland
iflder the Protector, bat ascribe it to a caose quite inadequate to the pio*

9*

HISTOKT OF ENGLAND.

flloration earae, and changed every thing. The Scotf
heir independence, and soon began U) find that indo-
had its discomfort as well aa iis dignity. The Eog-
ment treated tiiera as aliens sod kj riviils, A new
n Act put them on almost the Eame footing with tba
ligh duties!, nnd in soiiio cases prohibitory duties,
).*ed on iho produds of Scoltish industry. It is not

, a nation which, having been bng kept back by a
1 and a severe climate, was just beginning to profi-
le of these disadvantages, and which found its pro-
lenly stopped, fhonid think itself cruelly treated. Tet
no help. Complaint wil^ vain. Retaliation was im-
The Sovereign, eveu if he had the wish, had not
, lo bear himself evenly between his large and hit
plom, between the kingdom from which he drew an
vmae of a milhon and a half, and the kingdom from
drew an annual revenue of little more than siitj
pgunda. Ha dared neither to refuse bis assent to any

Miy .Scotch law injurious to the tnide of England,
luplnints of the Scotch, however, were m> loud that
in 1667, appointed Commissioners to arrange the
a eommerciiil treaty between the two Briiisli king-
lie eoiiferenees were soon broken oflT; and all llial

BISTORT OF ENOLAND. 208

most become one people with the English. The Parliament
which had hitherto sate at Edinbur?h, must be incorporated
with the Parliament which sate at Westminster. The sacri-
fice could not but be painfully felt by a brave and haughty
people, who had, during twelve generations, regarded the
Boutbem domination with deadly aversion, and whose hearts
still swelled at the thought of the death of Wallace and of the
triumphs of Bruce. There were, doubtless, many punctilious
patriots who would have strenuously opposed a union, even
if they could have foreseen that the effect of a union would
be to make Glasgow a greater city than Amsterdam, and to
eorer the dreary Lothians with harvests and woods, neat farm
houses and stately mansions. But there was also a large class
which was not disposed to throw away great and substantial
advantages, in order to preserve mere names and ceremonies ;
and the influence of this class was such that, in the year 1 670,
the Scotch Parliament made direct overtures to England.*
The King undertook the office of mediator ; and negotiators
were named on both sides ; but nothing was concluded.

The question, having slept during eighteen years, was sud-
denly revived by the Revolution. Different classes, impelled
by different motives, concurred on this point. With mer-
chants, eager to share in the advantages of the West Indian
trade, were joined active and aspiring politicians who wished
to exhibit their abilities in a more conspicuous theatre than the
Scottish Parliament House, and to collect riches from a more
copious source than the Scottish treasury. The cry for union
was swelled by the voices of some artful Jacobites, who mere
ly wished to cause discord and delay, and who hoped to attain
this end by mixing up with the difficult question which it was
the especial business of the Convention to settle, another ques-
tion more difficult stilL It is probable that some who disliked
the ascetic habits and rigid discipline of the PresbyterianS|
wished for a union as the only mode of maintaining prelacy in
the northern part of the island. In a united Parliament, the
English members must greatly preponderate ; and in England
(be Bishops were held in high honor by the great majority of
the population. The Episcopal Church of Scotland, it was
plain, 1 ested on a narrow basis, and would fall before the fini

tre Mt forth. It will be found in the Appendix to De Foe'i Hiflory of
the Union, No. 13.
« Act. Vvl Soot, July 30, 1670.

ri-^ E|>iRcopal Church of Great Britain miglil faarc
on brond end solid «nou;;h to withMund all aasaulbt.
^^, ill 16S9, it would have been pori^-iible to cffMt «
n without a religious union, moy well be doubled,
can bo no doubt that a religious union would hav«
of the greatest calamitiea that could have befallen
5dom. The union, accomplished in 1707, ha* indeed
?ai blessing both to England and to Scotland. Bat
D a blessing because, in consliluting one tiiate, il left
3he8. The political interest of ihe contracting par.
ie same ; but the ecclesiastical dispute between them
which admitted of no compromise. Tliey could,
preserve harraony only by agreeing ro differ. Had

■e been an amalgamation of the nations. SuccCisive
would have iired at ducc&^sive Sharpes. Five geit-
>f Cleaverbousiis would have butchered five gener*-
I^Hmeron.s. Those mnrrellous improvement!) whieh

<;ed the face of Scotland, would never have been ef-
'laina now rich with harvests, would hiive remained

Kif^ Waterfalls which now turn the wheels of int-
:lorits, would have resounded in a wilderness, New
ould slill have iieen a sheepwalk, and Greenock S
unlet. What lillle eirength Scotland could under
Item have possessed, must, in an crttimale of the re-

RI810RT OF ENOI.A1ID. 205

eotiDtrymen by his efforts to uphold prelacy in the north. Ha
was doubtless in error ; but his error is to be attributed to a
cause which does him no discredit. His favorite object, an
object unattainable indeed, yet such as might well fascinate a
lai^ intellect and a benevolent heart, had long been an honor-
able treaty between the An;;1ican Church and the Nonconform-
ists. He thought it most unfortunate that one opportunity of
concluding such a treaty should have been lost at the time of
the Restoration. It seemed to him that another opportunity
was offered by the Revolution. He and his friends were
eagerly pushing forward Nottingham's Comprehension Bill,
and were flattering themselves with vain hopes of success.
But they felt that there could hardly be a Comprehension in
one of the two British kingdoms, unless there were also a Com-
prehension in the other. Concession must be purchased by
concession. If the Presbyteiian pertinaciously refust^d to lis-
ten to any terms of compromise where he was strong, it would
be almost impossible to obtain for him liberal terms of compro-
mise where he was weak. Bishops must therefore be allowed
to keep their sees in Scotland, in order that divines not or-
dained by Bishops might be allowed to hold rectories and can-
onries in England.

Thus the cause of the Episcopalians in the north and tha
cause of the Presbyterians in the south were bound up to«
gether in a manner which might well perplex even a skilful
statesman. It was happy for our country that the momentous
question which excited so many strong passions, and which
presented itself in so msmy different points of view, was to be
decided by such a man as William. He listened to Episco-
palians, to l^atitudinarians, to Presbyterians, to the Dean of
Glasgow who pleaded for the apostolical succession, to Burnec
who represented the danger of alienating the Anglican clergy,
to Carstairs who hated prelacy with the hatred of a man whose
thumbs were deeply marked by the screws of prelatists. Sur-
rounded by these eager advocates, William remained calm and
impartiaL He was indeed eminently qualified by his situation
as well as by his personal qualities to be the umpire in that great
contention. He was the King of a prelatical kingdom. He
was the Prime Minister of a presbyterian republic His un-
willingness to offend the Anglican Church of which he was the
head, and his unwillingness to offend the reformed Churches
of the Continent which regarded him as a champion divinoij
aent to protect them against the French tyranny, balanced each

HISTOKT OF ENQLAinj.

kept liini from leaning unduly to either side. Hii

: wiw perfeclly neutral. For it was his delil>crW«

ml no form uf ecclesiastical polity was of divine

He did^^'eiitcd ciiually from tlie ^diool of Lnud and

cliuul of Oiineron, fium llie men wNo held tliiiL thero

be a Cliri^tiun Cburuh witliout Bishops, and from
'liu held tliiLt thera c»uld not be a Gliristinn Chur^b

ciotb. Wliieli form of goTernuient gIiouM be adopted
ia JLiilguient a qucdlJon of more expediency. He
jbably have preferred a temper between the twe
;ms, a hierarehy in which the chief spiritual func-
ihould have been something more than moderators
hing less than proktes. But he waa Ikr too wise a
ink of settling such a matter aceording to bin own
tastes. He determined therefore that, if there waa
des a disposiiioii lo compromise, he would act as mn-
lut, if it should prove that the public mind of Eng-
he public mind of Scotland had taken tlie ply strongly
e direcLiou:^, he would not attempt to Ibrcu either
> confurmity with the opinion of the other. He would
1 (o hare it^ own church, and would content himself

I'om encroaching on the functions of the civil mugis-

iguage which be held lo those Scoiiinh Episco|)aliana

BISTORT OF ENOLAKD 207

It is not likely that, even if the Scottish Bishops had, as
William recommended, done all that meekness and prudence
could do to conciliate their countrymen, episcopacy could, under
any modification, have heen maintained. It was indeed asserted
by writers of that generation, and has been repeated by writers
of our generation, that the Presbyterians were not, before the
Revolution, the majority of the people of Scotland.* But
in this assertion there is an obvious fallacy. The effectivo
strength of sects is not to be ascertained merely by counting
heads. An established church, a dominant church, a church
which has the exclusive possession of civil honors and emolu*
ments, will always rank among its nominal members multitudes
who have no religion at all ; multitudes who, though not desti*
tute of religion, attend little to theological disputes, and have
no scruple about conforming to the mode of worship which
happens to be established ; and multitudes who have scruples
about conforming, but whose scruples have yielded to worldly
motives. On the other hand, every member of an oppressed
church is a man who has a very decided preference for that
church. A person who, in the time of Diocletian, joined in
celebrating the Christian mysteries might reasonably be sup-
posed to be a firm believer in Christ. But it would be a very
great mistake to imagine that one single Pontiff or Au^^ur in
the Roman Senate was a firm believer in Jupiter. In Mary's
reign, everybody who attended the secret meetings of the
Protestants was a real Protestant ; but hundreds of thousands
went to mass who, as appeared before she had been dead a
month, were not real Roman Catholics. If, under the Kings
of the House of Stuart, when a Presbyterian was excluded
from political power and from the learned professions, was
iaily annoyed by informers, by tyrannical magistrates, by li-
centious dragoons, and was in danger of being hanged if he
heard a sermon in the open air, the population of Scotland was
not very unequally divided between Episcopalians and Pres«
byterians, the rational inference is that more than nineteen
twentieths of those Scotchmen whose conscience was interested
in the matter were Presbyterians, and that not one Scotchman

* See, for example, a pamphlet entitled *' Some questions resolved con
cerning episcopal and prtsbyterian i^overnment in Scotland, 1690." One
*f the questions is, whether Scottish presbytery be a«^recablo to the gen-
eral inclinations of that people. The author unswers the question in the
negative, on the ground that the upper and niiddlo classes had geuerallj
eo^onncd to the episcooal Church tMsfore the Uevolurion.

HtSTORT or ENOLA.ND.

s ileciclediy and on convioljon an £piM»p«)Mih

jcb odild the Bishops had but little chance ; Hid

IcliHiice litKy had lliej made bifie to throw away |

I because tliey 8iiicerely Ix^lieved that their alle-

i Still due to Jamed ; others probably becAuait thej

|ed thai Williftm would not have the power, even if

irill, to serve tht^m, and that nothing but a counter

1 the State could avert a revolution in the Cburch.

ew King of England could nut be at Edinburgh

itting of ihe Scottish Convention, a letter from hint

leg was prepared with great iikill. In this docu-

Ir'ofcsBed warm attachment to the Protestant religion,

fto opinion touching those quedtiotia about which Prot-

"vided. He had ot^erved, he «aid, with great

: many of the Scottish nobility and geuttjr

L he had conferred in London were inclined to ■

e two British kingdoms. He was sensible how

a union would conduce to the happlnees of both |

d (to all Id his power lowards the accompliabing i]f

[work.

;e«sary that be should allow a large di^^retion to

ial agents at Edinburgh. The private ioslruclions

L he furnished those persons could not be uinule, but

y judicious. He charged them to asceriaiii to the

r power the real sense of the Cotiveniion, and to be

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 809

rhe person by whose advice William appears to have been
At Mb ume cbfeily <^uided as to Scotch politics was a Scotch*
mauj ot' grea^ abilities and attainments, Sir James Dalrjmple
of Swiir, il>b founder of a family eminently distinguished at the
bar, Gu the benon, in ihe senate, in diplomacy, in arms, and in
letters, but dishngui^heo also by misfortunes and misdeeds
which Lave fvik'nidiie<j poets and novelists with materials for
the darkest and moaw hea/»^rending tales. Already Sir Jameg
had been in mojniing \or u»ore than one strange and terrible
death. One of his sons bad £l\td by poison. One of his daugh-
ters had poniarded her tridog/x>om on the wedding night. One
of his grandsons had in boyisL sport been slain by another.
Savage libellers asserted, and suuio of the superstitious vulgar
believed, that calamities so porteiiioas were the consequences
of some connection between the niiti&ppy race and the powers
of darkness. Sir James had a wf/ neck ; and he was re-
proached with this misfortune as if A had been a crime, and
was told that it marked him out as a ui&Jt doomed to the gal-
lows. His wife, a woman of great abtht^, art, and spirit, was
popularly nicknamed the Witch of Endor. ll was gravely said
that she had cast fearful spells on those whom she hated, and
that she had been seen in the likeness of a u:t seated on the
cloth of state by the side of the Lord High Commissioner.
The man, however, over whose roof so many cUi.*ses appeared
to hang did not, as far as we can now judge, fall bhort of that
very low standard of morality which was genei*aily attained
by politicians of his age and nation. In force of mind and
extent of knowledge he was superior to them all. In his
youth he had borne arms ; he had then been a professor of phi-
losophy ; he had then studied law, and had become, by general
acknowledgment, the greatest jurist that his country had pro-
duced. In the days of the Protectorate, he had been a judge.
After the Restoration, he had made his peace with the royal
family, had sate in the Privy Council, and had presided with
unrivalled ability in the Court of Session. He had doubtless
borne a share in many unjustifiable acts ; but there were lim-
its which he never passed. He had a wonderful power of
giving to any proposition which it suited him to maintain a
plausible Asi>ect of legality and even of justice; and this power
be frequ«'!itly abused. But he was not, like many of those
amons w^^om he lived, impudently and unscrupulously servile.
8Lome or conscience generally restrained him from committing
any bad action for which his rare ingenuity could not frame a

HISTORT OF EMOLAND.

Idefence ; unA he was seldom !n hia place at the conn-

I when any thin<r r)utragi.-ousl7 anjii'it or crocl was to

J Hiit moileratioi. at 1en!>ih gnve olTunce tn ihf. court

Blefirived of his lii)>;h office, nnd found himself lo so

" 1 that he retired lo Holland. There he

1 himself in correcting the s^^al work on jiirispri>

ich has preserved hia memory fresh down to our owr

1 his hanishment he tried lo gain the favor of hit

^ileii, who naturally re<;.irded him with tuitpiciuri. He

, and pcrhapii with truth, that hia hands were pura

I hluod of the persecuted Covenanters. Ha made

Iprofession of religion, prayed much, and observed

^ of fasting and humiliation. He even consented,

hesitation, to assist with his advice and his credit

Brtunate enterprise of Argyle. When (hat enterprise

a prosecution was instiluled at Edinburgh against

; mid his estates would doubtless have been eonSs-

Bd they not been saved by an artifice which subse-

Ibecame common among the poliiidnnfi of Scotland.

son and heir apparent, John, look the side of the

t, supported the dispensing power, declared against

nd accepted the place of Lord Advocate, wben Sir

Hckcnzie, niter holding out through ten years of tbul

It length showed signs of llag^ng. The services

" ' ' rewarded by a remission of

HISTOBT OF AlTGLAND. 211

not likely to find any equal among the debaters there, and
was prepa'^d to exert all his powers against the dynasty which
he had lately served.*

By the large party which was zealous for the Calvinistic
church government John Dalrymple was regarded with incura-
ble distrust and dislike. It was therefore necessary that another
agent should be employed to mana^^e that party. Such an
■gent was George Melville, Lord Melville, a nobleman con-
oected by affinity with the unfortunate Monmouth, and with
that Leslie who had unsuccessfully commanded the Scotch
army against Cromwell at Dunbar. Melville had always been
accounted a Whig and a Presbyterian. Those who speak of
lum most favorably have not ventured to ascribe to him emi«
nent intellectual endowments or exalted public spirit. But he
appears from his letters to have been by no means deficient in
that homely prudence the want of which has often been fatal to
men of brighter genius and of purer virtue. That prudence had
restrained him from going very far in opposition to the tyranny
of the Stuarts; but he bad listened while his friends talked
about resistance, and therefore, when the Kye House plot was
discovered, thought it expedient to retire to the Continent. In
bis absence he was accused of treason, and was convicted on
evidence which would not have satisfied any impartial tribunal.
He was condemned to death ; his honors and lands were de«
dared forfeit; his arms were torn with contumely out of the
Herald's book ; and his domains swelled the estate of the cruel
and rapacious Perth. The fugitive meanwhile, with charac-
teristic wariness, lived quietly on the Continent, and discounte-
nanced the unhappy projects of his kinsman Monmouth, but
cordially approved of the enterprise of the Prince of Orange.

Illness had prevented Melville from sailing with tlie Dutch
expedition ; but he aiTived in London a few hours after the
new Sovereigns had been proclaimed there. William instantly
Bent him down to Edinburgh, in the hope, as it should seem,
that the Presbyterians would be disposed to listen to moderate

♦ As to the Dalrymplcs, see the Lord President's own writings, and
among them his Vindication of the Divine Perfections ; Wodrow s Ano-
lec'ta; Douglas's Peerage ; Lockhart's Memoirs : the Sutyre on ihe Faniilio
of Stairs; the Satyric Lines upon the long wished for and timely Death
>f the Right Honorable Lady Stairs; Law's Memorials; and the IlyLd-

ford Papers, written in 170f, and printed with the Letters of Carstairs.
Lockhart, though a mortal enemy of John Dalrymple, says, "There
in the parliament capable to take up the cudgels with him."

Is proceeding from a man who was attaelied to their caiiwv
10 had iiiirui-ed for it Melville's second fo», David, wbs
leriied, tlirougli his mother, the tiile of Earl of Leven, and
id acquired some militiiry experieuce in the service of
■Klor of Bnuidenburg, had the honor of being the bearef
ititr frocn the new King of England to the Scottish Con-
es hod intrusted the conduct of his affairs in Scotland to
•raham, Viscount Dundee, and Colin Lindsay, Earl of
ra9. Dundee bad commanded a body of Scottish troops
had marched into England to oppose the Dutch ; but he
ind, in the inglorious campaign which had been fatal to
lasty of Stuarl, no opportunity of displaying the coura^
iliiary skill which tho^ie who most detest his mercilesa
allow him to have possessed. He hiy witli his (brcea
■ fiom Watford, when he was informed that James bad
.m Whitelndl, and that Feversham had ordered all the
n-ray to disband. The Scottish regiments were thus left,
t pay or jirovisions, in the miitst of a foreign and indeed
le nation. Dundee, it is said, wept with grief and rags,
kowever, more cheering intelligence aiTiv^ from varioos
rs. William wrote a few tines to say IhiU, if the Scot<
remain ijuiei, he would pledge his honor for their safely ;
me hours later, it iiras known that James had reiumi'd to

HlflTOBT OF ENOLAHO, 219

Gurs in Scotland under their management. *^ You, mj Lord
lUilcarms, must undertake the civU business ; and you, my
Lord Dundee, shall have a commission from me to command
the troops." The two noblemen vowed tluit they would prove
themselves deserving of his confidence, and disclaimed aU
thought of making their peace with the Prince of Orange.*

On the following day James left Wliitcliall forever ; and the
Prince of Orange arrived at Saint James's. Both Dundee and
llaldoras swelled the crowd which thronged to greet the de-
liverer, and were not ungraciously received. Both were well
known to him. Dundee had served under him on the Conti-
nent ; t and the first wife of Balcarras had been a lady of the
House of Orange, and had worn, on her wedding day, a superb
pair of emerald ear-rings, the gift of her cousin the Prince.J

The Scottish Whigs, then assembled in great numbers a'
Westminster, earnestly pressed William to proscribe by name
four or ^ve men who had, during the evil times, borne a con-
spicuous part in the proceedings of the Privy Council at £din*
burgh. Dundee and BalcaiTas were particularly mentioned.
But the Prince had determined that, as far as his power ex

* Memoirs of the Lindsays.

t About the early relation between William and Dundee, some Jacobite,
many years after they were both dead, invented a story which by succes-
sive embellishments was at last improved into a romance which it seemn
strange that even a child should believe to he true. The last edition runs
thus. William's horse was killed under him at Senetf, and his life was
in imminent dnn^er. Dund.c, then Captain Graham, mounted His High-
ness again. William promised to reward this service with promotion ;
but broke his word and gave to another the commission which Graham
had been led to expect. The injured hero went to Loo. There he met
his successful competitor and gave him a box on the ear. The punish-
ment for striking in the palace was the loss of the offending right hand :
bat this punishment the Prince of Orange ungraciously remitted. " You,
lie said, ''saved my life; I spare your right hand: and now we are
quits''

Those who, down to our own time, have repeated this nonsense seem
to have thought, tiKt, that the Act of Henry the Eighth " for punishment
of murder and malicious bloodshed within the King's Court," (Stat. 83
Ucn. VIII. c. 2,) wais law in Guelders ; and, secondly, that, in 1674,
William was a King, and his house a King's Court. They were also not
iiware that he did not purchase Loo till long after Dundee had left tlie
NeUierlands. See Harriet's Description of Loo, 1699.

This legend, of which I have not been al)lc to discover the slightest
trace in the voluminous Jacobite literature of William's reign, seems to
have originated al)Out u quarter of a century' after Dundee's death, and to
bave attained its full absurdity in another quarter of a century.

I Memoir I of the Lindsays.

HI3T0KT OF BNOLAHD.

Julely rerused to make any declaration whjeh could
despair even the moat guilty of his uncle's sen-iiiits.
Taa went reiieuiedly lo Saint James's, had severa'
3 of William, professed deep respect for his highness,
;d that King Jiimes had committed great errors, but
t promise to concur in a vole of deposition. William
:^igna of displeasure, but s:iid at parting : " Take care,
, that you keep within the law ; for, if you break il,
; expect to be left to it"

e seems to have been less ingenuous. He employed
iation of Burnet, opened a negotiation with Saint
declared himself willing to acquiesce in the new ord<;r
. oblained from William a promise of proiection, and

in return to live peaceably. Such credit was given
)fcssiona that he wa.i suffered lo travel down to Seot-
i^r the escort of a troop of cavalry. Without such an
I man of blood, whose name ntia never mentioned but
udder at the hearth of any Presbyterian family, would,
onjiincture, have had but a perilous journey through
ihire and the Lothians.f

firy wa.s drawing lo a. clope when Dundee and Bulcar-
ed Edinburgh. They had some hope that they might

head of a majority iu the Convention. They there-

HI8T0BT OF BNOLAKO. 21d

gjls presented himself, a single lord prote3ted against the ad-
mission of a person whom a legal sentence, passed in due form,
and still unreversed, had deprived of the honors of the peer-
age- But this objection was overruled by the general sense of
the assembly. When Melville appeared, no voice was raised
against his admission. The Bishop of Edinburgh officiated as
chaplain, and made it one of his petitions that God would help
and restore King James.* It soon appeared that the general
feeling of the Convention was by no means in harmony with
this prayer. The first matter to be decided was the choice of
a President. The Duke of Hamilton was supported by tho
Whigs, the Marquess of Athol by the Jacobites. Neither can-
didate possessed, and neither deserved, the entire confidence of
his supporters. Hamilton had been a Privy Councillor of
James, had borne a part in many unjustifiable acts, and had
offered but a very cautious and languid opposition to the most
daring attacks on the laws and religion of Scotland. Not till
the Dutch guards were at Whitehall had he ventured to speak
out. Then he had joined the victorious party, and had as-
sured the Whigs that he had pretended to be their enemy, only
in order that he might, without incurring suspicion, act as their
friend* Athol was still less to be trusted. His abilities were
mean, his temper false, pusillanimous, and cruel. In the late
reign he had gained a dishonorable notoriety by the barbarous
actions of which he had been guilty in Argyleshire. He had
turned with the turn of fortune, and had paid servile court to
the Prince of Orange, but had been coldly received, and had
now, from mere mortification, come back to the party which he
had deserted.! Neither of the rival noblemen had chosen to
ftake the dignities and lands of his house on the issue of the
contention between the rival Kings. The eldest son of Ham-
ilton had declared for James, and the eldest son of Athol for
William, so that, in any event, both coronets and both estatea
were safe.

But in Scotland the fashionable notions touching political
morality were lax ; and the aristocratical sentiment was strong.
The Whigs were therefore willing to forget that llamiltcn hsul
lately sa'.e in the council of James. The Jacobites were

♦Act Pari. Scot., Mar. 14, 1689; History of the late Revolution in
SootUiad, 1690 ; An Account of the Proceedings of the Estates of Sco^
land, fol. Lond. 1689.

y Balcarras's narrative exhibits both Hamilton and Athol in a most
■nhiTorabie light. See also the Life of James, ii. 338, 339.

tII3T0RT OF EMQLAND.

willing to forget (hat Athol hud lately (aimed on VTO-
11 [Kilitical ill consistency those two great lords were far
•om staniling by themselvea j hut in dignity and power
scarcelj' an equal in the assembly. Their de.^cent
neiitly illusirious; their influence was immense; one
ciiuld raise the Western LowUnds; ihe other ooulii

0 the field an army of northern mounl&ineers. Bound
efs, therefore, the hostile factions gathereil.

oies were counted; and it appeared that Hamilton had
ly of forty. The consequence waa that about Iweuty
jfeate J party instantly pa^^ed over to the victors." At
later such a defection would have been thought strange,
iras to have caused little surprise at Edinburgh. It is
table circura'tance that the same country should have

1 in the same age the most wonderful apecinoens of

ty ihau was found among the Scoti'h Puritans. Fine
risoament, the shears and (he branding-iron, the boot,
ubscrew, and the gallows conld not estorl from iha
Covenanter one evasive word ou which it wa* possi-
ut a sense inconsistent with his theological system.
things indiffuieni he would hear of no compromise j
was bui loo rendy to consider all who i-ecommended

HI8TOST OF ENGLAND. ill

Cfaat the very name of conscience should become a lijword of
eootempt to cool and shrewd men of businens.

The majority, reinforced by the crowd of deserters from the
minority, proceeded to name a Committee of Elections. Fif«
teen persons were chosen, and it soon appeared that twelve of
these were not disposed to examine severely into the regularity
of any proceeding of which the result had been to send up a
Whig to the Parliament House. The Duke of Hamilton is
said to have been disgusted by the gross partiality of his own
followers, and to have exerted himself, with but little success,
to restrain their violence.*

Before the Estates proceeded to deliberate on the business
for which they had met, they thought it necessary to provide
for their own security. They could not be perfectly at ease
while the roof under which they sate was commanded by the
batteries of the Castle. A deputation was therefore sent to
inform Gordon that the Convention required him to evacuate
the fortress within twenty-four hours, and that, if he complied,
his past conduct should not be remembered against him. He
asked a night for consideration. During that night his wa-
vering mind was confirmed by the exhortations of Dundee and
Balcarras. On the morrow he sent an answer drawn in re-
spectful but evasive terms. He was very far, he declared,
from meditating harm to the City of Edinburgh. Least of all
could he harbor any thought of molesting an august assembly
which he regarded with profound reverence. Pie would will-
ingly give bond for his good behavior to the amount of twenty
thousand pounds sterling. But he was in communication with
the government now established in England. He was in
hourly expectation of important despatches from that govern-
ment ; and, till they arrived, he should not feel himself justi-
fied in resigning his command. These excuses were not
admitted. Heralds and trumpeters were sent to summon the
Castle in form, and to denounce tl>e penalties of high treason
against those who should continue to occupy that fortress in
defiance of the authority of the Estates. Guards were at the
same time posted to intercept all communication between the
garrison and the city.f

* Balcarras's Memoirs ; Hif n>r7 of the late ReTolution in Scotland,
1690.

t Act. Pari. Scot., March 14 and 15, 1689; Balcarras's Memoirs;
Loodon Gazette, March 25 ; History of tlic late Revolution in Scotland,
1690; Account of the Proceedings of the Estates of Scotland, 1669.
YOL. III. 10

HIBTORT or ENGLASD.

yB bikd been spenl in ihese prelmJp^ ; and it was ex
t on the Ihird morning Ihs grent ronlust would be^n
a, the itopiiliirion of Edinbur^^h was in an exciled
had been di^covcrud iliat Dundee had paid vi-iitg u,
-, and it was b<:lieved that his exhortations had in.
garrison lo hold ouL His old soldiera were known
ering round him ; and it might be well apprehended
luld make some dfs]«rftte attempt, lie, on the othef
been inTorraed that ihe Western Covciiantera, who
«llars or the city, had vowed vengeance on biin ; and,
'hen we consider that their temper was singularly
1 impliicable : that they had been taught to regard
; of a persecutor as a duty ; (hat no examples fur-
Holy Writ had been more freqneully held up to
ration than Ehud stabbing Eglon, and Samuel hew-
limb from limb; that ibey hud never heard any
lit in the history of their own country more warmly
their favorite tejiL-hers than tlie butchery of Cardj-
in and of Archbistiop Sharpe; we may well won*
I man who had ."hed Ibe blood of the saints lika
dd have been able to walk the High Street in safety
ingle day. The enemy whom Dundee had modit rea-
was a youth of distinguished courage and abilities
lliam Cleland. Cleland had, when little more than
irs old, bonie arms in that insurrectiou whifb had

mSTORT OF ENGLAND. 219

Ul the fifleenth of March Dundee recei'^ed information tlia*
unoe of the Covenanters had bound themselves together to
9hkj him and Sir Greorge Mackenzie, whose eloquence and
learning, long prostituted to the service of tyranny,^ had made
kim more odious to the Presbyterians than any other man of
Ihe gown. Dundee applied to Hamilton for protection ; and
Hamilton advised him to bring the matter under the consider-
ation of the Convention at the next sitting.*

Before that sitting, a person named Crane arrived from.
France, with a letter addressed by the fugitive King to the
Estates. The letter was sealed ; the bearer, strange to saji
was not furnished with a copy for the information of the heads-
«f the Jacobite party ; nor did he bring any message, written
or verbal, to either of James's agents. Balcarras and Dundee
were mortified by finding that so little confidence was reposed
in them, and were hnrassed by painful doubts touching the
contents of the document on which so much depended. They
were willing, however, to hope for the besL King James could
not, situated as he was, be so ill advised as to act in direct op«
position to the counsel and entreaties of his friends. His letter,
when opened, must be found to contain such gracious assur-
ances as would animate the royalists and conciliate the moder-
ate Whigs. His adherents, therefore, determined that it should
be produced.

When the Convention reassembled on the morning of Satur-
day the sixteenth of March, it was proposed tiiat mea.surea

William Cleland was the father of William Cleland. the Commissioner
of Taxes, who was well kno>vn twenty yeai-s later in the literary society
of London, who rendered some not very rcpuuihlc services to Pope, and
whose son John was the author of an infamous hook hut too mdely colo«
brated. This is an entire mistake. William Cleland, who fought at.
BoUiwcU Bridge, was not twenty-eight when he wa.s killed in August,
1689; and Williiira Cleland, the Commissioner of Taxes, died at sixty-
•even in September, 1741. The former thorofore cannot have been the
fiither of the latter. See tlie Exact Narrative of the Battle of Dunkeld y
the Gentleman's Magazine for 1740; and Warhurton's note on the Letter
to the Publisher of the Dunciad, a letter signed W. Cleland, but really
written by Pope. In a paper dmwn up by Sir Robert Hamilton, the
oracle of the extreme Covenanters, and a bloodthirsty ruflinn, Cleland is
mentioned as having been once Icajjued with those fanatics, but after
wards a groat opposor of their testimony. Clelandjirobably did not agreo
with Hamilton in thinkin<^ it a sacred duty to rut the throats of prisonem
of war who liad been received to quarter. Sec Uamilton^s Letter to th«
Sodottes, Dec. 7, 1685.
* Balcarras's Memoirs.

taken for the petsonAl security of the members. Il
sd that the life of Duntlec hod been threatened ; that
)f einiiler appciirnnce had been watching the houM
lodged, and liiid been heard to say lliat ihey woaW
ig as he Irnd used thera. Mackensie complained that
1 in danger, and, with his usual copiousness and fores

IS lightly treated by ihc majority ; and the Conreo-
i on to other business.*

then announced ihat Crane was at the door of the
It House. He was admitted. The paper of which
chai^ was laid on ihe table. Hamilton remarked that
, in the hands of llie Earl of Leven, a comruunicatioa
Prince by whose authority the Estates bad been cott-

eniion was of 1 lie same opinion '; and the well weighed

ut letter of William wa-* read.

Jien moved tliat the letter of James should be opened.

the Convention. They therefore proposed that, be-

itwithslanding any eucli mnndate Tlie Jacobitta,
no more lliari the Whigs what was in the letter, and
Uient lo liuve it read, eagerly assented. A vole was

mSTORT OF ENGLAND, 221

tliej had not made some concession to the majoritj, the lettef
would not have been opened.

In a few minutes the hopes of Balcarras were grievously
disappointed. The letter from which so much had been hoped
and feared was read with all the honors which Scottish Parlia-
ments were in the habit of paying to royal communications |
bat every word carried despair to the hearts of the Jacobites.
It was plain that adversity had taught James neither wisdom
nor mercy. All was obstinacy, cruelty, insolence. A pardoo
was promised to those traitors who should return to their alle-
giance within a fortnighU Against all others unsparing ven-
geance was denounced. Not only was no sorrow expressed
for past offences ; but the letter was itself a new offence ; for
it was written and countersigned by the a|)ostate Melfort, who
was, by the statutes of the realm, incapable of holding the
office of Secretary, and who was not less abhorred by the Prot-
estant Tories than by the Whigs. The hall was in a tumult.
The enemies of James were loud and vehement. His fViends,
angry with him, and ashamed of him, saw that it was vain to
think of continuing the struggle in the Convention. Every
vote which had been doubtful when his letter was unsealed was
now irrecoverably lost. The sitting closed in great agitation.*

It was Saturday afternoon. There was to be no other meet-
ing till Monday morning. The Jacobite leaders held a con-
saltation, and came to the conclusion that it was necessary to
take a decided step. Dundee and Balcarras must use the
powers with which they had been intrusted. The minority
must forthwith leave Edinburgh and assemble at Stirling.
Athol assented, and undertook to bring a great body of hia
clansmen from the Highlands to protect the deliberations of the
Boyalist Convention. Every thing was arranged for the se-
cession ; but, in a few hours, the tardiness of one man and the
haste of another ruined the whole plan.

The Monday came. The Jacobite lords and gentlemen
were actually taking horse for Stirling, when Athol asked for
a delay of twenty-four hours. He had no personal reason to
be in haste. By staying he ran no risk of being assassinated.
By going he incurred the risks inseparable from civil war

• Act. Pari. Scot^ Mar. 16, 168|; Balcarras's Memoirs; History of
the late Revolation in Scotland, 1690 ; Acooant of the Proccedin^M of the
Bttatcs of Scotland, 1689; London Oaz., Mar. 25, 1689; Life of Jameft
V. 94S. Bamet blanders strangely aboat these transactions-

msTonr of EMatAKD.

bera of h\s parly, unwillinf; to separate from him,

i to llie Parliament House. Diind<:e aloue rerused
nuinenl longer, tlis life was in (kiigiir. The Con-
ad refused lu protect him. He would not reouia
mark for ilie pistols and dugaera of murderers,
expostulated to no purpose. •' By departing alona,"
you will frive the alarm and break up the whole

he seems, like nmny other brave men, to have been
against the danger of iL^sassi nation than a^in*4(
form of danger. He knew what tlie haired of Ibe
LIN wad ; he knew how well he had 'earned tlieif
id he wiij luiunled by that coitsciuu!>ness of inexpinble
by that dread of a terrible retribution, which the
jlylliuisis personified under the luvful name of the
His old troopers, the Salans and Beelzebub:; who )iad
1 crimes, and who now shared his perils, were ready
lompamoaa of liis flight.

dile the Convention had assembled. Uackenaie was
1, and was palhetiwilly lamenting the hard condition

ced by a fnnatii^l rabble, when he wn« itUerrupted
.cntinels who came running from the posts near the
[•hey had seen Dundee at tlie head of Gfty horse on

HT8T0RT OF EKOLAN1>. 22i

•mt. There are some good men from the West in Edinburgh,
men for whom I can answer." The assembly raised a general
cry of assent Several members of the majority boasted that
they too had brought with them tmsty retainers who would
turn out at a moment's notice against Claverhouse and his
dragoons. All that Hamilton proposed was instantly done.
The Jacobites, silent and unresisting, became prisoners. Leven
went forth and ordered the drums to beat. The Covenanters
Df Lanarkshire and Ayrshire promptly obeyed the signal. Tho
force thus assembled had indeed no very military appearance.
bat was amply sufficient to overawe the adherents of the House
of Stuart. From Dundee nothing was to be hoped or feari!<l.
He had already scrambled down the Castle hill, rejoined his
tzxMpers, and galloped westward. Hamilton now ordered the
doors to be opened. The suspected members were at liberty
to depart. Humbled and broken-spirited, yet glad tliut tli^y
had come off so well, they stole forth through the crowd of
fttem fanatics which filled the High Street* AH thought of se-
cession was at an end.*

On the following day it was resolved that the kingdom should
be put into a posture of defence. The preamble of this resolu-
tion contained a severe reflection or the perfidy of the traitor
who, within a few hours afler he had, by an engagement sub-
scribed with his owi) hand, bound himself not to quit his post
in the Convention, had set the example of desertion, and given
the signal of civil war. All Protestants, from sixteen to sixty,
were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to assemble in
arms at the first summons; and, that none might pretend
ignorance, it was directed that the edict should be proclaimed
at all the market crosses throughout the realm.f

The Estates then proceeded to send a letter of thanks to
William. To this letter were attached the signatures of many
noblemen and gentlemen who were in the interest of the ban-
ished King. The Bishops, however, unanimously refused to
subscribe their names.

It had long been the custom of the Parliaments of Scotland
to entrust the preparation of Acts to a select number of mt* m-
bers who were designated as the Lords of the Articles. In
conformity with this usage, the business of framing a plan for

* Balcarras's Memoirs ; MS. in tho Library of the Faculty of Advo-
eates.
t Act. Pari. Scot, Mur. 19, 16S|; History of the late BcYola^ion La

SootUnd, 1690.

: OF tlNOtAKD.

Jg of (lie government ivaa now confided lo a CommiUea
pfour. or the Iwenty-four eight were peera, tight
of couiitice, anil eight represeniutives of town*.
Irity of the Committee wei'e Whigs ; and not u sitigle

liln

it of the JiLcobi[«
, about this lim
I the Duke of Que
1 Ilia influence v
■he cliaractei

ss, broken by a succession of <lia>

for a moment revived by Iba

isberry from Ijondon. His rank

a great; hia character, by compari-

of those who surrounded him, was fair.

■pery was in the aacendent, ho had been true h> ths

lllie Protestant Church; and, since Whiggi^m bad

Be nscendent, he hiv] been true lo tlie cnuse of heredi-

rchy. Sonie thought ihut, if be had been earlier in

lie might have been able lo render important servicA

e of SiuarL* Even now the titimujaiita which hs

> hi.4 lorpid and feeble party produced some faint

" reluming aaimation. Means were found of com-

villi Gordon; and he was earncslly Solicilcd l«

;ily. The Jacobites hoped that, at soon an the

plU had beaten down a few chimneys, the Estates

n lo Glasgow. Time would thus be gained ; and

might he able to execute tiieir old project of

^eparaIe convention. Gordon, liowever, positively

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 22)

The Convention passed a resolution appointing Mackay genera]
of their forces. When the question was put on this resolution,
the Archbishop of Glasgow, unwilling doubtless to be a party
to BQch an usurpation of powers which belonged to the King
alone, begged that the prelates might be excused from voting.
Divines, he said, had nothing to do with military arrangements.
"The Fathers of the Church," answered a member, very
keenly, ^ have been lately favored with a new light. I havn
myself seen military orders signed by the Most Reverend
person who has suddenly become so scrupulous. There ww
indeed one difference; those orders were for dragooning
Protestants, and the resolution before us is meant to protect us
firom Papists."*

The arrival of Mackay's troops, and the determination nf
Grordon to remain inactive, quelled the spirit of the Jacobitea
They had indeed one chance left. They might possibly, by
joining with those Whig:) who were bent on a union with
England, have postponed during a considerable time the settle-
ment of the government; A negotiation was actually opened
with this view, but was speedily broken off. For it soon appear-
ed that the party which was for James was really hostile to the
anion, and that the party which was for the union was really
hostile to James. As these two parties had no object in com-
mon, the only effect of a coalition between them must have
been that one of them would have become the tool of the other.
The question of the union therefore was not raised.f Some
Jacobites retired to their country seats ; others, though they
remained at Edinburgh, ceased to show themselves in the
Parliament House ; many passed over to the winning side ;
and, when at length the resolutions prepared by the Twenty
Four were submitted to the Convention, it appeared that the
party which on the first day of the session had rallied round
Athol had dwindled away to nothing.

The resolutions had been framed, as far as possible, in con-
formity with the example recently set at Westminster. In one
important point, however, it was absolutely necessary that the
oopy should deviate from the original. The Estates of Eng«
kmd had brought two charges against James, his mis;;overn«
ment and his flight ; and had, by using the soft word ^ Abdica-

* Act. Pari. Soot : History of tho late Be?olation» 1690 ; Memoirs ol
North Britain, 1715.
IBalcams.

adi:d, with aome sacrifiue of verbal predsion, tbe
Tlielher, subjects may lawfully deposB a bad prinos.
(tion the Estates of Scotland could not evade. Tboy
pretend that JHme:i had deserted his post. For \x
r, since lie came to the throne, resided in Scotland,
luiy yeurs that kingdom bod been ruled hj sovereigiu
It in anoihiir land. Tbe whole machinery of Lh«
ttion lind been constructed on (he »iu|ii)Odit4on that tba
lid be absent, and was therefore not necesdaril*
b; that flight whicli had, in the south of the ialan^
all governracDt, and suspended the oniinary oourae of
It waa only by letter Uiat the King could, when be

: when he was at Saint Germains or at Dublin. The
'our were therefore forced lo propose to the Estalea
in distinctly declaring that James the Seventh bud
sconduct forfeited the crown. Many writers have
■ora the language of this resolution that sound poliii*
|)les had made a greater progress in Scotland Chan in
But the whole history of the two countries from iha
in to the Union proves this inference to be erroaeoua.
,isli Estates used plain luuguuj^, simply because it
isihie for them, situated as they were, U> use evasive

IScgland had been settled, Athol and Qaeehsberrj rbappearad
in the hall. They had doubted, they saidi whether they could
justifiably declare the throne vacant. But, since it had been
declared vacant, they felt no doubt that William and Mary
were the persons who ought to fill it.

Tlie Convention then went forth in procession to the High
Street. Several great nobles, attended by the Lord Provost
of the capital and by the heralds, ascended the octagon tow»
ftom which rose the city cross surmounted by the unicorn of
Scotland.* Hamilton read the vote of the Convention ; and a
King at Arms proclaimed the new Sovereigns with sound of
trumpet. On the same day the Estates issued an order that
the parochial clergy should, on pain of deprivation, publish from
rheir pulpits the proclamation which had just been read at the
city cross, and should pray f(Hr King William and Queen
Mary.

Still, the interregnum was not at an end. Tliough the new
Sovereigns had be^n proclaimed, they had not yet been put
into possession of the royal authority by a formal tender and a
formal acceptance. At Edinburgh, as at Westminster, it was
thought necessary that the instrument which settled the govern-
ment should clearly define and solemnly assert those privileges
of the people which the Stuarts had illegally infringed. A
Claim of Right was therefore drawn up by the Twenty Four,
and adopted by the Convention. To this Claim, which pur-
ported to be merely declaratory of the law as it stood, was added
% supplementary paper containing a list of grievances which
cculd be remedied only by new Laws. One most important
article which we should naturally expect to find at the head of
such a list, the Convention, with great pnictical prudence, but
in defiance of notorious facts and of unanswerable arguments,
placed in the Claim of Right. Nobody could deny that prelacy
was established by Act of Parliament, The power exercised
by the Bishops might be pernicious, unscriptural, antichristian ;
but illegal it certainly was not ; and to pronounce it illegal was
to outrage common sense. The Whig leaders, however, were
much more desirous to get rid of episcopacy than to prove
tiiemselves consummate publicists and logicians. If they made
the abolition of episcopacy an article of the contract by which

♦ Evenr reader will remember the malediction which Sir Walter Sooit
in the Fifth Canto of Marmion proaouaced on the dances who retaovM
thii interesting monument.

HISTOBT OF KSGtAND.

was to hold the crown, llicy attained tlieir en^
jbtless ilia iiiiuiQcr open to rauch criticisra. If, m

' WAS a noxious inalitution which at Rome Tulurc lima
ture would do well to abolish, they might fiod thai
ution, though unobjectionable in form, was barren of
txi. They knew that William by no meana sympa
1 their dislike of Bishopa, and that, even had he been
B zealous for the Calvioii^tie model than he was, the
which he stood to tlie Anglican Chnrch woald iiuike

al part of the eonstinicion of that Church. If ha
ome King of !jcotland without being fettered by any

this subject, it might well be apprehended that h«

[ate about passing an Act which would be regarded

TCnce hy a large boily of his subjects in the south of

It was therefore most desirable that the question

settled while the throne wai atill vacant. In this
iLnj politicians concurred, who had no dl<:like to
d mitrefi, but who wished that William might have a
lirosperous reign. The Scottish people — so Iheso
ned — hatwl epLscopacy. The English loved it. To
iam any voice in the matter was to put him undei
ily of deeply wounding the strongeat feelings of otit
ions which he governed. It wiis therefore plainly

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 229

The Convention, therefore, with little debate &^ it should
•eem, inserted in the Claim of Right a clause declaring that
prelacy was an insupportable burden to the kingdom, that it
had been long odious to the body of the people, and that it
ought to be abolished.

Nothing in the proceedings at Edinburgh astonishes an
Englishman more than the manner in which the Estates dealt
with the practice of torture. In England, torture liad always
been illegaL In the most servile times the judges had unan-
imouslj pronounced it so. Those rulers who had occasionally
resorted to it had, as far as was possible, used it in secret, had
never pretended that they had acted in conformity with either
statute law or common law, and had excused themselves by
saying that the extraordinary [)eril to which the state was
exposed had forced them to take on themselves the respensi-
bility of employing extraordinary means of defence. It had
therefore never been thought necessary by any English Par-
liament to pass any Act or resolution touching this matter.
The torture was not mentioned in the Petition of Right, or in
any of the statutes framed by the Long Parliament. No
member of the Convention of 1689 dreamed of proposing
that the instrument which called the Prince and Princess of
Orange to the throne should contain a declaration against the
osing of racks and thumbscrews for (he purpose of forcing
prisoners to accuse themselves. Such a declaration would
have been justly regarded as weakening rather than strengthen-
ing a rule which, as far back as the days of the Plantagenets,
had been proudly declared by the most illustrious sages of
Westminster HaU to be a distinguishing feature of the Eng
lish jurisprudence.* In the Scottish Claim of Right) the use
of torture, without evidence, or in ordinary cases, was declared
to be contrary to law. The use of torture, therefore, where
there was strong evidence, and where the crime was extraordi-
nary, was, by the plainest implication, declared to bo according
to law ; nor did the Estates mention the use of torture among
the grievances which required a legislative remedy. In truth
they could not condemn the use of torture without condemn
ing themselves. It had chanced that, while they were em
ployed in settling the government, the eloquent and learned
Lord President Lockhart had been foully' murdered in a public
itreet through which he was returning from church on a Suii-

* There is m striking passage on this subject in Foriescue.

BISTORT OF EirOLAJID.

e murderer waa Eeizcd, and proved to be a wretob

ing treated hid wife barbHroualy and luraed her out

TOvidi! for her. A savnge hatred of the Judges by
ii had Ixieii p['0[ecl«d had taken posM:i!)ioil of hu

w&s nalural thai an assassination attended bj&omatij
necs of oggi-avalioD should move the indignarion ft
bers of the Convention. Yet thej should have ood-
le gravity of the conjuncture and the importance rf
mission. They unfortunately, in the heat of paaatoa,

nd conecming torture would have been immediatalj
id lo the law of England."

; settled the Claim of Kiglit, ihe Convention pro-
1 revise the Coronation OJilh. When this had been

rtraent lo London. Argyle, though not. in strictneSB
Peer, was choi^en to rcpreeent the Peers ; Sir James
ery represented the Commissioners of Shires, and

I^lrymple the CommiB^iioners of Towns.

■slates then adjourned for a few weeka, having first

voI^vhicl^riHiowere^4ainilloi^^Ak^uc|^eas^^^

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. S81

be would root out all heretics and all enemies of the true wor^
ship of God ; and it was notorious that, in the opinion of inaxiy
Scotchmen, not only all Roman Catholics, but all Protestant
Episoopalians, idl Independents, Baptists and Quakers, all
I^therans, nay all British Presbyterians who did not hold
themselves bound by the Solemn League and Covenant, were
enemies of the true worship of God.* The King had apprised
the Commissioners that he oould not take this part of the oath
without a distinct and public explanation ; and they had been
authorized by the Convention to give such an explanation as
would satisfy hioK ** I will not," he now said, *' lay myself
luider any obligation to be a persecutor." ^ Neither tiie words
y£ this oath," said one of the Commissioners, ^* nor the laws
^f Scotland, lay any such obligation on your Miyesty." ** In
that sense, then, I swear," said William ; ** and I desire you
all. my lords and gentlemen, to witness that I do so." Even
his detractors have generally admitted that on tliis great occa*
sion he acted with uprightness, dignity, and wisdom.f

As King of Scotland, he soon found himself embarrassed at
every step by all the difficulties whick had embarrass'^d him as
King of England, and by other difficulties which in England
were happily unknown. In the north of the island, no ch»f i

• As it has lately been denied that the extreme Presbyterians enter-
tained an unfavorable opinion of the Lutherans, I will give two decisivs
proofii of the tmth of what I have assorted in the text, in the book en
titled Faithful Contcndings Displayed, is a report of what passed at the
General Meeting of the TJnited Societies of Covenanters on the 24th of Oc-
tober, 1688. The question was propounded whether there should be an
nssodation with the Dutch. " It was concluded unanimously/* says the
Clerk of the Societies, " that we could not have an association with the
Dutch in one body, nor come formally under their conduct, being such a
promiscuous conjunction of reformed Lutheran malignants and sectaries
to join with whom were repugnant to the testimony of the Church of Soot-
land.** In the Prote<<tation and Testimony drawn up on the 2d of 0<>
tober, 1707, the United Societies complain that the crown has been settled
on '* the Prince of Uanovcr, who has been bred and brought up in the
Lutheran religion, which is not only ditfercnt from, but even in many
things contrary unto that purity in doctrine, reformation, and religion, we
in the^o nations had attained unto, as is very well known." They add*
" The admitting such m person to reign over us is not only contrary to
our solemn League and Covenant, but to the very word of Gfod itself,
pent, xvii."
t History of the late Revolu'ion in Scotland ; London Gazette, May !6

689. The ofK(*ial account of what passed was evidently drawn up with
freat care Sec also (he Royal Diary. 1703. The writer of this work
orofcsses to na/c derived his information from a divine who was ureMOt

BISTOEr OP ESGLAND.

dissatisfied w'uh the Rtjvolution than the elau wtiicb

■X (0 Ihe Revolution. The wanner in which tha
n had decided the question of ecclesiajliual poltLy had
Dore offmidive lo the Bisliupa tbemwives thun lo those
inaiitera who had long, in defianee of sword and
Mt aud gibbet, worshipped their Maker after ibeir
jti ill («verna and on mountain lopa. Was tliera
e zealots exulairaed, such a halting betWL-en two
sucli a compromise between the Lord and Baal?
OB ought U> have said that epbcopaey was an abon^
God's sight, and thai, in obedience to his word,

b this great national sin and scandal afi.er llie fashion
ainti; rulers who of old cut down the gi-oves aud

was ruled, not hy pious Josiahs, but by careleu
The antichristian hierarchy was to be abuiiehed, uot
was an Insult to heaven, but bei^use it wiis tt:lt as
on earth j not because it was baleful to the great
le Church, but bei^use it was hateful lo the people.
0 opinion, then, the test of right and wrong in relig-
3 not Ihe order which Christ had established in
juse to be held equally sacred in all couniries and
11 agesi' And was there no reason tor following

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 23^

omiotaining the Anglican Church government, vhau to flattei
him by using a phraseology which seemed to indicate that they
were as deeply tainted with Erastianism as himself. Many of
those who held this language refused to do any act which could
be construed into a recognition of the new Sovereigns, and
would rather have been fired upon by files of Musketeers or
tied to stakes within low-water mark than have uttered a
prayer that Gkni would bless William and Mary.

Yet the King had less to fear from the pertinacious adhe*
rence of these men to their absurd principles, than from the
ambition and avarice of another set of men who had no prin-
ciples at all. It was necessary that he should immediately
name ministers to conduct the government of Scotland ; and
name whom he might, he could not fail to disappoint and irritate
a multitude of expectants. Scotland was one of the least
wealthy countries in £urope ; yet no country in Europe con-
tained a greater number of clever and selfish politicians. The
places in the gift of the Crown were not enough to satisfy one
twentieth part of the place-hunters, every one of whom thought
that this own services had been preeminent, and that, whoever
might be passed by, he ought to be remembered. William did
his best to satisfy these innumerable and insatiable claimants
by putting many ofiices into commission. There were, however,
a few great posts which it was impossible to divide. Hamilton
was declared Lord High Commissioner, in the liope that im-
mense pecuniary allowances, a residence in Holy rood Palace,
and a pomp and dignity little less than regal, would content
him. The Earl of Crawford wiis appointed President of the
Parliament ; and it was supposed that this appointment would
conciliate the rigid Presbyterians ; for Crawford was what
they called a professor. His letters and speeclies are, to use
his own phraseology, exceeding savory. Alone, or almost alone,
among the prominent politicians of that time, he retained tho
style which had been fashionable in the precedutg generation.
He had a text of the Old Testament ready for every occasion.
He filled his despatches with allusions to Ishmael and Hagar,
Hannah and Eli, . Elijah, Nehemiah, and Zerubbabel, and
adorned his oratory with quotations from Kzojl and Haggai.
it is a circumstance strikingly characteristic of the man, and
of the school in which he had been trained, that, in all the
mass of his writing which has come down to us, there is not a
single word indicating that he had ever in his life heard of the
New Testament Even in our own time some persons of a

HISTORT or ENGL AND.

lave been so much deliglitei! by tlie rich unctrim

IquenLi:, tliut they have confidently pronounced him a

m whose haliit is lo judge of « man rather by

i thuii by his words, Ci-awfoiil will appear to hare

'sh, crQel puliticiun, who wtu Dot at all the du|>e of

it, and whose steal against epi^tcopa! government waa

whetled by his desire to obtain a grant of episcopal

In excuse for hb greediness, if ought lo be said that

poorest noble of a poor nobility, and that hefore

■lucioii he WAS sometimes at a loss for a meal and a

lothes."

;st of Scottish politicians and debaters, Sir John Dal-

s nppoinled Lord Advocate. His father. Sir Jftm(«i,

cfl ui' Scottish jurists, ivi^ placed at ibe head of Iht;

\ tjession. Sir William Lockbarl, u man whose let-

a to have possessed considerable ability, became

iGtiinenii.

is'^ Montgomery hud fliitttred himself that tie should
"minlsier. He had distinguished himself highly in the
. Ue had been one of the Coiumissioners who had
<; Crown and administered the oath to the new Sov-
I 111 parliamentary ability and ekKiiieiice he had do
inoug his countrymen, except the new Lord Advo-
> Secreiaryahip was, not indeed in dignity, but i

HI8T0KT OP EKQLAND. 235

for harboring rebels ; he had been fined ; he had been
imprisoned ; be had been almost driven to take refuge from
his enemies beyond the Athtntic in the infant settlement of
Kew Jersey. It was apprehended that, if he were now armed
with the whole power of the Crown, he would exact a terrible
retributioa for what Ije had suffered.* William therefore pre-
ferrad Melville, who, though not a man of eminent talents, was
regarded by the Presbyterians as a thorough-going friend, and
yet not regarded by the Episcopalians as an implacable enemy.
Melville fixed his residence at the Bnghsh Court, and became
the regular organ of coramnnication between Kensington and
the authorities at Edinburgh.

William had, however, one Scottish adviser who deserved
and possessed more influence than any of the ostensible minis-
ters. This was Carstairs^ one of the most remarkable men of
that age. He united great scholastic attainments with great
aptitude for civil business, and the firm faith and ardent zeal
of a martyr with the shrewdness and suppleness of a consum*
mate politician. In courage and fidelity he resembled Burnet ;
bat he had, what Burnet wanted, judgment, self-command, and
a singular power of keeping secrets. There was no post to
which he might not have aspired if he had been a layman, or a
priest of the Church of England. But a Presbyterian clergy-
man could not hope to attain any high dignity either in the
north or in the south of the island. Carstairs was forced to
content himself with the substance of power, and to leave the
sembUnce to others. He was named Chaplain to their Ma-
jesties for Scotland ; but wherever the King was, in England,
in Ireland, in the Netherlands, there was this most trusty and
most prudent of courtiers. He obtained from the royal bounty a
modest competence ; and he desired no more. But it was well
known that he could be as useful a tiiend and as foi*midable ar
enemy as any member of the cabinet ; and he was designated
at the public offices and in the antechambers of the palace by
the significant nickname of the Cardinal. f

• Bamet, ii. 23, 24 ; Foantainhall Papers, ISfch Aug. 16S4; 14th acd
l&th Oct. 1684; dd Maj, 1685; Montgomery to Melville, Juae 23, 1689,
in the Lcyen and Melville Papers; Pretences of the French Invasion
Examined; licensed May 25, 1692.

t See the Life and Correspondence of Carstairs, and tlio intercstmg
memorials of him in the Caldwell Papers, printed 1854. See also
Uackay's cliaracter of him, and Swift's note. Swift's word is not to be
ttken against a Scotchman and a Presbyterian. I believe, however, tiuu

HISTOnr Of EMOLAim.

ntgomer^ was offered ihe place of Lord Jastice Clerk
pliice, though hif;h and honorable, he thought below hii
id bis cnpacity ; and he relumed from London to Scot-
1 a iienrt ulcerated by hatred of his ungralefiil ma«tef
s suucessful rivals. At Edinburgh a knot of Whig*,
:ly disappointed a* hjmaelf by llio new an-nngements,
jhinitlcd to the guidance of so bold and able a leader.
a direction these men, among whom the Earl of An-

luily at a tavern to concert plans of opposition. Round

;us poon gathered a great body of greedj and angry
s.* WitJi tliese dishoneat malecontents, whose object
^ly to annoy the government and to get place;*, were
ilher lualcconlenta, who, in (he course of a long restst-
iyranny, had become 80 perverse and irritable that
e unable to live conteiitediy even under the roildert
I constitutional government. Such a man was Sir
Hume. He had rcturaed from exile, as litigious, ai
able, as morbidly jealous of all superior authority, and
f haranguing, as he had been four years before, and
uch bent an making a merely nominal sovereign of
is he had formerly been bent on making a ra«rely
general of Argyie.f A man far suju'rior morally and

HISTORY OF &NOLAND. 237

the coantry was to be absolutely governed by an hereditary aris-
tocracy, the most needy, the most hauf^hty, and the most quar-
relsome in Europe. Under such a polity there could liave been
neither freedom nor tranquillity. Trade, industry, science,
would have languished ; and Scotland would have been a
smaller Poland, with a puppet sovereign, a turbulent diet, and
an enslaved people. With unsuccessful candidates for office,
and with honest but wrong-headed republicans, were mingled
politicians whose course was determined merely by fear. Many
Bjcophants, who were conscious that they had, in the evil time,
done what deserved punishment, were desirous to make their
peace with the powerful and vindictive Club, and were glad to
be permitted to atone for their servility to James by their op-
position to William.* The great body of Jacobites meanwhile
stood aloof, saw with delight the enemies of the Kouse of Stuart
divided against one another, and indulged the hope that the
confusion would end in the restoration of the banished king.f

While Montgomery was laboring to form out of various
"materials a party which might, when the Convention should
reassemble, be powerful enough to dictate to the throne, an
enemy still more formidable than Montgomery had set up the
standard of civil war in a region about, which the politicians of
Westminster, and indeed most of the politicians of Edinburgh,
knew no more than about Abyssinia or Japan.

It is not easy for a modern Englishman, who can pass in a
day from his club in St. James*s Street to his shooting-box
among the Grampians, and who finds in his shooting-box all
the comforts and luxuries of his club, to believe that, in the
time of his great-grandfathers, St. James's Street had as little
connection with the Grampians as with the Andes. Tet so it
was. In the south of our island scarcely any thing was known
about the Celtic part of Scotland ; and what was known ex-
cited no feeling but contempt and loathing. The crags and
the glens, the woods and the waters, were indeed the same that
oow swarm every autumn with admiring gazers and sketchers.
The Trosachs wound as now between gigantic walls of rock
tapestried with broom and wild roses ; Foyers came headlong
down through the birch wood with the same leap and the same
roHF with which he still rushes to Loch Ness; and, in defiance

* Dalrjmplc says, in a letter of tho 5th of June, "All the malignaLts
for fear, are oomc into the Club; aad they mil vote alike."
^ Balcari'uii.

n of June, the snowy scalp of Ben Cruocliaji roee, ■•
ioa, over llie wiliuwy Ulefs of Locb Awe. Y^t nooa
iigiits liiid power, tUl a rucent period, to lUtract a *ii^
ir pttiiiier from mori! opulunt and mora tranquil re-
odiifd, law and poliou, irade aiid iiiduiitry, have dona
;liaii peoiile urroinaiiiic disjwfilionB will readily admit.

rdered or starved before he oon be cliurioed by Uw
ne:i and rich tints uf the hilU. He ia not likely to ba

is in imiuiueiit danger of tailing two thousand fuet
:ular; by ilie builjag waves of a lorrent which ttud*
iris away hiij ba^^guge luid forces hirn to run tor hia
lie gloomy gi'aiideur of n paas where he linds a coi-patt
.rauders have just alripped aiid aiitngled ; or by tlM.
if those eagles wIiobb next meal may probably be on
yes. About tht; year 1730, Captain Hurt, one of the
iijlimen who tutuglit a gliuipse of tiic ipou wliicli wiw
ji'iata from every pait of the civiliied world, wixta
It of hia wandei-iugs. Il« was evidently a man of n

uhdervant, and a cultivated mind, and would doub^
he lived in uur age, have looked with mingled aw*
hi on the iiiouiilaiua of Livi:rne«i;hii'e. Bui, writing

leelins which uud univL■^^al in bia own age, bo pro-

HISTORT OF I^NGLAND. 8^9^

ttotlior of the Traveller and of the Deserted Village was natu-
rally inferior in taste and sensibility to the thousands of clerks
and milliners who are now thrown into raptures by the sight
of Loch Katrine and Loch Lomond.* His feelings may easily
be explained. It was not till roads had been cut out of the
rock8, till bridges had been flung over the courses of the rivu-
lets, till inns had succeeded to dens of robbers, till there was
as little danger of being slain or plundered in the wildest defile
of Badenoch or Lochaber as in Corn hi 11, that strangers oouldi
be enchanted by the blue dimples of the lakes and by the rata*
bows which overhung the waterfalls, and could derive a soleimi
pleasure even from the clouds and tempests which lowered Ob
the mountain tops.

The change in the feeling with which the Lowlanders re*
garded the Highland scenery was closely connected with a
change not less remarkable in the feeling with which they re-
garded the Highland race. It is not strange that the Wild
Scotch, as they were sometimes called, should, in the seven-
teentii century, have been considered by the Saxons as mere
savages. But it is surely strange that, considered as savages,
they should not have been objects of interest and curiosity.
The English were then abundantly inquisitive about the man-
ners of rude nations, sepanited from our island by great conti-
nents and oceans. Numerous books were printed, describing
the laws, the superstitions, the cabins, the repasts, tlie dresses,
the marriages, the funerals of Laplanders and Hottentots, Mo-
hawks and Malays. The plays and poems of that age are full
of allusions to the usages of the black men of Africa, and of the
red men of America. The only barbarian about whom there
was no wish to have any information was the Highlander.
Five or six years after the Revolution, an indefatigable angler
published an account of Scotland. He boasted that, in the

* " Shall I tire you with a description of this unfruitful country, whors
I must lead you over their hilU all brown with heath, or their valieys
scarce able to feed a nibliit. . . . Every part of tlio country presents
the same dismal landscape. No grove or brook lend tlieir mui>ic to ebeor
the stranger." Goldsmitii to Bryanton, Edinburgh, Sept. 26, 1753. In a
letter written t»oon ai^r from Leyden to the Reverend Thomas Contarine,
GokUmith says : " I was wholly taken up in observing the face of tb«
country. Nothing can equal its beauty. Wherever I turned my eye^
Sne hooscs, clcgauit gardens, statues, grottos, vistas presented themselves.
Scotland and this country iK'ar the highest contrast ; there, hills and rocki
intercept cvcrv prosjx:ct ; here it is all a continued plain." See A^peD^
ii> C Ui the tlKt Volume of Mr. forster's Life of Goldsmith.

DISTORT OW CNGLAMD.

if his rumbles from lake to kke, and from bnmk to
a had Itft *:iir™ly a. nook of the kingdom unexploied.
;ri wo uxBHiJiie liis mirmliTC, we find that lie linJ never
1 beyond the exlrerae skirls of ihu CeilJe regU'ii. Ho
hnl, even frocn the peojile who lived closw lo the [lU-sses,

gh^hmen he sayi, had ever seen Inverary. Alt l>e-
^erary was chaos." In the reign of George ihe First,
vas puhlished, which professed to give a most exact
of Scotland ; and in this work, consisting of more than
jtidred pages, two coniemptuoua paragraplis were
sufficient for the Plighlatida and the Highlanders-f We
1 doubt whether, ill 1689, one in twenty of the well
itli^men who assembled at Will's coffee-liouse, knew
hin the four seas, and at the distance of less than five

which a petty prince, attended by guards, by armor-

'euie, kept a rude slate, dispensed a rude Justice, wagej
id concluded treaties. While the old Gaelic institu-
re in full vigor, no account of them was given by any
, qualified to judge of them fairly. Had such au ob-
iiudied Ihe character of the Highhinderii, he would
d hiive found in it closely intermingled the good and

HIBTOBT OF ENOLAND. 241

Tallejy such Tcngeance t^ would have made old soldiers •of the
Thirty Years' War shudder. He would have found that rob-
bery wa9 held to be a calling, not merely innocent, but honor-
able. He would have seen, wherever he turned, that dislike
of steady industry, and that disposition to throw on the weaker
sex the heaviest part of manual labor, which are characteristic
of savages. He would have been struck by the spectacle of
alhletie men basking in the sun, angling for salmon, or taking
Aim at grouse, while their aged mothers, their pregnant wives,
their tender daughters, were reaping the scanty harvest of oatf^.
Nor did the women refine at their hard lot. In their view, it
was quite fit that a man, especially if he assumed the aristo-
cratic title of Duinhe Wassel, and adorned his bonnet with the
eagle's feather, should take his ease, except when he was fight-
ing, hnnting, or marauding. To mention the name of such a
man in connection with commerce or with any mechanical art,
was an insult. Agriculture was indeed less despised. Yet a
highborn warrior was much more becomingly employed in
plundering the land of others than in tilling his own. The re-
ligion of the greater part of the Highlands was a rude mixture
of Popery and Paganism. The symbol of redemption was
associated with heathen sacrifices and incantations. Baptized
men poured libations of ale to one Dsemon, and set out drink-
offerings of milk for another. Seers wrapped themselves up
in build' hides, and awaited, in that vesture, the inspiration
which was to reveal the future. Even among those minstrels
and genealogists whose hereditary vocation was to preserve the
memory of past events, an inquirer would have found very few
who could read. In truth, he might easily have journeyed
frum sea to sea without discovering a p^ge of Gaelic printed or
written. The price which he would have had to pay for his
knowledge of the country would have been heavy. He would
have had to endure hardships as great as if he had sojourned
among the Esquimaux or the Samoyeds. Here and there, in-
deed, at the castle of some great lord who had a seat in the
Parliament and Privy Council, and who was accustomed to
pass a large part of his life in the cities of the South, might
Lave been found wigs and embroidered coats, plate and fine
linen, lace and jewels, French dishes and French wines. But,
in general, the traveller would have been forced to content
himself with very different quarters. In many dwellings, the
furniture, the food, the clothing, nay, the very hair and skin of
hii hosts, would have pjt his philosophy to the proof. Uia
▼OL. III. 11

uilrl sotneiimca have been in a hut, of which eTory
il liave swarmed with vermin. Ha would have in-
aiLiiofpliLTe Ihick with peal smoke, and foul with I
:oi~ome exhnlaliona. Al Eupper, grain tit only for

niwn i'roro living cows. Some of ihe compuny with
would bave feasted would have been covered with
eiuptions. and olliere would have been smeared with
beep, ilia couch would have been the bare earth,
; R9 the weniher migiit be ; and from Dial couch ha
e risen half poisoned with si e neli, haJf blind with tb«
rf, nnd half mad witb the itub.*
not an altniciive picture. And yet an enlightened
ijioniite observer would have found in iliti cliaracter

nii-iLtion and a good hope. Their courage was what
loits acliieved in all the four quarters of the glolfe
proved it to be. Their intense nllachment to their
iiikI to their own patriiircb, Lbough politically a great
uk of Ibe natui-e of virtue. Tbe sentiment vraa nu^
id ill regnbiled ; but still it was heroic There must
Icviition of soul in a man who loves the society of
s a member and ilie leader whom he follows with a
;er than the love of life. It was Inie that the High-
hej^cnnjle^bou^heddin^hMjkjc^^

DISTORT Q f ENGLAND. 243

milted during the thirty-five generations which had passed
away since the Teutonic invad3rs had driven the children of
the soil to the mountains. That, if he was caught robbing od
such principles, he should, for the protection of peaceful indus-
try, be punished with the utmost rigor of the law was per-
fectly just. But it was not just to class him morally with the
pickpockets who infested Drury Lane Theatre, or the high*
waymen who stopped coaches on Blackheath. His inordinate
pride of birth and his contempt for labor and trade were
indeed great weaknesses, and had done far more than the
inclemency of the air and the sterility of the soil to keep his
ooantry poor and rude. Yet even here there was some com-
pensation. It must in fairness be acknowledged that the
patrician virtues were not less widely diffused among the popu-
lation of the Highlands than the patrician vices. As there was
no other part of the island where men, sordidly clothed, lodged,
and fed, indulged themselves to such a degree in the idle saun-
tering habits of an aristocracy, so there was no other part of
the island where such men had in such a degree the better
qualities of an aristocracy, grace and dignity of manner, self-
respect, and that noble sensibility which makes dishonor more
terrible than death. A gentleman of tliis sort, whose clothes
were begrimed with the accumulated filth of years and whose
hovel smelt worse than an English hogstye, would often do the
honors of that hovel with a lofty courtesy worthy of the splen-
did circle of Versailles. Though he had as little book-learning
as the most stupid ploughboys of England, it would have been
a great error to put him in the same intellectual rank with such
ploughboys. It is indeed only by reading that men can become
profoundly acquainted with any science. But the arts of poetry
and rhetoric may be carried near to absolute perfection, and
may exercise a mighty influence on the public mind, in an age
in which books are wholly or almost wholly unknown. The
first great painter of life and manners has described, with a
vivacity which makes it impossible to doubt that he was copy-
ing from nature, the effect produced by eloquence and song on
audiences ignorant of the alphabet It is probable that, in the
Higliland councils, men who would not have been qualified for
the duty of parish clerks sometimes argued questions of peace
and war, of tribute and homage, with ability worthy of Halifax
and Cacrmarthcn ; and that, at the Higliland banquets, min«
strels who did not know their letters sometimes poured forth
rhapsodies in which a discerning critic might have found

HisTORr OP Ksai.ASD.

or of (lie vigor of DrydKn.

re wfis therclore even ihen eviilence sufRcienl to jusiify
lief iliat no nRlural inferioriij had kept the Cl-U for
the Sftson. It might safely have been predicted tlia^
an efficient pohoe should make it impossible for the
nder to avenge his wron}^ by violence and to supply hit
>y rapine, if ever his faculties should be developed by
'Uiiing influence of (he Pi-oiestant religion and of tha
1 language, if ever he should transfer to his country and
lawful magistrates the affection and respect with which

strength for all the purposes both of peace and of war.
I would doubtless have been the decision of a welt
;d and impartial judge. But no such judge was then
found. The SiiKotia who dwelt fur from the Gaelic
;ea could not be well informed. The Saxons who dwelt
lose provinces could not be impartial. National ennii-
■e always been fiercest among borderers ; and the enmity
1 (he Highland borderer and the Lowland borderer
le whole frontier was the growth of ages, and was kept
>y constant injuries. One day m;iny square miles of

land were swept bare by unned |jlunderers from tlis

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 245

This oootemptoous loathing Uisted till the year 1745, and
fras then for a moment succeeded by intense fear and rage.
England, thoroughly alarmed, put forth her whole strength*
The Highlands were subjugated rapidly, completely, and for-
ever. During a short time the English nation, still heated by
the recent conflict, breathed nothing but vengeance. Tb9
slaughter on the field of battle and on tlie scaffold, was not su^
ficient to slake the pubHc thirst for blood. The sight of the
tartan inflamed the populace of London with hatred, which
showed itself by unmanly outrages to defenceless captives. A
pcditical and social revolution took place through the whole
Celtic region. The power of the chiefs was destroyed ; the
people were disarmed ; the use of the old national garb was
interdicted ; the old predatory habits were eflectually broken ;
and scarcely had this change been accomplished, when a
Strange reflux of public feeling began. Pity succeeded to aver
sion. The nation execrated the cruelties which had been com
niitted on the Highlanders, and forgot that for those cruelties
it was itself answerable. Those very Londoners, who, while
Ihe memory of the march to Derby was still fresh, had thronged
to hoot and pelt the rebel prisoners, now fastened on the prince
?/ho had put down the rebellion, the nickname of Butcher.
Those barbarous institutions and usages, which, while they
were in full force, no Saxon had thought worthy of serious ex*

•* Says God to the Hielnndman, * Quhnir wilt thou now? *

* 1 will down to the LowlnDds, Lord, and there steal a cow.'
' Ffy,' quod St Peter, * thou wilt never do weel,

* An thou, but new made, so sune piis to steal.*

* Umff,' quod the Hielandman, and swore by yon kirk.
' bo long as I may geir get to steal, will 1 nevir work.' **

Aaother Lowland Scot, the brave Colonel Cleland, about the same tims
isscribes the llighUnder in the same manner : —

** For a misobliging word
She'll dirk her neighbor o*er the board.
If any ask her of her drifl,
Forsooth, her nainself lives by theft.**

Much to the same effect are the very few words which Franck Philanthro*
DOS (1694) spares to the Highlanders: " They live like lairds and die like
loons, hating to work and no credit to borrow ; they make depredations
snd rob their ncighlK>rB." In the History of the Revolution in Scotland,
printed at Edinburgh in 1690, is the following passage : '' The Highland
en of ScotUnd are a sort of wretches that have no other consideration
if honor, friendship, obedience, or government, than as, by any alteration
sf affairs or revolution in the government, tlicy can improve to thcmselvef
«a opportunity of robbing or plundering th^iir bordering aeighbois."

>p

., or had menliotiwl except wilh contempt. Itftd m

Fised lo exiit, ilimi they berime objepla of curiosity,

Lo mti-G kiidlords, when it beciime the faihioD to drav
comiiarisons between the rapacity of the landlord
idulgcncc of the chief. Men eeempd lo have forjprt-
he ancient Gaelic polity had been fouiid to be incoin-
ith the authority of law, had obstrucied the progreM
ition, had more than once brought on the empire ihft
:ivil war. As ihey hud formerly seen only the odloui
lat polity, they could now see only the pleasing side.
tie. they said, had been parental; the new tie WH
mmercial. Wliut could be more lamentable than thai
of a tribe should eject, for n paltry arrear of rent,
ho were his own flcsh and blood, tcnanta who^e fora-
iJ often with their bodies covered hia forefalhera oo
if buttle ? Aa long a* thi^re were Gaelic marctudera,
bi'en rt'garded by the Saxon population as hateful
,'ha ought to be exterminated without mercy. Ad
lu extermination had been accompli." lied, as soon u
"e as eafe in the Fertaliire passes as in Smiiblield
lie freebooter was exalted into a hero of romance.
IS Iha Gaelic di-ess was worn, the Saxons had pro-
it hideous, ridiculous, nay, grossly indecent. Soon
m(^[eww>r|)liibited^heWiM^^

HISTOKT OF ENGLAND. « 247

gracefal and noble was brought prominentlj forwaid. Some
uf these work» were executed with such admirnble art, that,
like the historical plays of Shakspeare, tliej superseded hi»<
tory. The visions of the poet were realities to his readers.
The places which he described became holy ground, and were
visited by thousands of pilgrims. Soon the vulgar imagination
was so completely occupied by plaids, targets and claymore^
that, by most Englishmen, Scotchman and Highlander were
regarded as synonymous words. Few people seemed to be
aware that, at no remote period, a Macdonald or a Macgregor
in his tartan was to a citizen of Edinburgh or Glasgow what
an Indian hunter in his war paint is to an inhabitant of Phila-
delphia or Boston. Artists and actors represented Bruce and
Douglas in striped petticoats. They might as well have repre-
sented Washington brandishing a tomahawk, and girt with a
string of scalps. At length this fashion reached a point be-
yond which it was not easy to proceed. The last British King
who held a court in Holy rood, thought that he could not give
a more striking proof of his respect for the usages which had
prevailed in Scotland before the Union than by disguising him-
self in what, before the Union, was considered by nine Scotch-
men out of ten as the dress of a thief.

Thus it has chanced that the old Gaelic institutions and
manners have never been exhibited in the simple light of
truth. Up to the middle of the last century, they were seen
through one false medium ; they have since been seen through
another. Once they loomed dimly through an obscuring and
distorting haze of prejudice ; and no sooner had that fog dis-
persed than they appeared bright with all the richest tints of
poetry. The time when a perfectly fair picture could have
been painted has now passed away. The original has long
disappeared ; no authentic effigy exists ; and all that is possible
is to produce an imperfect likeness by the help of two portraits,
of which one is a coarse carricature and the other a master-
piece of flattery.

Among the erroneous notions which have been commonly
received concerning the history and character of the High-
landers is one which it is especially necessary to correct.
During the century which commenced with the campaign of
Montrose, and terminated with the campaign of the young
Pretender, every great military exploit which wa.^ aciiieved on
British ground in the cause of the House of Siu:irt was
ichieved by the valor of Gaelic tribes. The English hav«

aiSTOHr OF EK0L*.<4O,

very naturjlly ascribed to ihosfl tribes the feelinn
li ruvaliiirs profounii reverence for tlie royitl olliBe,
isia^itic ittlncliment 10 the roynl family. A close in
vever, will sliow tliat llie s[ren;;tli uf these feelingi
i Celtic clans has been greatly exu^seraltHl.
tyitii; Llie history of uur civil contentions, we must
;et lliut tlie same mimes, bitdges, anil war cHea had
rent meanings in different parts of the Briiish i>ile«.
already seen how lillle there was in common betwenn
ili^ni of Ireland and the Jacobitism of England. Th«
1 of the Scotch H if; blander was, at least in the Eeven-
rilory, a third varibiy, quite distinct fj-om the other
e Gaelic population was far indeed from holding the
:)f pas.-ive obedience and non resistance. In fact, di^

and resi.'^taiice made up the onlinary life of liiat.
1. Some of those very clans which it has been tho

de^icribe an so enthiisiastically loyal that tbej werfl
to fiand by James to the death, even when he wa>
log, bad never, while he was on the throne, paid tha
■espect to his anlhoriiy, even when be was clearly in
Their practice, their calling, had been to disober
y him. Some of them had actually been proscribed by
tiorn for iho crime of wiihstanding hia lawful com-
id would have torn to pieces without scruple any of
i who had dared to venture beyond the pas:ie3for tlis

HISTCftT OP BNOLAXD. 249

tiooed out among themselves his dreaiy region of moor and
sluDgle. He had never seen the tower of his hereditary chief-
tains occupied by an usurper who could not speak Gaelic, and
who looked on all who spoke it as brutes and slaves ; nor had
his national and religious feelings ever 'jeen outraged by the
power and splendor of a church which he regarded as at onoa
foreign and heretical.

The real explanation of the readiness with which a largs
part of the population of the Higlilands, twice in the seven*
teonth century, drew the sword for the Stuarts is to be found
in the intern^ quarrels which divided the commonwealth of
clans. For there was a commonwealth of clans, the image,
on a reduced scale, of the great commonwealth of European
nations. In the smaller of these two commonwealths, as
in the larger, there were wars, treaties, alliances, disputes
about territory and precedence, a system of public law, a
iMklance of power. There was one inexhaustible source
of discontents and disputes. The feudal system had, some
centuries before, been introduced into the hill country, but
had neither destroyed the patriarchal system nor Amalga«
mated completely with it. In general, he who was lord in the
Norman polity was also chief of the Celtic polity ; and when
this was the case, there was no conflict. But, when the two
characters were separated, all the willing and loyal obedience
was reserved tor the chief. The lord had only what he could
get and hold by force. If he was able, by the help of his own
tribe, to keep in subjection tenants who were not of his own
tribe, there was a tyranny of clan over clan, the most galling,
perhaps, of all forms of tyrknny. At different times different
races had risen to an authority which had produced general
fear and envy. The Macdoualds had once possessed, in the
Hebrides and throughout the mountain country of Argyleshire
and Invernessshire, an ascendency similar to that which the
House of Austria had once possessed in Christendom. But
the ascendency of the Macdonalds had, like the ascendency of
the House of Austria, passed away ; and the Campbells, the
children of Diarmid, had become in the Highlands what the
Bourbons had becoitie in £urope. The parallel might be car-
ried far. Imputations similar to those which it was the fashion
to throw on the French government were thrown on the Camp-
bells. A peculiar dexterity, a peculiar plausibility of address,
% peculiar contempt for all the obligations of good faith, were
ascribed, with or without reason, to the dreaded race. ^' Fair

BlSTOKt OF ENGLUtD.

llku » Campbell" became a proverb. It was uid
Cdlum More H^er Mac Cflllam More Ud, wilh uii
unscrniiulMn', and unreleniing ainbilioii, annexed
lifter niouniain and ijLiiid after i^laIld lo the original
if his Hoii3C. Some Iribea had been expeUed from
ilory. some compelled to pay tribute, some iiicorpo-
1 the conquerors. At length the number of fighliDg
bore the name of Campbell was sufficient to meet in
.f halllc tim combined forces of all tiie other western

hat the power of this agpring family reached ibe
riie Marquees of Ar^iyle vras (he head of a party a«
le head of a tribe. Posscesed of two different kindd
it^, he used each of them in such a way a.s to e^tteiid
,- the other. The knowledge that he could bring iuto
lie claymores of five thousand half heathen mountain-
1 to his influence among the uuBlere Presbyterians who
I'rivy Council and the General Assembly at Edin-
Ik influence at Edinburgh luided to (he lerror wliieh
d among the mouiilaina. Of all the Highland princes
tory is well known to us he was the greatest and
ded. It w:is while his ntighbors were wuldiing the
>t his power with hatred which fear could ecareely
n that MontrosD called them to arms. The call r.aa
obeyed. A powerful co;iliiion of clans waged war,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 251

lues, mlicrited, with the ascendency of his ancestors, the un
popularity ?hich such ascendency could scarcely fail to pro*
duce. In 1675, several warlike tribes formed a confederacy
against hiin, but were compelled to submit to the superioi'
force which was at his command. There was therefore great
joy from sea to sea when, in 1681, he was arraigned on a fu-
tile charge, condemned to death, driven into exile, and de*
piived of his dignities. There was great alarm when, in 1685^
be returned from banishment, and sent forth the fiery cross to
summon his kinsmen to his standard ; and there was again
great joy when his enterprise had failed, when his army had
melted away, when his head had been fixed on the Tolbooth
ivf Edinburgh, and when those chiefs who had regarded him
as an oppressor had obtained from the Crown, on easy terms,
remissions of old debts and grants of new titles. While Eng-
land and Scotland generally were execrating the tyranny of
James, he was honored as a deliverer in Appin and Lochaber,
in Glenroy and Glenmore.* 'The hatred excited by the power
and ambition of the House of Argyle was not satisfied even
when the head of that House had perished, when his children
were fugitives, when strangers garrisoned the Castle of In-
▼erary, and when the whole shore of Loch Fyne was laid
waste by fire and sword. It was said that the terrible prece-
dent which had been set in the case of the Macgregors ought
to be followed, and that it ought to be made a crime to bear
the ccUous name of CampbelL

On a sudden all was changed. The Revolution came. The
heir oi Argyle returned in triumph. He was, as his predeces-
sors had been, the head, not only of a tribe, but of a party.
The sentence which had deprived him of his estate and of lus
honors was treated by the majority of the Convention as a
nullity. The doors of the Parliament House were thrown
open to him ; he was selected from the whole body of Scottish
nobles to administer the oath of office to the new Sovereigns ;
and he was authorized to raise an army on his domains for the
service of the Crown. He would now, doubtless, be as power-
Ail as the most powerful of his ancestors. Backed by the

* In the introduction to the Memoira of Sir Ewan Cameron is a rery
lensible remark* *'It mny appear paradoxical, but the editor cannot
help hazarding the conjccturo that the motives whicn prompted the Hieh
bunden to support King James^, were substantially the same as those dj
wbicli the promoters of the Huvoluiion were actuated.*' The whole in
trodoction, indeed, wcU deserves to be read.

252 HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND.

gtrength of the GU>Tenmient, he would demaod all the long
and heavy arrears of rent and tribute which were due to him
from his neighbors, and would exact revenge for all the in*
juries and insults which his family had suffered. There was
terror and agitation in the castles of twenty petty kings. The
uneasiness was great among the Stewarts of Appin, whose
territory was close pressed by the sea on one side, and by the
race of Diarmid on the other. The Macnaghtens were still
more alarmed. Once they had been the masters of those
beautiful valleys through which the Ara and the Shira flow
into Loch Fyne. But the Campbells had prevailed. The
Macnaghtens had been reduced to subjection, and had, genex^
ation after generation, looked up with awe and detestation to
the neighboring Castle of Inverary. They had recently been
promised a complete emancipation. A grant, by virtue of which
their chief would have held his estate immediately from the
Crown, had been prepared, and was about to pass the seals,
when the Revolution suddenly extinguished a hope which
amounted almost to certainty.*

The Macleans remembered that, only fourteen years before,
their lands had been invaded and the seat of their chief taken
and garrisoned by the Campbells.f Even before William and
Mary had been proclaimed at Edinburgh, a Maclean, deputed
doubtless by the head of his tribe, had crossed the sea to
Dublin, and had assured James that, if two or three batallions
from Ireland were landed in Argyleshire, they would be im-
mediately joined by four thousand four hundred claymores.}

* Skene's Highlanders of Scotland ; Douj^las*s Baronage of Scotland.

t See the Memoirs of the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron, and the Histo^
leal and Genealogical Account of the Clan Maclean, bj a Scnachie.
Tliougn this last work was published so late as 1838, the writer seems to
hare been inflamed bj animosity as fierce as that with which the Macleans
of the seventeenth century regarded the Campbells. In the short com-
pass of one page, the Marquess of Argyle is designated as " the diabolical
Scotch Cromwell/* "the vile viindictive persecutor," **the base traitor/*
and " the Argyle imr^jstor." In another page, he is " the insidious
Campbell fertile in villany," **the avaricious slave/* "the coward of
Argyle," and *' the Scotch traitor." In the next page, he ia " the base
and vindictive enemy of the Honse of Maclean," " the hypocritical Covo-
oanter," the incorrigible traitor/* "the cowardly and malignant enemy."
It is a happy thing that passions so violent can now vent themselves only
In scolding.

I Letter of Avaax to Lonvois, April -j^, 1689, inclosing a i^per so
tfUed M^moire da Chevalier Macklean.

HI8TORT OP SMOLAND. 254

A similar spirit animated the Camerons. TLeir nilery Sir
Kwan Cameron, of Lochiel, sumamed the Black, was in per*
Bonal qualities unrivalled among the Celtic princes. He was
a gracious master, a trusty ally, a terrible enemy. His coun-
tenance and bearing were singularly noble. Some persons who
had been at Versailles, and among them the shrewd and ob-
serrant Simon Lord Lovat, said that there was, in person and
manner, a most striking resemblance between Lewis the Four-
teenth and Lochiel; and whoever compares the portraits of
the two will perceive that there really was some hkeness. In
statore the difference was great. Lewis, in spite of high-heeled
shoes and a towering wig, hardly reached the middle size.
Lochiel was tall and strongly built. In agility and skill at
his weapons he had few equals among the inhabitants of the
hills. He had repeatedly been victorious in single combat. He
was a hunter of great fame. He made vigorous war on the
wolves which, down to his time, preyed on the red deer of the
Grampians ; and by his hand perished the last of the ferocious
breed which is known to have wandered at large in our inland.
Nor was Lochiel less distinguished by intellectual than by bod-
ily vigor. He might indeed have seemed ignorant to eduaited
and travelled Englishmen, who had studied the classics under
Busby at Westminster and under Aldrich at Oxford, who had
learned something about the sciences among Fellows of tlie
Royal Society, and something about the fine arts in the galleries
of Florence and Rome. But though Lochiel had very little
knowledge of books, he was eminently wise in council, eloquent
in debate, ready in devising expedients, and skilful in manag-
ing the minds of men. His understanding preserved him fi'om
those follies into which pride and anger frequently hurried his
brother cliieilains. Many, therefore, who regarded his brother
cliiefiaina as mere barbarians, mentioned him with respect
Even at the Dutch Embassy in St. James's Square, he was
Bfioken of as a man of such capacity and courage tliat it would
not be easy to find his equal. As a patron of literature he
ranks with the magnificent Dorset. If Dorset out of his own

?urse allowed Dryden a pension equal tp the profits of the
^aureateship, Lochiel is said to have bestowed on a celebrated
bard, who had been plundered by marauders, and who implored
alms in a pathetic Gaelic ode, three cows and the almost in
credible sum of fifteen pounds sterling. In truth, the character
of this great chief was depicted two thousand five hundred years
be&re hip birth, and depi^Hed, — such is the power of genius, -*

hkli will be fresh as many yeara after bis death. He

lyases of the Highlands.*

a large territory poojiled by a race which reverenced
king, hot liiin^ell'. For that itrriiory, however, h«

k<^- to the Ilou^ of Argyle. He wad bouad lo a»-

eIilI Buperioj-s in war, and was deeiily in debt to tbem

as degrading and unjusL Iq his minority he had
vard in chivitlry of the politic Marquess, and bad
ited at tliB Castle of Inrerory. But at eighteen tha
loo^e from the auiboriiy of Itia guardian, and fought
th for Charles the First and for Charles the Second.
urefore tjnsidered by the English as a Cavalier, wa«
red at Wliitehall after the Restoration, and wu
ly the bund of James, The compliment, however,

piud to him, on one of his appearances at the Eng-
would not have seemed very flattering to a Saxoik
re of your [loeketa, my lords," cried his Alajesty [
es the king of the thieves." The loyalty of Lochiel
jroVerbial : but it was very unlike wlial was called
England. In the Records of the Scottish Parliament
tile days of Cliarles the Second, described as a law-
bellious man, wbo held lands masterfully and in high

mSTOBT OF KNOLANl>. 25$

clever as to send this judge packing ? I have seen them get
Qp a quarrel when there was less need of one." In a moment
a brawl began in the crowd, none could say how or where.
Hundreds of dirks were out : cries of " Help" and " Murder ''
were raised on all sides ; many wounds were inflicted ; two meo
were killed ; the sitting broke up in tumult ; and the terrified
Sheriff was forced to put himself under the protection of the
ehief, who, with a plausible show of respect and concern, es-
corted him safe home. It is amusing to think that the man
who performed this feat is constantly extolled as the most faith-
ful and dutiful of subjects by writers who blame Somers and
Burnet as contemners of the legitimate authority of Sovereigns.
Lochiel would undoubtedly have laughed the doctrine of non-
resistance to scorn. But scarcely any chief in Invemessshire
had gained more than he by the downfall of the House of Ar>
gyle, or had more reason than he to dread the restoration of
that House. Scarcely any chief in Invemessshire, therefore,
was more alarmed and disgusted by the proceedings of the Con-
vention.

But of all those Highlanders who looked on the recent turn
of fortune with painful apprehension, the fiercest and the most
|K>werful were the Macdonalds. More than one of > the mag-
nates who bore that wide-spread name laid claim to the honor
of being the rightful successor of those Lords of the Isles, who^
as late as the fifteenth century, disputed the preeminence
of the Kings of Scotland. This genealogical controversy,
which has lasted down to our own time, caused much bickering
among the competitors. But they all agreed in regretting the
past splendor of their dynasty, and in detesting the upstart
race of CampbeU. The old feud had never slumbered. It
was still constantly repeated, in verse and prose, that the finest
part of the domain belonging to the ancient heads of the Graelic
nation, Islay, where they had lived with the pomp of royalty,
lona, where they had been interred with the pomp of religion,
the paps of Jura, the rich peninsula of Kintyre, had been trans-
ferred from the legitimate possessors to the insatiable Mac
Galium More. Since the downfall of the House of Argyle,
the Macdonalds, if they had not regained their ancient supe-
riority, might at least boast that they had now no superior.
Relieved from the fear of their mighty enemy in the W sj,
ihey had turned their arms against weaker enemies in the
East, agair.st the clan of Mackintosh, and against the town of
Inverness.

a:3TOKr op England.

:lan of Miickmtosh, a branch of an ancient uid re-
Lribe wliidi look its name and badge from the wild ad

tnidilion may bo believed, in those dark times when

uvon colony among Ibe Celts, a hive of traders and
in the midst of a population of loungers and plundei^
liinry ompost of civilization in a region of barbarians.
ihe buildings covered but a small part of the space
ich they now extend; tliough the arrival of a brig
art was a rare event ; though the exchange was the
f K miry street, in which stood a mai'kel eroas mueh
ng a bi-oken milestone ; tliough the aittinga of the
il council were held in a fihhy den witli a rouglicasi
lough Ihe best bouses were such as wuuld now be
avels ; though the best roofs were of tbalch ; though
ceiluigs were of bare raiWs ; though the best wtodowa
bad weather, closed with shutters for wont of glass ;
llie humbler dwellings w^n; more htsaps of turf, in
irrcls with the bottoms knocked out served the purpose
eys ; yet to (he mountaineer of the Grampians thia
ail Babylon or an Tyre. Nowhere else liad he seen

close together. Nowhere else had he been djizzled
pieiidor of rows of booths, where knives, bom spoons,

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 257

magistrates should bind themselves by an oath to deliver up Ui
the vengeoni^ of the clan every burgher who should shed the
blood of a Macdonald, and that every burgher who should any*
where meet a person wearing the Macdonald tartan should
ground arms in token of submission. Never did Lewis the
Fourteenth, not even when he was encamped between UtR>ohfc
and Amsterdam, treat the States Greneral with such despotio
insolence.* By the intervention of the Privy Council of Scot*
land a compromise was effected ; but the old animosity waA
undiminished.

G>mmon enmities and common apprehensions produced m
good understanding between the town and the clan of Mack-
intosh. The foe most hated and dreaded by both was Coliu
Macdonald of Keppoch, an excellent specimen of the genuine
Highland Jacobite. Keppoch's whole life had been passed in
insulting and resisting the authority of the CroMm. He had
been repeatedly charged on his allegiance to desist from his
lawless practices, but had treated every admonition with con«
tempt. The government, however, was not willing to resort
to extremities against him; and he long continued to rule
undisturbed the stormy peaks of Coryarrick, and the gigantic
terraces which still mark the limits of what was once the Lake
of Glenroy. He was famed for his knowledge of all the ravines
and caverns of that dreary region ; and such was the skill with
which he could track a herd of cattle to the most secret hiding*
place that he was known by the nickname of Coll of the Cows.t
At length his outrageous violations of law compelled the
Privy Council to take decided steps. He was proclaimed a
rebel ; letters of fire and sword were issued against him, under
the seal of James ; and, a few weeks before the Revolution, a
body of royal troops, supported by the whole strength of the
Mackintoshes, marched into Keppoch's territories. He gave
battle to the invaders, and was victorious. The King's forces
were put to flight ; the King's captain was slain ; and this by
m hero whose loyalty to the King many writers have very
complacently contrasted with the factious turbulence of the
Whigs.t

If Keppoch had ever stood in any awe of the government.

* I am indebted to Mr. Carrathers for a copy of the demands of tbt
Kacdonalds, and of the answer of the Town Council.

t Colt's Deposition, Appendix to the Act. Pari, of July 14, 16Ml
i S«r tho Life of Sir £wan Can >Ton.

mSTOlir OF ENGIAND,

Mtiipletcly relieved from that feeling by th". general
wliit^h followea the Ruvolutinn. He wasted the lancL
Iiickinto-.hes, advanced to Invemeas, and threatened
I witti destruciiou. The danger was extreme. The
ere surrouaded only by a wall which lime and wcatbOT
losened iliat it shook in every storm. Yet the inhabi-

pi-eachiTs. Sunday the twenty-eighth of April was ■
ilarm and confusion. The savagea went round and
le sinull cnluny of Silicons Uke a troop of famLibcd
round a shuepfold. Kcppocli threatened and bluy
[le would uome lu with all his men. He would sack
!, The burghers meanwhile mustered in arms rouod
ket cross to listen to the omlory of their minister*
clo--ed without an a.'isauk j the Monday and the Tue*
!*cd away in intense aiijuety j and then an unexpected
■ made his appearance.

Beat in that valley through which the Glamis descends

umc liinc He protected that be had no intention of
; Ilie new govemmenl. He declared iiimself ready
1 to Edinburgh, if only he could be a^'^iircd thni he
u pi-oieciod against lawless violence ; and he offered to
wuiil (if honor, or, If that weru not sufficient, to give

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 2j9

perouK would be exiles and beggars. The King, Mel fort said,
wad determined to be severe. Experience had at length con-
Tinced his Majesty that mercy would be weakness. Even
the Jacobites were disgusted by learning that a Restoration
would be immediately followed by a confiscation and a pro«
Bcription. Some of them did not hesitate to say that Melfort
was a villain, that he ha .ed Dundee and Balcarras, that he
wished to ruin them, and that, for that end, he had written
these odious despatches, and had employed a messenger who
iiad very dexterously managed to be caught. It is, however,
quite certain that Melfort, after the publication of these papers,
ocmtinued to stand as high as ever in the favor of James. It
ean, therefore, hardly be doubted that, in those passages which
shocked even the zealous supporters of hereditary right, the
Secretary merely expressed with fidelity the feelings and in«
tentions of his master.* Hamilton, by virtue of the powers
which the Estates had, before their adjournment, confided to
Lira, ordered Balcarras and Dundee to be arrested. Balcarras
was taken and confined, first in his own house, and then in the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh. But to seize Dundee was not so easy
an enterprise. As soon as he heard that warrants were out
against him, he crossed the Dee with his followers, and
remained a short time in the wild domains of the House of
Gordon. There he held some communication with the Mac-
donalds and Camerons about a rising. But he seems at this
time to have known little and cared little about the High-
landers. For their national character he probably felt the
dislike of a Saxon, for their military character the contempt
of a professional soldier. He soon returned to the Lowlands,
and stayed there till he learned that a considerable body of
troops had been sent to apprehend him.f He then betook
himself to the hill country as his last refuge, pushed northward
through Strathdon and Strathbogie, crossed the Spey, and, on

* There is among the Nairne Papers in the Bodleian Library a cnrioni
BIS. entitled *' Journal do ce qui s'cst pass^ en Irlande depuis I'arriv^e
de sa Majesty." In this journal, there arc notes and corrections in Eng-
lish and French; the English in the handwriting of James, the French
in the handwriting of Melfort. The letters intercepted by Hamilton are
mentioned, and mentioned in a way which plainly shows that they wero
l^nuino j nor is tliere the least sign that James dt>approved of them.

t "Nor did ever,'* says Balcarras, addressing James, **the Viscount of
Dundee think of going to the Highlands without further orders from yon,
liii a paitv was sent to apprehend him."

H18T0KI OF ENGLAHn

ng of iLe first of May, arrived willi a email baud tl
ut tlie camp of Keppoch before Inverness
:w i^iiuutioa in wliiuh Duoilee was now placed, tha
■ of aociety wbicb was presented to bim, oaturally
new projects lo faia invenlive and enterpriaiiig spiriL
Jreds of athletic Celts whom he saw in their DOtional
Mttle were evidently not allies to be despised. If be
Q a great coalition of elans, if he could muster under

induce tbem to submit to the resu-auits of discipline
reer might be before him 1

nission from King James, even when King Jnmei
rely seated on the throne, bad never been regarded
li reapeet by Coll oi' the Cows. Tbiit chief, liowever,
Campbells with all the hatred of a Macdonald, and

Dundee underiook to settle the dispute beiwi,-eQ Kcjf-
InvernesB. The town agreed lo pay twi) thousand
sum which, smalt as it miglit be in the estimation u(
aiths of Lombard Street, probably exceeded any treits-
liad ever been carried into the wilds of Coryarrick.
sum was raised, not without difficulty, by the inhahi-
d Dundee is said to have passed hjj word for the

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 261

dwelt at tt great distance from the territory of Mac Oallum
More. They had no dispute with him ; thej owed no debt to
him ; and they had no reason to dread the increase of his
power. They, therefore, did not syn*nathize with his alarmed
and exasperated neighbors, and con la not be induced to join
the confederacy against him.* Those chiefs, on the othet
hand, who lived nearer to Inverary, and to whom the name of
Campbell had long been terrible and hateful, greeted Dundee
eagerly, and promised to meet him at the head of their follow-
ers on the eighteenth of May. During the fortnight which
preceded that day, he traversed Badenoch and Athol, and ex«
horted the inhabitants of those districts to rise in arms. He
dashed into the Lowlands with his horsemen, surprised Perth,
and carried off some Whig gentlemen prisoners to the moan-
tains. Meanwhile the fiery crosses had been wandering from
hamlet to hamlet over all the heaths and mountains thirty miles
round Ben Nevis ; and when he reached the trysting place in
Lochaber he found that the gathering had begun. The head
quarters were fixed clo^e to Lochiel's house, a large pile built
entirely of fir wood, and considered in the Highlands as a
superb palace. Lochiel, surrounded by more than six hundred
broadswords, was there to receive his guests. Macnaghten of
Macnaghten and Stewart of Appin were at the muster with
their little clans. Macdonald of Keppoch led the warriors who
had, a few months before, under his command, puC to flight the
musketeers of King James. Macdonald of Clanronald was of
tender years ; but he was brought to the camp by his uncle,
who acted as Regent during the minority. The youth was at-
tended by a picked body guard comp(<sed of his own cousins,
all comely in appearance, and good men of their hands. Mac-
donald of Glengarry, conspicuous by his dark brow and his
lofly stature, came from that great valley where a chain of
lakes, then unknown to fame, and scarcely set down in maps,
is now the daily highway of steam vessels passing and repass-
ing between the Atlantic and the German Ocean. None of the
rulers of the mountains had a higher sense of his personal dig-
nity, or was more frequently engaged in disputes with other
chiefs. He generally affected in his manners and in his house-
keeping a rudeness beyond that of his rude neighbors, and pro-
fessed to regard the very few luxuries which had then found

* Memoirs of Dundee; Tarbet to Melville, Ist Jane 1689, in thf
Leven and Melville Fapors.

rroin the civilized parts of ihe world into the U^fh-
Ens of tlie efTeminacy and degeneracy of llie Gaelic -
; on iliia occmion lie cliose to imitnt^' the splendor of

id, led a band of Iiardy freebooters from the drt-iuy
luncoe. Somewhat later cnrae the great Ilebridean
Jlflcdonald of Slent, the most opulent and [Wwer-
le pranduea who laid claim lo the lofty title of Lord
i, arrived at the head ot'.^eveti hundred fif;hling raeo
A fleet of long boats brought five buiidreil Mao-
Mull under the coinmaod of their cliief, Sir John
A far more formidHhie array had in old liraea tbU
brefiithers to batlle. Bui the power, though not ihfl
le flun had been broken by the urtf and urras of the
, Another band of MacleniiB arrived under a valiant
1 took hiij liLle from Lochbuy, which is, being inter-
Yellow Lake.'

not appear that a single chief who had not some
»a to di-ead and detest the House of Argyle obeyed
lummons. There is indeed strong reason to believe
hlefa who came would have renirtined quietly at
le (government hml underalood the politics of the

HIStOBT OP ENOLAKD. 2Qi

ties of civil war. There was, Tarbet said, no general d!sf)osition
to insurrection among the Gael. Little was to be apprehended
even from those popish clans which were under no apprehension
of being subjected to the joke of tlie Campbells. It waa
notorious that the ablest and most active of the discontented
chiefs trcubled themselves not at all about the questions which
were in dispute between the Whigs and the Tories. Lochiel
in particular, whose eminent personal qualities made him the
most important man among the mountaineers, cared no more foi
James than for William. If the Camerons, the Macdonaldsi
and the Macleans could be convinced that, under the new gov-
ernment, their estates and their dignities would be safe, if Mac
Galium More would make some concessions, if their Majesties
would take on themselves the payment of some arrears of rent,
Dundee might call the clans to arms ; but he would call to little
purpose. Five thousand pounds, Tarbet thought, would be
sufficient to quiet all the Celtic magnates ; and in truth, though
that sum might seem ludicrously small to the politicians of
Westminster, though it was not larger than the annual gains
of the Groom of the Stole or of tlie Paymaster of the Forces,
it might well be thought immense by a barbarous potentate
who, while he ruled hundreds of square miles, and could bring
hundreds of warriors into the iield, had perhaps never had
fifly guineas at once in his coffers.*

Though Tarbet was considered by the Scottish ministers
of the new Sovereigns as a very doubtful friend, his advice
was not altogether neglected. It was resolved that overtures
such as he recommended should be made to the malecontents.
Much depended on the choice of an agent; and unfortunately
the choice showed how little the prejudices of the wild tribes
of the hills were understood at Edinburgh. A Campbell was
selected for the otBce of gaining over to the cause of Kmg
William men whose only quarrel to King William was that he
countenanced the Campbells. Otfcrs made through such a
channel were naturally regarded as at once snares aud insults.
After this it was to no purpose that Tarbet wrote to Lochiel,
and Mackay to Glengarry. Lochiel returned no answer to

* From a letter of Arcliibald, Earl of Argyle to Lauderdale, which
oears date the 25ih of June, 1664, it appears that a hiiiidred thousand
marks 8cot8, liule more tlian five thousand pounds stcrlin;;, would, at
that time, liave ferv nearly satiafiod all the c!.iim:i of Mac CuUam. More
in bit neighbors

164 inSTORT OF ENGLAXTD.

Tiirbet; and Glengarry returned to Mackaj a coldly civil
answer, in which the general was advised to imitate the ex*
ample of Monk.*

Mackaj, meanwhile, wasted some weeks in marching, in
counter- marching, and in indecisive skirmishing. He after-
terjvards honestly admitted that the knowledge which he had
acquired, during thirty years of military service on the Con-
tinent, was, in the new situation in which he was placed, use
less to him. It was difficult in such a country to track the
enemy. It was impossihle to drive him to bay. Food for an
invading army was not to be found in the wilderness of heath
and shingle ; nor could supplies for many days be transported
far over quaking bogs and up precipitous ascents. The general
found that he had tired his men and their horses almost to
death, and yet had effected nothing. Highland auKiliaries
might have been of the greatest use to him; but he had few
such auxiliaries. The chief of the Grants, indeed, w*ho had
been persecuted by the late government, and had been accused
of conspiring with the unfortunate Earl of Argyle, was zealous
on the side of the Revolution. Two hundred Mackays, ani-
mated probably by family feeling, came from the northern
extremity of our island, where at midsummer there is no night,
to fight under a commander of their own name ; but in general
the clans which took no part in the insurrection awaited the
event with cold indifference, and pleased themselves with the
hope that they should easily make their peace with the con-
quei'ors, and be permitted to assist in plundering the conquered.

An experience of little more than a month satisfied Mackay
that there was only one way in which the Highlands could be
subdued. It was idle to run after the mountaineers up and
down their mountains. A chain of fortresses must be built in
the most important situations, and must be well garrisoned.
The place with which the general proposed to begin was In-
verlochy, where the huge remains of an ancient castle stood
and still stand. This post was close to an arm of the sea, and
was in the heart of the country occupied by the discontented
clans. A strong force stationed there, and supported, if neces-
sary, by ships of war, would effectually overawe at once the
Macdonalds, the Camerons, and the Macleans.f

* Mackay*8 Memoirs; Tarbet to Melville, June I, 1689, in the Leven
uid Melville Papere; Dundee to Melfort, Juno 27, in the Nairne PaperSr

t See Mackay's Moiuoirs, and his letter to Uamilton of the Uth d
June. 1089

HI8T0RT OF BNGLAITD. 2M

Whfle Mackay wtm representing^ in his letters to t<»p. council
At Edinburgh the necessity of adopting this plan, Dundee was
contending with difficulties which all his energy and dexterity
could not completely overcome,

The Highlanders, while they continued to be a nation living
Dnder a peculiar polity, were in one sense better and in an-
other sense worse fitted for military purposes than any other
nation in Europe. The individual Celt was morally and
physically well qualified for war, and especially for war in so
niM and rugged a country as his own. He was intrepid,
itroDg, fleet, patient of cold, of hunger, and of fatigue. Up
•teop crags, and over treacherous morasses, he moved as easily
as the French household troops paced along the great road
from Yersailles to Marli. He was accustomed to the use of
weapons and to the sight of blood ; he was a fencer ; he was a
maiKsman ; and before he had ever stood in the ranks he was
already more than half a soldier.

As the individual Celt was easily turned into a soldier, so a
tribe of Celts was easily turned into a battalion of soldiers*
AW that was necessary was that the military organization
should be conformed to the patriarchal organization. The
Chief must be Colonel ; his uncle or his brother must be
Major; the tacksmen, who formed what may be called the
peerage of the little community, must be the Captains; the
company of each Captain must consist of those peasants who
lived on his land, and whose names, faces, connections, and
characters, were perfectly known to him ; the subaltern officers
mast be selected among the Duinbe Wassels, proud of the
eagle's feather ; the henchman was an excellent orderly ; the
hereditary piper and his sons formed the band ; and the clan
became at once a regiment. In such a regiment was found
firom the first moment that exact order and prompt obedience
in which the strength of regular armies consists. Every man^
from highest to lowest, was in his proper place, and knew that
place perfectly. It was not necessary to impress by threats
or by punishment on the newly enlisted troops the duty of
regarding as their head him whom they had regarded as their
head ever since they could remember any thing. Every pri-
vate had, from infancy, respected his corporal much and his
Captain more, and had almost adored his Colonel. There
was therefore no danger of mutiny. There was as little
danger of desertion. Indeed, the very feelings which most
powerfully impel other soldiers to desert kept the Highlander
TOL. 111. 12

nisTORT nr f.nglawd.

nilard. Tf he left it, whithpr was lie lo fm? Atl lib
nil his friends, were arrayed round it To sepnrnM
("rem it was to aepflrate himsi'lf forever from his
ml to incur all ihn misery of thut very homesickncM

k of stripes iind of death. Wlien these thin^ are
Lsidered, it will not be thought stran;;!! that the High-
LS should have occasionally achieved great raariial

loae very institutions which made a tribe of High
all bearini; the same name, and all subject to iho
er, so formidable in battle, disqualified the nation for
large scale. Nothing was easier than to rum claru
ent regiinenlsi but nolhing was more difficult than to

^nks up to the chiefs, all was hannony and order.
lan looked up to his immediate superior, and all
p to thtf eommon lirad. But with the chief thia
subordination ended. He knew only liow lo eovem,

n-t. It win not lo be expected that he would pay to

HT8TORT OF ENGLAND. 267

lo form and direct confederacies of Gaelic tribes. Bat !c
truth it was precisely because Montrose and Dundee were not
Highlanders, that they were able to lead armies composed of
Highland clans. Had Montrose been chief of the Cameronu,
the Macdonalds would never have submitted to his authority.
Had Dundee been chief of Clan ronald, he would never have
been obeyed by Glen^rry Haughty and punctilious men,
who scarcely acknowled^d the King to be their superior,
would not have endured the superiority of a neighbor, an
equal, a competitor. They could far more easily bear the
preeminence of a di.^tinguished stranger. Yet even to such a
stranger they would allow only a very limited and a very pre«
carious authority. To bring a chief before a court-martial, to
shoot him, to cashier him, to degrade him, to reprimand him
publicly, was impossible. Macdonald of Keppoch or Maclean
of Duart would have struck dead any officer who had de-
manded his sword, and told him to consider himself as under
arrest ; and hundreds of claymores would instantly have been
drawn to protect the murderer. All that was left to the com-
mander under whom these potentates condescended to serve
was to argue with them, to supplicate them, to flatter them, to
bribe them; and it was only during a short time that any
human skill could preserve harmony by these means. For
every chief thought himself entitled to peculiar observance ;
and it was therefore impossible to pay marked court to any
one without disobliging the rest. The general found himself
merely the president of a congress of petty kings. He was
perpetually called upon to hear and to compose disputes about
pedigrees, about precedence, about th^ division of spoil. His
decision, be it what it might, must offend somebody. At any
moment he might hear that his right wing had Ared on his
centre in pursuance of some quarrel two hundred years old
or that a whole battalion had marched back to its native glen,
because another battalion had been put in the post of honor.
A Highland bard might easily have found in the history of the
year 1689 subjects very similar to those with which the war
of Troy furnished the great poets of antiquity. One day
Achilles is sullen, keeps his tent, and announces his inton-
tioD to depart with all his men. The next day Ajaz ii
storming about the camp, and threatening to cut the throat of
(Jlysses.

Hence it was that, though the Highlanders achieved some
frsat exploits in the civil wars of the seventeenth cenuirj.

}ii!t tefl no trace which could be dl^erned after tba
few weeks. Victories of strange and almwt por-
ileiiJor prcMlucod ali the coDsequencea of defeat
olditra and slalesinen were Uewiliiered by thosa
lis of foriune. It was iocredible tlial undiscipliiwd
d have (lerformed such feats of arms. It wjis in-
at auch feats of arms, having been perfonned, should
iiielj followed by the triumph of tlie euiujuered and
ision of the corKjuerors. Montrose, having passed
m victory to victory, was, in the full career of suo

nterests had brought his army together. Local jeal-
lucal iniuresiB dissolved it. Tlie Gordons left bim
ley lant-ied that he neglected them for the Mac-

0 decide the fate of a kingdom melted away in A
aiid the victories of 'fippermuir and Kilsyth were
y the ilisasteF uf Fhili|)liaugh. Dundt^e did not live
ill to experience a similar reverse of fortune ; but
very reodoo to believe that, liad his life been pro-
; f'jrtnight, his hLstory would have been the history
io retold.

niiide one attempt, soon after tlie gathering of the
jchaber, to induce them to submit to the disciplinp

msrovT OF ekoland. S6S

convinced ; for the reasonings of the wise old chief were by
BO means without weight*

Tet some Celtic usages of war were such as Dundee could
not tolerate. Cruel as he was, his cruelty always had a meth-
od and a purpose. He still hoped that he might be able to
win some chiefs who remained neutral ; and he carefully avoid-
ed every act which could goad them into open hostility. This
was midoubtedly a policy likely to promote ihe interest of
James ; but the interest of James was nothing to the wild ma*
raudere who used his name and rallied round his banner merely
for the purpose of making profitable forays and wreaking old
grudges. Keppoch especially, who hated the Mackintoshes nimth
more than he loved the Stuarts, not only plundered the terri«
tory of his enemies, but burned whatever he could not carry
Away. Dundee was moved to great wrath by the sight of the
Mazing dwellings. ^ I would rather," he said, ^ carry a musket
in a respectable regiment than be captain of such a gang of
thieves." Punishment was of course out of the question. In-
deed, it may be considered as a remarkable proof of the gener-
aPs influence that Coll of the Cows deigned to apologize for
eonduct for which, in a well-governed army, he would have
been shotf

As the Grants were in arms for King William, their prop-
erty was considered as fair prize. Their territory wf a invaded
by a party of Camerons ; a skirmish took plac^e ; some blood
was shed ; and many cattle were carried oflT to Dundee's camp,
where provisions were greatly needed. This raid produced a
quarrel, the history of which illustrates in the most striking
manner the character of a Highland army. Among those who
were slain in resisting the Camerons was a Macdonald of the
Glengarry branch, who had long resided among the Grants,
had become in feelings and opinions a Grant, and had absented
himself from the muster of his tribe. Though he had be^i
guiky of a high offence against the Graelic code of honor and
morality, his kinsmen remembered the sacred tie which he liad
forgotten. Grood or bad, he was bone of their bone ; he was
flesh of their flesh; and he should have been reserved for their
justice. The name which he bore, the blood of the Lords oi
the Isles, should have been his protection. Glengarry in a
rage went to Dundee and demanded vengeance on Lochiel

tnd the whole race of Cameron. Dundee replied that the un-

^ -

* Memoirs of Sir £waQ Camerou.
t Ibid.

B18T0KT OF ENGLAND.

jiitlemnn who had fallen was a trnilor to the clan m
Ihe King. Whs it ever lieard of in wur that tha

coanl of Wii name and descent ? And. even if wrong
done, how was it lo be redreased ? Half the army
titer the other half betore a. finger could bt! Iiiid on
Jlengarry went away raging like a madman. Sine*
inta were disregarded by those who ought to right
uld right himself; he would draw out hid men, and
n iinnd on the murderers of hia cousin. During soma
iihl listen lo no expoMulalion. When he was re-
■t Lochiel'tt followers were in number nearly doubia
igiirry men, " No matter," he cried, " one Maedoa-
1 two Cameron^." Had Lothiel been equally irri-

: given little more trouble to the government, and
jels would have perished obscurely in the wilder-
1 another's claymores. But nature hiid bestowed on
;e measure Ihe qualitie:! of a siaCeeinan, ibough for*
liidden those qualities in an obscure corner of tba

saw that this wa^ not a time for brawling ; his own
>r courage had long been established ; and his tem-
der strict goveriimenL The fury of Glengarry, not
med by any fresh pro vocation, rapidly abated. In-

were some who suspected that he had never been

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. d7\

ihoroe <^ Lough Erne and behind the rampiuts of London.
deiTY. He had in that kingdom an army of forty thousand
men. An eighth part of such an army would scarcely be
missed there, and might, united with the clans which were
in insurrection, effect gre>at things in Scotland.

Dundee received such answers to his applications as enoour*
aged him to hope that a large and well-appointed force would
toon be sent from Ulster to join him. He did not wish to try the
ebance of battle before these succors arrived.* Mackay, on
tlie other hand, was weary of marching to and fro in a decerU
His men were exhausted and out of heart. He thought it de«
tirable that they should withdraw from the hill country ; and
William was of the same opinion.

In June, therefore, the civil war was, as if by concert be-
tween the generals, completely suspended. Dundee remained
in Lochaber, impatiently awaiting the arrival of troops and
supplies from Irehind. It was impossible for him to keep his
Highlanders together in a state of inactivity. A vast extent
of moor and mountain was required to furnish food for so
many mouths. The clans therefore went back to their own
glens, having promised to reasi^emble on the first summons.

Meanwhile Mackay's soldiers, exhausted by severe exertions
and privations, were taking their ease in quarters scattered
over the low country from Aberdeen to Stirling. Mackay
himself was at Edinburgh, and was urging the ministers there
to furnish him with the means of constructing a chain of forti-
fications among the Grampians. The ministers liad, it should
seem, miscalculated their military resources. It had been ex-
pected that the Campbells would take the field in such force as
would balance the whole strength of the clans which marched
mider Dundee. It had also been expected that the Cove-
nanters of the West would hasten to swell the ranks of the
army of King William. Both expectations were disappointed.
Ai^le had found his principality devastated, and his tribe dis-
armed and disorganized. A considerable time must elapse
before his standard would be surrounded by an array such as
his forefkihers had led to battle. The Covenanters of tlie
West were in general unwilling to enlist. They were assuredly
not wanting in courage ; and they hated Dundee with deadly
hatred. In tlieir part of the country the memory of his cruelty
was still fresh. Every village had its own talc of blood. The

• Dundee to Melfort, Jane 27 1689.

^H

■HH

1

i father was missed in one dwelling, the faopefbl
1 another. It was nunembered but too well how tba
liud stalked into the peasaut's coLuige, cursing and
ira, themselvea, and each other at every seeoad wanlt
oin the ingle nook liis grandmother of eighty, and
heir hands into the bosom of his daughter of sixteen ;
juration had been tendered to him ; how he had folded .
and said, " God's will be done ; " how the CokaeJ
, for a file with loaded muskets ; and how in lhre«
le goodmiui of the house had been wallowing to ■
nod at hh own door. The seat of the m^tyr wai
: at tlie Qreside ; and every ehild could [mint out hia
green amidst the heath, ^Vhen ttie people of (his
ed their oppressor n servant of the devil, they were
iig figuratively. They believed that between the
and ibe bud angel there was a close alliance o«
■ms ; thiit Dundee bad bound hunself lo do the woA
ejvrtli, and tlmt, for high purposes, hell was permit*
ect its slave Llll the measure of his vuiit should be
. intensely as these men abhorred Dundee, mw^t uf
\ scruple about drawing the tiword for William. A
[iug was held in the parish churclk of Doughu ; and
in was propounded, whether, at a time when war woa
,, and wlien an Irish invasion was ex|«;cled, it were
lo take arma. The debate was sharp and turaulcu-

1

1

HI8TORT OF ENGLAKD. 2711

■Infill to enlist, stood out for terms subyersive of all military
aiaeipliiie. Some would not serve under a^gpdonel, major,
eaptain, seijeant, or corporal, who was not ratdy to sign the
Covenant Others insisted that, if it should be found absolute-
ly necessary to appoint any officer who had taken the tests im-
posed in the late reign, he should at least qualify himself for
eommand by publicly confessing his sin at the head of the regi-
■lent. Most of the enthusiasts who had proposed these oondi^
tions were induced by dexterous management to abate much of
their demands. Yet, the new regiment had a very peculiar char-
acter. The soldiers were all rigid Puritans. One of their first
aets was to petition the Parliament that all drunkenness, licen-
tiousness, and profaneness might be severely punished. Their
own conduct must have been exemplary ; for the worst crime
which the most extravagant bigotry could impute to them was
that of huzzaing on the King's birthday. It was originally in-
tended that with the military organization of the corps should be
mterwoven the organization of a Presbyterian congregation.
Each company was to furnish an elder ; and the elders were,
with the chaplain, to form an ecclesiastical court for the suppres-
sion of immorality and heresy. Elders, however, were not ap-
pointed ; but a noted hill preacher, Alexander Shields, was
ealled to the office of chaplmn. It is not easy to conceive that
fimaticism can be heated to a higher temperature than that
which is indicated by the writings of Shields. According to him,
it should seem to be tlie first duty of a Christian ruler to perse-
cnte to the death every heterodox subject, and the first duty of
every Christian subject to poniard a heterodox ruler. Yet there
wae then in Scotland an enthusiasm compared with which the
enthusiasm even of this man was lukewarm. The extreme
Covenanters protested against his defection as vehemently as he
had protested against the Black Indulgence and the oath of
supremacy, and pronounced every man who entered Angus'i
regiment guilty of a wicked confederacy with malignants.*

* See Faithful Contcndings Displayed, particalarlj the proceedings of
April 29 and 30, and of May 13 and 14, 1689 ; the petition to Parliamenl
drawn np bv the regiment, on July 18, 1689; the protestation of Sir
Robert Hamilton, of November 6^ 1689; and the admonitory Epistle to
the Kegiment, dated March 27, 1690. The Society peoj)lc, as they called
thcmselres, seem to have been especially shocked by the way in which
the King's birthday had been kept. " VVe hope," they wrote, " yo are
•gainst observing anniversary days as well as we, and that ye will monm
for what ye have done.'' As to Uie opinions and temper of AlexandM
Shields see Ids Hiud Let Loose.

12 •

niatORT OF ENGLAND.

Lile Edinburgh C&slle had fallen, a^er holding oal
1 ttwui^nilLi. Both the defence and the attack bad

tildlj^bnilucted. The Duke of Gordon, unwiUing
i mortal hatred of chose ut whose mercy his lands

ght soon be, did not choose to batter the city. The

on the other hand, carried on their operations with

ergy and bo little vigilance that a constant communi-
up between the Jacobites within the citadd,
■acobites without. Strange stories were told of tha
|facetiou9 messages wliich passed between the besieged
's. On one occn^ion Gordon sent to inform tiie

) that he was going to fire a salute on account of

a which he had received from Ireland, but that lbs
I need not be ahinned, for Umt his guns would not be

p ball. On another occasion, his drums Ix^t a parley ;
Jflag was hung out ; a conference took place ; and he
pormed the enemy that all his cards tiad beeu thumbed

md begged tlicm to let liim have a few more packs.

Is establiiihi^d a lelegraph by means of which Liiey cou-
Ih him across tiie lines of sentinels. From a window
1 story of one of the loftiest of those gigantic houses,
fthich still darken the High Street, a white cloth was
^when all was well, and a black doth when things
as necessary to give more dct^led informationi

^ held up inscribed with capital letters so large

HI8TOBT OT fiMOLAlfD. 975

iMoti the^ erown and sceptre of Scotland were displajod with
the wonted pomp in the hall as tjpes of the absent sovereign.
Hamilton rode in state from Holy rood up the High Street as
Lord High Comjnissioner ; and Crawford took his seat as
President. Two Acts, one turning; the Convention into a Par*
liament, the other recognizing William and Mary as King and
Queen, were rapidly passed and touched with the sceptre ; and
then the conflict of factions began.*

It speedily appeared that the opposition which Montgomery
had organized was irresistibly strong. Though made up of
many conflicting elements. Republicans, Whigs, Tories, zealous
Presbyterians, bigoted Prelatists, it acted for a time as one
man, and drew to itself a multitude of those mean and timid
politicians who naturally gravitate towards the stronger party.
The friends of the government were few and disunited. Ham-
ilton brought but half a heart to the discharge of his duties.
He had always been unstable ; and he was now discontented.
He held indeed the highest place to which a subject could
aspire. But he imagined that he had only the show of power
while others ' enjoyed the substance, and was not sorry to see
those of whom he was jealous thwarted and annoyed. He did
not absolutely betray the prince whom he represented ; but he
sometimes tampered with the chiefs of the Club, and sometimes
did sly ill turns to those who were joined with him in the ser-
vice of the Crown.

His instructions directed him to give the royal assent to laws
for the mitigating or removing of numerous grievances, and
particularly to a law restricting the power and reforming the
constitution of the Committee of Articles, and to a law estab-
lishing the Presbyterian Church Government.t But it mat-
tered not what his instructions were. The chiefs of the Club
were bent on finding a cause of quarrel. The propositions of
the Grovernment touching the Lords of the Articles were con-
temptuously rejected. Hamilton wrote to London for fresh
directions ; and soon a second plan, which left little more than
the name of the once despotic Committee, was sent back. But
the second plan, though such as would have contented judi-
cious and temperate reformers, shared the fate of the first.
Meanwhile the chiefs of the Club laid on the table a law
which interdicted the King from ever employing in any public

• Act. Pari. Scot. June 5, Jane 17, 1689.

t The instractions will be found among the Sornem Tracta

id more thickly peopW thai) the greater part of Iba
(. The m-n who followed lii^ twniier were supposed

d wei-e, in siriinpilh and courage, inferior to no tribe
lunUiins. But the clan hud been made iasignificanl
.significance of the cliief. The Marquew was the
e most fickle, the most pusillanimous, of mankind.
n tbe short apace of six monlhs, he had been sevenl
icobite, and several tiroeB a Williaraite. Both Jacob-
filiiamites regarded him with contempt and dUtrust,
ipect for his immense power prevented them from
resaing. After repeatedly vowing fidelity to both
id repeatedly betraying both, he began to tliink that
best provide for his safety by abdicating the runclioni
. peer and of a chieftain, by absenting himaelf botli
Parliament House at Edinburgh and from his castle
jnlBins, and by quitting tbe country to which he waa
every tie of duty and honour at the very crisis of ber
lile all Scotlfliid was waiting with impRtience and

], be stole away lo England, settled himself at Bath,

head, was divided against itself. The general leaa-
Athoi men was towards King James. For they had
loyed by him, only four years before, as the minialers

H18TOHT OF ENGLAND. 27d

liar^aess's eldest son, who was married to a daughter of the
Dake of Hamilton, declared for King William. Stewart of
Ballenach, the Marquess's confidential agent, declared for King
James. The people knew not which summons to obey. He
whose authority would have been held in profound reverence,
had plighted faith to both sides, and had then run awaj for fear
of being under the necessity of joining either ; nor was it very
Msy to say whether the place which he had left vacant be>
ioDged to his steward or to his heir apparent.

The most important military post in Athol was Blair Castle.
The house which now bears that name is not distinguished by
any striking peculiarity from other country seats of the aris-
tocracy. The old building was a lofty tower of rude architecture
which commanded a vale watered by the Garry. The walls
would have offered very little resistance to a battering train, but
were quite strong enough to keep the herdsmen of the Grampians
in awe. About five miles south of this stronghold, the valley
of the Grarry contracts itself into the celebrated glen of Killie-
crankie. At present, a highway as smooth as any road in
Middlesex ascends gently from the low country to the summit
of the defile. White villas peep from the birch forest ; and,
on a fine summer day, there is scarcely a turn of the pass at
which may not be seen some angler casting his fiy on the foam
of the river, some artist sketching a pinnacle of rock, or some
party of pleasure banqueting on the turf in the fretwork of
shade and sunshine. But, in the days of William the Third,
Killiecrankie was mentioned with horror by the peaceful and
industrious inhabitants of the Perthshire lowlands. It was
deemed the most perilous of all those dark ravines through
which the marauders of the hills were wont to sally forth. The
sound, so musical to modem ears, of the river brawling round
the mossy rocks and among the smooth pebbles, the dark
masses of crag and verdure worthy of the pencil of Wilson, the
fantastic peaks bathed, at sunrise and sunset, with light ricli as
that which glows ou the canvas of Claude, suggested to our
ancestors thoughts of murderous ambuscades and of bodies
stripped, gashed, and abandoned to the birds of prey. The
only path was narrow and rugged ; a horse could with difficulty
be led up ; two men could hardly walk abreast ; and, in some
places, the way ran so close by the precipii^e that the traveller
had great need of a steady eye and foot. Many years later,
the first Duke of Athol constructed a road up which it was
iust possible to drag his coach. But even that road was so

□ itraiglit t1i!it a handrul of resolule men might have
. agunat !in army ; ' nor did any Saxon coni^ider ■
liecmnkie as a. pleasure, till oxperienee had taught
1 Governmpnt that tlia weapons by which the Higb-
jld be mo^t effectually subdued were the pickaxa
ide.

titry which lay juat above this pass was flow tbj
) war such as the Highlands had not often witnessed,
ng the same tartan, and attached lo the name lord,
'ed agaiDrit each oilier. The name of the afa.'CDt
liied. with some show of reason, on both aide.4. Ital-

resentiilive of the Martjueas, occupied Itlair C(istl«,
tlh twelve hundred followers, appeared berore tha
demanded to be admitted into the mansion of hia

mansion whicli would one day be hid own. llie
ifused to opnn the gates. Messages were sent off
ieger.s lo Edinburgh, and by the besieged lo Lorh-

both places the tidings produced great ugiimitHi.
d Dundee agreed in thinking that the crisig required
d strenuous exertion. On the fate of Blair Castli"
epcnded the fate of all Alhol. On (he fkte of Athol
!nd the fate of Scotland. Mackny hastened nurlk-

. Some of them were quartered at «uch a di^iance

aiSTOBT OV EHOLAMO. 281

Dundee, meanwhile,^ had summoned all the clan? which ao-
knowledged his commission to assemble for an exipedition into
AthoL His exertions were strenuously seconded bj LochieL
The fiery crosses were sent again in all haste through Appia
and Ardnamurchan, up Glenmore, and along Loch LfCven.
But the call waa so unexpected, and the time allowed was so.
short, that the muster was not a very full one. The whole
Dumber of broadswords seems to have been under three thou-
3and. With this force, such as it was, Dundee set forth. On
his march he was joined by succors which had just an*ived from
Ulster. They consisted of little more than three hundred Irisk
foot, ill armed, ill clothed, and ill disciplined. Their commander
was an officer named Cannon, who had seen service in the
Netherlands, and who might perhaps have acquitted himself
well in a subordinate post and in a regular army, but who was
altogether unequal to the part now assigned to him.* He had
already loitered among the Hebrides so long tliat some ships
whieh had been sent with him, and which were laden with
stores, had been taken by English cruisers. He and his sol-
diers had with difficulty escaped the same fate. Incompetent
as he was, he bore a commission which gave him military rank
in Scotland next to Dundee.

The disappointment was severe. In truth, James would have
' do.ie better to withhold all assistance from the Highlanders than
to mock them by sending them, instead of the well-appointed
army which they had asked and expected, a rabble contemp-
tible in numbers and appearance. It was now evident that
whatever was done for his cause in Scotland must be done by
Scottish hands. t

While Mackay from one side, and Dundee from the other,
were advancing towards Blair Castle, important events had
taken place there. Murray's adherents soon began to waver
ih their fidelity to him. They had an old antipathy to Whigs ;
for they considered the name of Whig as synonymous w it h the
name of Campbell. They saw arrayed against them a largo
number of their kinsmen, commanded by a gentleman who waa
supposed to possess the confidence of the Marquess. The be
sieging army therefore melted rapidly away. Many returned
home on the plea that, as their neighborhood was about to bo
tho 8Pat of war, they must place their families and cattle in

• Van Odyck to the Greffier of the States Qcneral, Aog. i^, 1689
^ Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.

niSTORr OF EnitLAND.

Others more ingenuously dA^lared that thej woaM
n such a quarrel. One large body went to a brook,
f bonnets with water, drank a health (o King James,

dispersed," Their zeal for King James, howefcr,
(luce thera to join tlie standard ol his geueral. They
long tlie rocks and thickets wliich overhang the Garry,
>e that there would soon be a battle, and that, whal-
it be the event there would be fugitives and corpses

' was in n strait. His force had dwindled to three or
rwl men ; even in those men he could put little trust ;
IHacdonalds and Camerona were advancing fast. He
raised the siege of Blair Ca^ilti. and retired with a

ed by a detachment of two hundred fusilcers whom
uid sent forward to secure tlie pass. The main body
iwland army speedily tbllowed.f
in the morning of Saturday the twenty -seventh of
idee arrived at Blair Castle. There he learned that
troops were already in the ravine of Killiecmnkie.

held The Saxon officers were generally against bae-
baille The Celtic chiefs were of a different opinion.
y n"d Lochiel were now both of a mind. " Kight, my

BISTOBT OF EKGLAim. 28J

by twos and threes , and the baggage horses, twelve hundred
in number, could mount onlj one at a time. No wheeled car-
riage had ever been tugged up that arduous path. The head
of the column had emerged and was on the table land, while
^e rearguard was still in the plain below. At length the pas-
sage was effected ; and the troops found themselves in a valley
of no great extent. Their right was flanked by a rising ground,
their left by the Garry. Wearied with the morning's work, they
threw themselves on the grass tc take some rest and refresh-
ment.

Early in the ademoon, they were roused by an alarm that
the Highlanders were approaching. Regiment after regiment
started up and got into order. In a little while the summit of
an ascent which was about a musket-shot before them was cov-
ered with bonnets and plaids. Dundee rode forward for the
purpose of surveying the force with which he was to contend,
and then drew up his own men with as much skill as their
peculiar character permitted him to exert. It was desirable to
keep the clans distinct. Each tribe, large or small, formed a
column separated from the next column by a wide interval.
One of these battalions might contain seven hundred men, while
another consisted of only a hundred and twenty. Lochiel bad
represented that it was impossible to mix men of different tribes
without destroying all that constituted the peculiar strength of
a Highland army.*

On the right, close to the Grarry, were the Macleans. Next
to them were Cannon and his Irish foot. Then came the Mac-
dooalds of Clanronald, commanded by the guardian of their
young prince. On the left were other bands of Macdonalds.
At the head of one large battalion towered the stately form of
Glengarry, who bore in his hand the royal standard of King
James the Seventh.! Still further to the lefl were the cavalry, a
small squadron consLsting of some Jacobite gentlemen who had
fled from the Lowlands to the mountains, and of about forty of
Dundee's old troopers. The horses had been ill fed and ill
tended among the Grampians, and looked miserably lean and
feeble. Beyond them was Lochiel with his Camerons. On
the extreme left, the men of Sky were marshalled by Macdon-
ald of Sleat.{

* Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron : Mackay's Memoin
T Doaglas's Baronage of Scotland.
i Memoirs of Sir £wan Cameron.

Higliianda aa in all countries where w«r tas not b»
:ience, men (hougitt it Ihe most inijwrtant duty of a
er to set an example of personal courage and of
;ertioii. Lochiel was especially renowned for his
jrowess. His ciansmeo looked big with pride when
ted liow he had liimself broken hostile ranks, and
m tall wai-riors. He probably owed quite as much

fortune had placed him in the English Parliament or

cnch court, would have made him one of Oio fore-
of Ilia age He had the sense, however, to perueiv*
mcous was ttie notion which hie countrymen had
He knew that to give and to take blows was not the
of a general. He knew wit': how much ditEculIy
iBiI been able lo keep together, during a few days, an
nposed of Beveral clans i and he know that what
ind effected with ditHculiy, Cannon would not be able
It all. The life on which so much depended must not
[:>jd to a barbarous prejudice. Lochiel therefore ad-
mdee not lo run into any unnecessary danger. " Your
'i business," be aaid, " is lo OTerlouk every thing, and
your commands. Our business is to execute those
^ bravely and promptly." Dundee answered with
gnanimiiy thai there waa much weii;lit in what his

Hinoar or xxolutd 281

It wma past seven o'dock. Dundee gave the word. Tbo
HigliliiDderB dropped their plaids. The few who were m lux-
■nous w to wear rude socks of untanned hide, spumed them
KWKj. It wa.s long remembered in Lochaber that Lochiel look
•ff what probably wad the only pair of shoes in his clan, and
charged barefoot at ih» head of hia men. The whole line ad-
vanced firing. The enem^ returned the fire and did mudi
fikecntion. When only a small space wa^ left between the
•rmiea, the Highlanders suddenly flung away their firelocks,
draw their broadswords, and rushed forward with a fearful
j«U. The Lowlanders prepared to receive the shock ; bat
this was then a long and awkward process ; and the soldier)
were Btili fumbling with the muzzles of their guns and thb
handles of their bayonets, when the whole flood of Macleans,
Macdonalds, and Ciunerons came down. In Iwo minutes the
battle wad lost and won. The ninki> of Balfour's regiment
broke. He was cloven down while struggthig in tlie presn.
Bainsay's men turned their backs and dropped their arms.
Mackay's own foot were swept away by the furious onset of
the CameroDs. His brother and nephew exei-ted themselves
in vain to rally the men. The former wa.i laid dead on th«
ground by a stroke from a claymore. The latter, with eight
wounds on his body, made hi^ way through ilie tumult and
esrniige to bis uncle's xide. Even in that extremity Mackay
retained all his self-[>osaessiun. He had still one hope. A
charge of horse might recover the. day; for of hor.'ie the
bravest Highlanders were supposed to stand in awe. But ha
called on the horte in vain, fielbaveu, indeed, behaved like a
gallant gentleman ; but his troopers, appalled by the rout of
the infantry, galloped ofi* in disorder; Annaiidule's men fol-
lowed ; all was over ; and the mingled torrent of red-coata and
tartans went raving down the valley to the gorge of KUlit^
crank ic.

Mackay, accompanied by one trusty servant, spurred brav»-
ly through the tliickest of the claymores and targets, and
reached a point from which he had a view of the field, llis
whole army had disappeared, with the exception of some Bor-
•terers whom Leven had kept together, and of Hastings's regi-
mett, which hail poured a murderous fire into the Celtic ranks,
and which still kept unbroken order. All the men that could
be collected were only a few hundreds. The general made
haste tn Itrad them across the Oarry, and, having put that river
between them and llie eueuiy, paused for a moment to utedk-

186 BI8TOBT OF ENGLAND.

He oonld hardly understand how the conquerors oould be 60
an wise as to allow him even that moment for deliberation.
They might with ea<e have killed or taken all who were with
him before the night closed in. But the energy of the Celtic
warriors had spent itself in one furious rush and one short
struggle. The pass was choked bj theHwelve hundred beasts
of burden which carried the provisions and baggage of the
Tanquished army. Such a booty was irresistibly tempting to
men who were impelled to war quite as much by the desire of
rapine as by the desire of glory. It is probable that few even
of the chiefs were disposed to leave so rich a prize for the
sake of King James. Dundee himself might at that moment
have been unable to persuade his followers to quit the heapa
of spoil, and to complete the great work of the day ; and
Dundee was no more.

At the beginning of the action he had taken his place in
front of his little band of cavalry. He bade them follow him,
and rode forward. But it seemed to be decreed that, on that
day, the Lowland Scotch should in both armies appear to dis-
advantage. The horse hesitated. Dundee turned round, stood
up in his stirrups, and, waiving his hat, invited them to come
on. As he lifted his arm, his cuirass rose, and exposed the
lower part of his left side. A musket-ball struck him ; his
horse sprang forward and plunged into a cloud of smoke and
dust, which hid from both armies the fall of the victorious gen-
eral. A person named Johnstone was near him, and caught
him as he sank down from the saddle. **• How goes the day ? "
said Dundee. *' Well for King James,'' answered Johnstone ;
^ but I am sorry for Your Lordship. "* If it is well for him,"
answered the dying man, ** it matters the less for me." He
never spoke again ; but when, half an hour later, Lord Dun-
fermline and some other friends came to the spot, they thought
that they could still discern some faint remains of life. The
body, wrapped in two plaids, was carried to the Castle of
Blair.*

* As to the battle, see Mackay's Memoirs, Letters, and Short Rela-
tion; the Memoirs of Dandee; Memoirs of SirEwan Cameron; Nisbct'i
ami Osburae's depositions in the Appendix to the Act. Pari, of July 14,
1690. See also the account of the battle in one K Bart's Letters. Mac-

f»bcn«on printed a letter from Dundee to James, dated the day after the
tattle. I need not say that it is as impudent a for^ry as Fiugal. The
author of the Memoirs of Dundee says that Lord Lcvcn was f cured by
the %ht of the Uighland weapons, and set the example of fligUt Th^

HI8T0BT OF ENOL4in>. 28%

BCackaj, who was ignorant of Dundee's fate, and well ao
qnainted with Dundee's skill and activity, expected to he in
•Btantlj and hotly pursued, and had very little expectation of
being able to save even the scanty remains of the van
quished army. He could not retreat by the pass; for th«
Highlanders were already there. He therefore resolved to
push across the mountains towards the valley of the Tay. He
noon overtook two or three hundred of his runaways who had
taken the same road. Most of them belonged to Ramsay's
regiment, and must have seen service. But they were unarm*
ed ; they were utterly bewildered by the recent disaster ; and
the general could find among them no remains either of mar-
tial discipline or of martial spirit. His situation was one which
mu8t have severely tried the firmest nerves. Night had
set in ; he was in a desert ; he had no guide ; a victorious en-
emy was, in all human probability, on his track ; and he had
to provide for the safety of a crowd of men who had lost both
head and heart. He had just suffered a defeat of all defeata
the most painful and humiliating. His domestic feelings had
been not less severely wounded than his professional feelings*
One dear kinsman had just been struck dead before his eyes.
Another, bleeding irom many wounds, moved feebly at his side.
But the unfortunate general's courage was sustained by a firm
faith in Grod, and a high sense of duty to the state. In the
midst of misery and disgrace, he still held his head nobly erect,
and found fortitude, not only for himself, but for all around
him. His first care was to be sure of his road. A solitary
light which twinkled through the darkness guided him to a
small hovel. The inmates spoke no tongue but the Gaelic,
and were at first scared by the appearance of uniforms and
arms. But Macka3r's gentle manner removed their apprehen-
sion ; their language had been familiar to him in childhood ;
and he retained enough of it to communicate with them. By
their directions, and by the help of a pocket map, in which the
routes thpougb that wild country were roughly laid down, he
was able to find his way. He marched all night. When day
broke his task was more difficult than ever. Light increased
the terror of his companions. Hastings's men and Leven's
men indeed still behaved themselves like soldiers. But the fu-
gitives from Ramsay's were a mere rabble. Tbey had fiuug

U a spiteful falsehood. That Leven behaved remarkably ^eU '« wr^ed
^ Mackaj's Letters, Memoirs, and Short Belation

ir iDuskeU. The broadswords from which thej had
! ever in their eyes. Every fresh object caused a
lie. A company of herdsmen in plaids driving catllfl.
nified by imugintttion into a host of Cehic warriors.
the ruiiuways left the main body and Hed to the hills,

led for (heir coats and shoes; and iheimaktMl car-
ire left for a prey to tke eagles of Ben Laweri The

would have been much greater, had not Mackay and
rs, pistol in hand, threatened Co blow out tlie braioa of

whoiD they caught attempting to steal off.
gth the weary fugitives came in sight of Weens Cu»-
i proprietor of the mansion was a friend to tlic new
sat, and extended to them such hospitality as was in
T. His stores of oatmeal were brought out ; kioe
ightered [ and a rude and hasty meal was sel before
limus guesls. Thus refreshed, they again set forth,
■ehud all that Jay over bog, moor, and mountain,
nliabiied as the country was, they could plainly see

report of their disaster had already spread far, and
f>upulatLOn was everywhere iu a state of great ex-

for King William by a small gan-i:>on ; and, on the
clay, they proceeded wiih less difficulty to Stirling."

HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. 289

mon danger, forgot to wrangle. Courtiers and malecontents
with one voice implored the Lord High Commissioner to close
the session, and to dismiss them from a place where their delib-
erations might soon be interrupted by the mountaineers. It
was seriously considered whether it might not be expedient to
abandon Edinburgh, to send the numerous state prisoner who
were in the Castle and the Tol booth on board of a man-of-war
which lay off Leith, and to transfer the seat of government to
Glasgow.

The news of Dundee's victory was everywhere speedily fol-
lowed by the news of his death ; and it is a strong proof of
the extent and vigor of his faculties, that his death seems every-
where to have been regarded as a complete set-off against his
victory. Hamilton, before he adjourned the Estates, informed
them that he had good tidings for them ; that Dundee was cer-
tainly dead ; and that therefore the rebels had on the whole
sustained a defeat. In several letters written at that conjunc-
ture by able and experienced politicians, a similar opinion is
expressed. The messenger who rode with the news of the
battle to the English Court, was fast followed by another who
carried a despatch for the King, and, not finding His Majesty
at Saint James's, galloped to Hampton Court. Nobody in the
capital ventured to break the seal ; but fortunately, afler the
letter had been closed, some friendly hand had hastily written
on the outside a few words of comfort : " Dundee is killed.
Mackay has got to Stirling ;" and these words quieted the
minds of the Liondoners.*

From the pass of Killiecrankie the Highlanders had retired,
proud of their victory, and laden with spoil, to the Castle of
Blair. They boasted that the field of battle was covered with
heaps of the Saxon soldiers, and that the appearance of the
corpses bore ample testimony to the power of a good Gaelic
broadsword in a good Gaelic right hand. Heads were found
cloven down to the throat, and skulls struck clean off just above
the ears. The conquerors, however, had bought their victory
dear. While they were advancing they had been much
galled by the musketry of the enemy ; and, even after the de-
cisive charge, Hastings's Englishmen and some of Leven's bor-
derers had continued to keep up a steady fire. A hundred

* Letter of the Extraordinary Ambassadors to the Greffier of the

States General, August ^, 1689 ; and a letter of the same date from
Van Odyck, who was at Hampton Court.
VOL. m. 13

! CnmeroiiH hail been slain ; tlie Iocs of the Macdoo-
been slill greater; and Beveral genlkuien of birth
ad fallen."

was buried in the churcli of Blair Albol ; but no

waa eretted over bis grave ; and tbe cburcb iifelf
Jisn|>peared A rude stone on the field of bntita
local tradition can be trusted, the place -*here hfl
I'inj; tbe last ibree monlbs of hia life he had R|k
uself a great warrior and polilieian ; and big noma
e mentioaed with reaped by that large class of peiw

tbink thai iliei^ is no exce^ of wickedneag lot
rage and ability do not atone,
-iuu:! thai Che two mwt remarkable battles that per-

ever gained by irregular over regular troops should

fought iii the saniii week ; ihe little of Killiecran-
he battle of New'on Butler. In both battlea the

the irregular troops was singularly rapid and oom-
bolh battlea tbe panic of tbe regular troops, ia
e conspiouous esiiinple of courage set by their gen-

singularly dii^graceful. It ought al>o to be noted
hese extraordinary victories, one was gained by

Saxons, and the other by Saxons over Cells. Tho

important iliaii the victory of Newion Butler, is far

HISTORY or ENGLAND. 291

he related how his own kindred had fled like hares hefore a
smaller number of warriors of a different breed and of a dif-
ferent tongue.

In Ireland the feud remains unhealed. The name of New-
ton Butler, insultingly repeated by a minority, is hateful to the
great majority of the population. If a monument were set up
on the field of battle, it would probably be defaced ; if a festi-
val were held in Cork or Waterford on the anniversary of the
battle, it would probably be interrupted by violence. The
most illustrious Irish poet of our time would have thought it
treason to his country to sing the praises of the conqueror&
One of the most learned and diligent Irish archaeologists of our
time has labored, not indeed very successfully, to prove that
the event of the day was decided by a mere accident from
which the English ry could derive no glory. We cannot won-
der that the victory of the Highlanders should be more cele-
brated than the victory of the Enniskilleners, when we con-
sider that the victory of the Highlanders is matter of boast to
all Scotland, and that the victory of the Enniskillene]*3 is mat-
ter of shame to three fourths of Ireland.

As far as the great interests of the State were concerned, it
mattered not at all whether the battle of Killiecrankie were
lost or won. It is very improbable that even Dundee, if he
had survived the most glorious day of his life, could have
surmounted those difficulties which sprang from the peculiar
nature of his army, and which would have increased tenfold
as soon as the war was transferred to the Lowlands. It is
certain that his successor was altogether unequal to the task.
During a day or two, indeed, the new general might flatter
himself that all would go welL His army was rapidly swollen
to near double the number of claymores that Dundee had
commanded. The Stewarts of Appin, who, though full of zeal,
had not been able to come up in time for the battle, were
among the first who arrived. Several clans, which had hitherto
waited to see whiph side was the stronger, were now eager to
descend on the Lowlands under the standard of King Jame»
the 8<*venth. The Grants, indeed, continued to bear true al-
iegiance to William and Mary ; and the Mackintoshes were
kept neutral by unconquerable aversion to Keppoch. But
Macphersons, Farquharsons, and Erasers came in crowds to
the camp at Blair. The hesitation of the Athol men was at
an end. Many of them had lurked, during the fight, among
the crags and birch trees of Killiecrankie, and, as soon as the

ilie day whs decided, had emerged rrom those biding-
*lri|) Qiid bulclier tlie fugitives wlio tried to escape by
Tiie Roberisons, a Gaelic race, tliougli heiiriiig ■
me, gave in at this conjutifiuni their adhe^un lo the
lie exiled king. Their chief, Alexander, who look
ation from his tordsliip of Stnian, was a very youttg
1 student at the University of Saint Andrew's. He
Acquired a amattering of letters, and had been inili-
1 more deeply into Tory polilici. He had now joined
land array, and continued, through a long life, lo be

0 the Jacobite cause. His part, however, in publio
i so insignilicant that hi^ name would not now he
•.-d, if he had not left a volume of poems, always
id mid often very proHigate. Had tliis book been
i-cd in Grub Street, it would scarcely have been
ritli a quarter of a lino in ttie DuncJad. But it
ioinc notice on account of the situation of the wriier.
idred and twenty years ago, an eciogue or a lampoon
■ a Highland chief was a literary portent.*

jugh tlie numerical sti'engtb of Cannon's forces was
, llicir efficiency was diminishing. Every new tribe
ed tlie camp brouglit with it some new cause of dis-
In the hour of peril, the most arrogant and mutinous

1 olleii submit to the f^idance of flupcrior genius.

HISTORY OF ENOLAND. 298

the late defeat ; and he was again ready for action. Cruel as
his sufferings had been, he had wisely and magnanimously
resolved not to punL^h what was past. To distinguish between
degrees of guilt was not easy. To decimate the guilty would
have been to commit a frightful massacre. His habitual piety
too led him to consider the unexampled panic which had
seized his soldiers as a proof rather of the divine displea&ure
than of their cowardice. He acknowledged with heroic hu-
mility that the singular firmness which he had himself dis*
played in the midst of the confusion and havoc was not hia
own, and that he might well, but for the support of a higher
power, have behaved as pusillanimously as any of the wretched
runaways who had tlirown away their weapons and implored
quarter in vain from the barbarous marauders of Athol. His
dependence on heaven did not, however, prevent him from
applying himself vigorously to the work of providing, as far as
human prudence could provide, against the recurrence of such
A calamity as that which he had just experienced. The imme-
diate cause of his defeat was the difficulty of fixing bayonets.
The firelock of the Highlander was quite distinct from the
weapon which he used in close fight. He discharged his shot,
threw away his gun, and fell on with his sword. This was the
work of a moment. It took the regular musketeer two or
three midutes to alter his missile weapon into a weapon with
which he could encounter an enemy hand to hand ; and during
these two or three minutes the event of the battle of Killie*
crankie had been decided. JVIackay, therefore, ordered all hia
bayonets to be so formed that they might be screwed upon the
barrel without stopping it up, and that his men might be able
to receive a charge at the very instant after firing.*

As soon as he learned that a detachment of the Gaelic army
was advancing towards Perth, he hastened to meet them at the
head of a body of dragoons who had not been in the battle, and
whose spirit was therefore unbroken. On Wednesday tlie
thirty-first of July, only four days after his defeat, he fell in
with the Robertsons near Saint Johnston's, attacked them,
routed them, killed a hundred and twenty of them, and took
thirty prisoners, with the loss of only a single soldier.f This
fkirmish produced an effect quite out of proportion to th#
Dumber of the combatants or of the slain. The reputation of

* Mackay's Memoirs.

t Mfickay's Memoirs } Memoirs of Sir £wan Cameron.

arm.? went down almost as fast aa it hud riaen.
■0 or Llirne d.iys it hud been everj-wbere imiigincd

arras wure invincSUie. There was now a reaciion.
■ceiveii that what liad happeneii at Killiecranlde waa
on to oi-di nary rules, and that the Higlihmdera were
It in very peculiar circiiinsiani;eB, a match forgood
Idiers.

iile the disorders of Cannon's camp went on increaf^
called a council of war to consider what coune il

advisable to take. But as soon as t!ie council had
liininary question was raised. Who were entitled to
ed ? The army was almost exclusively a Highland
lie recent victory had been won exclnsively by Uigh-
(irs. Great cliiefa, who liod brought six or eeren
ighting men into the fleld, did not tliink it fair that
d be outvoted by geutlemen from Ireland and from
:intry, who bure indeed King James's commission, and
^d Colonels and Captains, but who were Colonels
'giments and Captains without Mmpaniea. Lochiel
iip;ly in belialf of llio class lo which he belonged ;
n decided that the votes of the Sason officers should
id.'

lext considered what was to be the plan of the eam-
oeliicl wius for advancing, for marcliinfj' towards

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 295

frithdrawn himself in ill -humor, was no longer the 8a*ne terri-
ble column which had a few days before kept so well the vow
to perish or to conquer. Macdonald of Sleat, whose forces
exceeded in number those of any other of the confederate
chiefs, followed Lochiers example and returned to Sky.*

Macka3r'8 arrangements were by this time complete ; and he
had little doubt that, if the rebels came down to attack him,
the regular army would retrieve the honor which had been hist
at Killiecrankie. His chief difficulties arose from the unwise
interference of the ministers of the Crown at Edinburgh with
matters which ought to have been lefl to his direction. The
truth seems to be that they, after the ordinary fashion of men
who, having no military experience, sit in judgment on mili-
tary operations, considered success as the only test of the abil-
ity of a commander. Whoever wins a battle is, in the estima-
tion of such persons, a great general ; whoever is beaten is a
bad general ; and no general had ever been more completely
beaten than Mackay. William, on the other hand, continued
to place entire confidence in his unfortunate lieutenant. To
the disparaging remarks of critics who had never seen a skir-
mish, Portland replied, by his master^s orders, that Mackay
was perfectly trustworthy, that he was brave, that he under-
stood war better than any other officer in Scotland, and that it
was much to be regretted that any prejudice should exist
against so good a man and so good a soldier.f

The unjust contempt with which the Scotch Priry Council-
lors regarded Mackay led them into a great error which might
weU have caused a great disaster. The Cameronian regiment
was sent to garrison Dunkeld. Of this arrangement Mackay
altogetlier disapproved. He knew that at Dunkeld these troops
would be near the enemy ; that they would be far from all
assistance ; that they would be in an open town ; that they
irould be surrounded by a hostile population ; that they were
rery imperfectly disciplined, though doubtless brave and zeal-
oas ; that they were regarded by the whole Jacobite party
throughout Scotland with peculiar malevolence ; a^d that, in
all probability, some great effi^rt would be made to disgrace and
destroy them-t

* Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.

t See Portland's Letters to Melville, of April 22 and May 11, 1690
In the Leven and Molviile Papers.
I Mackay's Memoirs ; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron.

f9fl HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND.

The 6eneral*8 opinion was disregarded ; and the Camero*
nians occupied tlie post assigned to tliem. It soon appeared
that his forebodings were just. The inhabitants of tlie country
round Duiikcld furnished Cannon with intelligence, and urged
him to make a bold push. The peasantry of Athol, impatient
for spoil, came in great numbei*s to swell his army. The regi«
ment hourly expected to be attacked, and became discontented
and turbulent. The men, uitrepid, indeed, both from consti*
tution and from enthusiasm, but not yet broken to habits of
military submission, expostulated with Cleland, who com-
manded them. They had, they imagined, been recklessly, if
not perfidiously, sent to certain destruction. They were pro-
tected by no ramparts ; tliey had a very scanty stock of ammu-
nition ; they were hemmed in by enemies. An officer might
mount and gallop beyond reach of danger in an hour ; but the
private soldier must stay and be butchered. ^ Neither I/' said
Cleland, " nor any of my officers will, in any extremity, aban-
don you. Bring out my horse, all our horses ; they shall be
•hot dead." These words produced a complete change of feel-
ing. The men answered that the horses should not be tihot,
that they wanted no pledge from their brave Colonel except
his word, and that they would run tlie last hazard with him.
They kept their promise well. The Puritan blood was now
thoroughly up ; and what that blood was when it was up had
been proved on many fields of battle.

That night the regiment passed under arms. On the morn-
ing of the following day, the twenty-first of August, all the hills
round Dunkeld were alive with bonnets and plaids. Cannon's
army was much larger tlian that which Dundee had com-
manded. More than a thousand horses laden with baggage
accompanied his march. Both the horses and baggage were
probably part of the booty of Killiecrankie. The whole num^
ber of Highlanders was estimated by those who saw them nl
from four to five thousand men. They came furiously on.
The outposts of the Cameronians wei*e speedily driven in. The
assailants came pouring on every side into the streets. The
church, however, held out obstinately. But the greater part
of the regiment made its stand behind a wall which suiTounded
a house belonging to the Marquess of Athol. This wall, which
had two or three days before been hastily repaired with timber
and loose stones, the soldiers defended desperately with mus-
ket, pike, and halbert. Their bullets were soon spent ; but
•ome of the men were employed in cutting lead from the roof

BISTOBT OF KNaiiAND. S97

of the Marquess's house and shaping it into slugs. Meanwhile
all tlic neighboruig houses were crowded from top to bottom
with Highlanders, who kept up a galling fire from the windows*
Cleland, while encouraging his men, was shot dead. The com
mand devolved on Major Henderson. In another minute Hen<*
derson fell pierced with three mortal wounds. His place was
supplied by Captain Munro, and the contest went on with un-
diminished fury. A party of the Cameronians sallied forth,
fiet fire to the houses from which the fatal shots had come, and
turned the keys in the doors. In one single dwelling sixteen
of the enemy were burnt alive. Those who were in the fight
described it as a terrible initiation for recruits. Half the towa
was blazing; and with the incessant roar of the guns were
mingled the piercing shrieks of wretches perishing in the flames.
The struggle lasted four hours. By that time the Cameronians
were reduced nearly to their last flask of powder ; but their
spirit never flUgged. " The enemy will soon carry the walL
Be it so. We will retreat into the house ; we will defend it to
the last ; and, if they force their way into it, we will burn it
over their heads iLnd our own." But, while they were revolv-
ing these desperate projects, they observed that the fury of the
assault slackened. Soon, the Highlanders began to fall back ;
disorder visibly spread among them ; and whole bands began
to march off to the hills. It was in vain that their general or-
dered them to return to the attack. Perseverance was not one
of their military vii'tues. The Cameronians meanwhile, with
shouts of defiance, invited Amalek and Moab to come back and
to try another chance with the chosen people. But these ex-
hortations had as little eflect as those of Cannon. In a short
time the whole Gaelic army was in full retreat towards Blair.
Then the drums struck up ; the victorious Puritans threw their
caps into the air, raised, with one voice, a psalm of triumph
and thanksgiving, and waved their colors, colors which were on
that day unfurled for the first time in the face of an enemy,
but which have since been proudly borne in every quarter of
the world, and wliich are now embellished with the Sphinx and
the Dragon, emblems of brave actions achieved in Egypt and
in China.*

* Exact Narrative of the Conflict at Dankeld between the Earl of
Kngtu'B Reeiment and the Rebels, collected from several Officers of that
Beffiinent who were Actors in or Eye-witnesses of all that^s here narrated
b llefeiTnce to those Actions ; Letter of Licatenaat Blackader to hk

13*

HISTOnr OF ENGLAKU.

iieroiiinns haJ good reason to be joyful and tlianl^
■y Uiid aiiislied tlie wiir. In the rebel camp all wu
i dejection. The Highlanders blaihed Cannot
ined tlie Ilji^lilanders ; aiid the hosi wLieb had been
of Sooilaii.i mclt<'d fast awny. The confederal*
d an as-oelalion by which they declared themaelYct
iccls of King Jamefl, and bound ihemselves to meet
uiuro lime. Having gone through this form, — for
none, — ihey departed, each to his iiomc. Uannoo
hiuon retired to the Isle of Mull. The Lowlandeis
lluued Dundee to tlie mountains shifted for tben^
■ley best could. On the twenty-fourth of August,
■ weeks after ihe Gaelic army had won the ballls
mkie, that army ceai^ed to exisL It ceased to exist,
f of Montrose had, more tlian forty years earlier;

t by a natural dissolution, the eQ'ect oT iotemal nial-
All the fruits of victory were gathered by the van-

riie Cwitle of Blair, which bad been the iinmediala

e contest, opened its gates lo Mackay; and a chain
posts, extending noi'thward as far as Inverness,

le culiiiiilors of the plains against the predatory

.he mOLiiilaineers.

le auiuinn, the goTernment was much more annoyed

mSTOBI or EMGLAMB. 3M

Hut pablic mind gradnall}' subsided. The Govemmeot, aflet
8om« hesitation, veotured to open the Courts of Justice whicL
the Estates had closed. The Lords of Session appointed by
the King took their scats ; and Sir James Ualrjmple presided.
The Club attempted to induce the advocales to absent them-
Bclves from the bar, and entertained some hope that the mob
would pull the judges from tlie bench. But it speedily became
dear that there was much mote likely to be a scarciiy of feet
tfaao of lawyers to take them ; the common people of Edia-
burgh were well pleased to flee again a tribunal associated in
their minds with the dignity and prosperity of their city ; and
by many signs it appeared that the false and greedy faodon
which had commanded a majority of the legialattire did not
eommand a majority of the nation.*

nwfll b« bMtrtaOidii

HISIOST OF EMeLAMD.

CHAPTER XIV.

T-FOUB hours before the war in Scolland wm bronghl
by ilie discoioCture of ibe Celiic army nt Duiikeld,
iiuent broke up at Westrainstm Tli« Houses bad
iiiice Jaiiuiiry witbout a recess. The Commons, who

ed up in a nnrrow space, bad suffered severely from
iliicomfort ; uud Ibe bealih of many members bad
'. Tbe fruit, bowevcr. Lad not been proportioned
Tlie last Ibree montbs of tbe session had been aJ-
■ely wasted in di^iiules, wbich have left no trace in
e Book. The progress of salutary lans had been
iomelimes by bickerings between Ibe Whigs and the
d soraelimes by bickeiings between the Lords and

volution bad scarcely been accomplisbed when it ap-
it the supporters of ihe Exclusion Bill had not for-
at tbey bad suffered during ibe ascendency of ibeir
lid were bent on obtaining both reparation and re-

HZ8TOBT OF ENGLAND. 801

by them, was sent down to the Lower House, and was wel-
corned there with no common signs of emotion. Many of the
members had sate in that very chamber with Russell. He liad
long exercised there an influence resembling the influence
which, within the memory of this generation, belonged to the
apright and benevolent Althorpe; an influence deiived, not
from superior skill in debate or in declamation, but from spot
less integrity, from plain good sense, and from that frankness^
that simplicity, that good-nature, which are singularly graceful
and winning in a man raised by birth and fortune high above
his fellows. By the Whigs, Russell had been honored as a
chief; and his political adversaries had admitted that, when he
was not misled by associates less respectable and more artful
than himself, he was as honest and kind-hearted a gentleman as
any in England. The manly firmness and Christian meekness
with which he had met death, the desolation of his noble house,
the misery of the bereaved father, the blighted prospects of the
orphan children,* above all, the union of womanly tenderness
and angelic patience in her who had been dearest to the brave
sufferer ; who had sate, with the pen in her hand, by his side at
the bar, who had cheered the gloom of his cell, and who, on
his last day, had shared with him the memorials of the great
sacrifice, had softened the hearts of many who were little in
the habit of pitying an opponent. That Russell had many
good qualities, that he had meant well, that he had been hardl)
used, was now admitted even by courtly lawyers who had as*
sisted in shedding his blood, and by courtly divines who had
done their worst to blacken his reputation. When, therefore,
the parchment which annulled his sentence was laid on the table
of that assembly in which, eight years before, his face and hia
voice had been so well known, the excitement was great. One
old Whig member tried to speak, but was overcome by hia
feelings. "' I cannot," he said, *^ name my Lord Russell with-
out disorder. It is enough to name him. I am not able to

* Whether the attainder of Lord Russell would, if unrerersedj have
prevented his son from succeeding to the enrldoin of Bedford, is a diOi*
cult question. The old Earl collected the opinions of the greatest lawyeri
of the age, which may still be seen among the archives at Wobum. .t it
remarkable that one of these opinions is signed by Femberton, who had
presided at the trial. This circumstance seems to prove tliat the fa aiij
did not impute to him any injustice or cruelty ; and, In truth, he h» i be>
haved as well ai any jadge, before the lievolation, ever beJtaved »q i
limilar occasion.

Many eyes were directed townrds that partof tlu
■re Finch sate, Tlie highly honorable manner in
laii quitiei] a lucrative oflice.ad soon as he had found
iuld not keep it without aup|>oriing the diFpeuBinj;
1 the conspicuous part which he had borne in the de«
10 Uishopa, had done much to alone for bis fuulta.
i duy, it could not be forgotten thai he had Btreouously
mself, as counsel for the Crown, to obtain Uiat judj^
h was now to be sobinnly revoked. He roee, and
to defend his conduct; but neither hU legal acuteacw,

nry pi<l, and of which none of his family had a larger
L himself, availed him on this occasion. Tbe House

humor to hear bim, and repeatedly interrupted him
■ " Order," He bad been treated, he was told, with
ilgenee. No accusation had been brought against
y then should he, under pretence of viuJicaling him-
pt to throw dishonorable imputaliona on an illusuioiu

to apologize for a judicial murder? He was forced
1, alter declaring that he meant only to clear himself
[charge of having exceeded the limits of his iirofes-
y ; that he disclaimed all intention of attacking tbe
Lord Uussell ; and that he should sincer>^ly rejoice
;rsing of llie altjiiiider. Before tbe House rose Ibe

HI8TORT OF KNGLAKD. 808

of Commons. It was resolved that the scourgf a^ which he had
undergone wap cruel, and that his degradation was of no legal
effect. The latter proposition admitted of no dispute ; for he
had been degraded by the prelates who had been appointed to
govern the diocese of London during Compton's suspension.
Compton had been suspended by a decree of the High Com*
mission ; and the decrees of the High Commission were uni«
▼ersallj acknowledged to be nullities. Johnson had therefore
been stripped of his robe by persons who had ro jucisdiction
over him. The Commons requested the King to compensate
the sufferer by some ecclesiastical prefermenL* Williami
however, found that he could not, without great inconvenience,
grant this request. For Johnson, though brave, honest, and
religious, had always been rash, mutinous, and quarrelsome ;
and, sinoe he had endured for his opinions a martyrdom more
terrible than death, the infirmities of his temper and under-
standing had increased to such a degree that he was as dis-
agreeable to Low Churchmen as to High Churchmen. Like
too many other men, who are not to be turned from the path
of right by pleasure, by lucre, or by danger, he mistook the
impulses of his pride and resentment for the monitions of con-
science, and deceived himself into a belief that, in treating
friends and foes with indiscriminate insolence and asperity, he
was merely showing his Christian faithfulness and courage«
Burnet, by exhorting him to patience and forgiveness of
injuries, made h\fa. a mortal onemy. *^ Tell His Lordship,**
Baid the inflexible priest, ^ to mind his own business, and tc
Jet me look after mine."t It soon began to be whispered that
Johnson was mad. He accused Burnet of being the author of
the report, and avenged himself by writing libels so violent
that they strongly confirmed the imputation which they were
meant to refute. The King, therefore, thought it better so
give out of his own revenue a liberal compensation for the
wrongs which the Commons had brought to bis rotice, than to
place an eccentric and irritable man in a situation of dignity
and public trust. Johnson was gratified with a present of a
thousand pounds, and a pension of three hundred a year for
two lives. His son was also provided for in the public ser-
vice.{

* Commons' Joarnals, Jane 24, 1689.

t Johnson tells this story himself, in his strange pamphlet entitled
Notes upon the Phcenix Edition of the Pastoral Letter, 1694.

t Some Memorials of the Reverend Samnel Johnson, prefixed to tin
^liu cUiiion of hi:t works. I71U

I llm Coramoi); were considering the cose of Jot.aMn

re Bcrutiuising witb sevtirity ihe proceediogt

lid, in llio lale reign, beeu inetituied n^aiitst one of

p order, the Earl of Devonshire. The juiiges who had

ilence on him were strictly intcrrogaied ; and a

ivos parsed declaring that in his case the pririlegea

L^'iige Jiiid been infringed, and that the Court of King'i

1 punishing a haatj blow by a fine of tliirty ibocEand

|iuil violated common justice and the Great Charter. •

which have becii mentioned, all parties seem

Lgreed in thinking that some public reparation was

t the fiercest passions both of Whigs and Tories were

Led by the noisy claims of a wretch whose sufferings,

Ithey might seem, bud been trifling when compared

'ines. Gates had come back, like a gliost from tlia

li^hinenC, to haunt the spots which bnil been polluted

The tliree years and a half which followed Ms

^ he had piissed in one of the cells of Newgale, except

,in days, tlie aiuiiversuriea of his perjuries, ho

p brought forth and set on the pillory. He was »till,

regarded by many fauatics aa a martyr; and it was

I they were able so far to corrupt his keepers that, in

e order.! from the govt-riimenl, his sufferings

liyuiL-d by mmiy indulgences. While olienders, who.

eiSTOHT or ENGLAND. SOA

seen ever; daj in WeUminster Hall and tbe (Jourt of Rn.
quests.* He fastened himself on bis old palrons, and, in thnt
dmwl which be aSected ns a mark of gentility, gave them tbe
history of liis wrongs and of liis hopes. Il wns impossible, he
uud, thnt now, when ihe good cause was triumphnnl, tbe dis-
coverer of the plot could be overlooked. " Charles gave me
nine hundred pouuda a year. Sure, William will give m«

In ft few weeks he brought bissentence before tbe House of
Lords by a writ of error. Tbis is a Bpeciea of appeal wbicb
raises no question of fact. The Lords, while sitting judictall;
on the writ of error, were not competent to examine whether
the verdict which pronounced Oales guihy was or was not
according to the evidence. All that they had to consider was,
whether, tbe verdict being supposed to be according to the
evidence, the judgment was legal. But it would have been
difficult even for a tribunal composed of vetenm magistrates,
and was almost imjiossible for an assembly of noblemen who
were all iitrongly biased on one side or on the other, and
among whom tlivre was at that time not a single person whose
mind had been disciplined by the study of jurisprudence, lo
look steadily at the mere point of law, abstracted from tbe
special circumstances of the case. In tbe viuw of one part;, a.
party which, even among the Whig peers, was probably a
minority, the appellant was a man who bad rendered inesli-
mable services to the cause of liberty and religion, and who had
been requited by long confinement, by degrading exposure,
and by torture not to be thought of without a shudder. The
m^ority of the House more justly regarded him as the falsest,
the most malignant, and tbe mo°t impudent being that had ever
disgraced the human furm. The aiglit of that brazen forehead,
the accents of that tying tongue, deprived them of all mastery
OTer themselves. Many of ibem doubtless remembered with

* In a ballad of tho time am the folloving linci : —
" Come listen, ye Whig;, lo m^ pitiful monn.
All }'ua lliiLt ture e;Ln, wljeii the Doclar hu nooe."

Tbew lino mnst have been in Moson'i head when ho wroia the Moplet—
" Witneits, ve Uills, ye JohnE'oiiB, Scats, Slieblieares)
Hark, to my call; fur soma of yoa liaTe ear«."
t North'! Exarnen, 224, 2S4. North aa^ " six haniired a year." BqI
I have wken the larger sum from the iinpudeni peiiiion whiuL Oatat
tddroMed v, the Commons, Juljr ZS, 16Sft. Sm the Jutunali.

HISTORY OF ENGLAKD.

I remorse that they had been his dupe*, and that, on

rjury induced iliuia to ebcd [he blooii of one or iheir
rious order. It wns not to be expecied that a crowd
nen undtr the inltueiice of feelings like Uieie would
he ccld impartialiij of a court of justice. Before
lo any deciition on the legal question which Titna

lalsea. He petitioned to be released ; but an objeo
ai^ed to his petition. He had described himself u a

Divinity i and their lordsliips refused lo acknotrl-
H3 Buch. He was brought 10 their bar, and asked
had gnidualed. He answered, "At the university
inca." Thii was no new instance of his mendacity
lery. His Salamnnm degree had been, during many
ivorlle llieme of all the Tory satirtsU fi'om Dryden
i ; and even on the Continent the Salamanca Doctor
iname in ordinary use.t The Lordi, in their hatred
EO far forgot thftir own dignity ns to treat this ridicu-
■r seriously. They ordered him to efface from hi«
e words, " Doctor of Divinity." He replied that he

h^onsciene^^^au^ii^ra^acconlinnl^eii^^^^

HI8T0BT OF ENGLAKIi. 901

whB notbing U. the purpose. To them, sitting as a court of
jostioe, be c ught to have been merely a John of Styles or a
John of Noi&es. But their indignation was violently excited.
Their habits were not those which fit men for the discharge of
judicial duties. The debate turned almost entirely on matters
to which no allusion ought to have been made. Not a singlo
peer ventured to affirm that the judgment was legal ; but much,
was said about the odious character of the appellant, about the
impudent accusation which he had brought against Catharine
of liraganza, and about the evil consequences which migot
(allow if so bad a man were capable of being a witness. ** There
is only one way," said the Lord President, ** in which I can
consent to reverse the fellow's sentence. He has been whipped
from Aldgate to Tyburn. He ought to be whipped from Ty-
burn back to Aldgate.*' The question was put. Twenty-three
peers voted for reversing the judgment ; thirty-five for affirm-
ing it,*

This decision produced a great sensation, and not without
reason. A question was now raised which might justly excite
the anxiety of every man in the kingdom. That question was
whether the highest tribunal, the tribunal on which, in the last
resort, depended the most precious interests of every English
subject, was at liberty to decide judicial questions on other
than judicial grounds, and to withhold from a suitor what was
admitted to be his legal right, on account of the depravity of
his moral character. That the supreme Ck)urt of Appeal
ought not to be sufiered to exercise arbitrary power, under the
forms of ordinary justice, was strongly felt by the ablest mea
in the House of Commons, and by none more strongly than by
Somers. With him, and with those who reasoned like him,
weie,on this occasion, allied many weak and hot-headed zealots
who still regarded Oates as a public benefactor, and who
imagined that to question the existence of the Popish plot was
to question the truth of the Protestant religion. On the very
morning after the decision of the Peers had been pronounced,
keen reflections were thrown, in the House of Commons, ou
the justice of their lordships. Three days later, the subject
was brought forward by a Whig Privy Councillor, Sir Robert
Howard, member for C;istle Rising. He was one of the Berk-
shire branch of his noble family, a branch which enjoyed, in

* Lards' Joamals, May 31, 1689 ; Commons' JoomaU, Angut ^
tforUi'ft £xamen, 224 ; Narcisstu LuUrcU's Diary.

HISTOBT OF ENQLAITD.

lie unenviuble distinction of being wonderfully fertila

The poetry uf tlie Berkshire Howards wu

I three generations of satiriats. The mirth began

reprcsemaiion of the Rehearsul, and t^ontiaued

e last ediiioa of the Dunciad.* But Sir lioben, ia

laA verses, and of eomc foibleii and vanilifij wbich

lim to Ik hrought on the stage utider ihe name of

Atall, had in parliuineol the weight which ■

l-ty mail, of ample fortune, of illuslriuus niuno, cf

and of resolute spirit can scarcely fail to poa*

: rose to call the attention of the Commons to

I' Oiitea, some Tories, animated by Ihe same passioni

prevailed in the other House, received him wiili

In spite of Ibis most unjiarliamentiiry insult, lie

and it soon appeared tliat the majority wns with

•■ orators extolled the iialriottsm and courage of

;rs dwell much on a jirerailing rumor, tluil the

lio were employed against him on behalf of Ihe

i distributed large sunia of money among the jury-

se were topics on which there whs modi diflerence

But that the sentence wrh illegal was a proposition

litted of no dispute. The most eminent lawyers in

lof Commons declared thai, on thispoint, they entirely

a Ihe opinion given by the Judges in the House of

Bhoae who bad hissed when the subje'

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 809

•

gerouft. It was thought expedient to take a middle coursoi
An addross was presented to the King, requesting him to
pardon Oates.* But this concession only made bad worse.
Titus had, like every other human being, a right to justice ;
but he was not a proper object of mercy. If the judgment
Against him was illegal, it ought to have been reversed. If it
▼as legal, there was no ground for remitting any part of it.
Che Commons, very properly, persisted, passed their bill, and
^nt it up to the Peers. Of this bill the only objectionable
part was the preamble, which asserted, not only that the judg-
ment was illegal, a proposition which appeared on the face of
the record to be true, but also that the verdict was corrupt, a
proposition which, whether true or false, was not proved by any
evidence at all.

The Lords were in a great strait They knew that they
were in the wrong. Yet they were determined not to proclaim,
in their legislative capacity, that they had, in their judicial
capacity, been guilty of injustice. They again tried a middle
course. The preamble was softened down ; a clause was added
which provided that Oates should still remain incapable of be-
ing a witness ; and the bill thus altered was returned to the
Commons.

The Commons were not satisfied. They rejected the amend-
ments, and demanded a free conference. Two eminent Tories,
Rochester and Nottingham, took their seats in the Painted
Chamber as managers for the Lords. With them was joined
Bumet, whose well-known hatred of Popery was likely to give
weight to what he might say on such an occasion. Somers
was the chief orator on the other side ; and to his pen we owe
q singularly lucid and interesting abstract of the debate.

The Lords frankly owned that the judgment of the Court
of King's Bench could not be defended. They knew it to be
illegal, and had known it to be so even when they affirmed it.
But they had acted for the best. They accused Oates of bring-
ing an impudently false accusation against Queen Catharine ;
they mentioned other instances of his villany ; and they asked
whether such a man ought still to be capable of giving testi-
mony in a court of justice. The only excuse which, in their
opinion, could be made for him, was, that he was insane ; and
m truth, the incredible insolence and absurdity of his behavior
when he was last before them, seemed to warrant the belief

• Lords' Journals, June C, 1689.

BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

I had been tamtd, nnd that he was rot to be

Isilh the Uvps of olher men. Tho Lonls uotiU nat,

, Ucgmde the mac Ives by cxpivssly rescinding wliut

I done ; nor I'ould tlii^y consent to pronounce the vnf-

f.r evidoni« than common report.

iply was complete and Iriumphimt, '" Oalea is now

I |>art of the question, lie hm, your Lord:^hip«

y accused the Queen Dowager and other innoeenl

Be it M>. Tliis bill gives liim no indemnity. W«

wilhng that, if he is guilly, he sIihU be punislieii>

Hiim, and for all Englishmen, we demand that puDiaU*

III! be regulated by law, and not by the arbitrury dia*

ftr any iribunul. We demnnd that, when a writ of error

r Lordships, you ijhiill give judgment on il nucord-

own CUSI01I13 and stalules of (he realm. We deny

J have any right, ort.such occasions, to take into consiit-

|he morul churaeter of a plaintilf, or the political e%ct

wledged by yourselves that you havs^

Iteuuuse you thought ill of ibis man, utfirniud & judg-

ieli you knew to he illegal. Against this a&;umptioD

fury power the Comuiona protest; and they hope that

V redeem what you must feel lo be an error. Your

' ' n that Oaies id mud. That a maa

y be a very good reason lor not punishing him at

1 him a pun-

* RI8T0BT OP ENGLAKD. 811

ComoionR were evidently flushed with their victory in the argu-
ment, and proud of the appearance which Somers had made in
the Painted Chamber. They particularly charged him to see
that the report which he had made of the conference was ac-
curately entered in the Journals. The Lords very wisely ab-
stained from inserting in their records an account of a debate
in which they had been so signally discomfited. But, though
conscious of their fault, and ashamed of it, they could not be
brought to do public penance by owning, in the preamble of
the Act, that they had been guilty of injustice. The minority
was, however, strong. The resolution to adhere was carrid
by only twelve votes, of which ten were proxies.* Twenty-
one Peers protested. The bill dropped. Two Masters in
Chancery were sent to announce to the Commons the final
resolution of the Peers. The Commons thought this proceed-
ing unjustifiable in substance and u^courteous in form. They
determined to remonstrate ; and Somers drew up an excellent
manifesto, in which the vile name of Oates was scarcely men-
tioned, and in which the Upper House was, with great earnest-
ness and gravity, exhorted to treat judicial questions judicially,
and not, under pretence of administering law, to make law.f
The wretched man, who had now a second time thrown the
political world into confusion, received a pardon, and was set
at liberty. His friends in the Lower House moved an address
to the Throne, requesting that a pension sufficient for his sup-
port might be granted to him4 He was consequently allowed
about three hundred a year, a sum which he thought unworthy
of his acceptance, and which he took with the savage snarl of
disappointed greediness.

From the dispute about Oates sprang another dispute which
might have produced very serious consequences. The instru-
ment which had declared William and Mary King and Queen
was a revolutionary instrument. It had been drawn up by an
assembly unknown to the ordinary law, and had never received
the royal sanction. It wivs evidently desirable that this great
contract between the governors and tlie governed, this liile-deed
by which the King held his throne, and the people their liber-
ties, should be put into a strictly regular form. The Declara-

* Lords' JoamaU, July 30, 1689; Narcissus Luttreirs Diary ; Clares-
ion's Diiiry, July 31, 1 663.
1 Sec the Commons' Journals of July 31 and Aogost 13, 1689.
I.CommoQs' Joura^s, Aug. 20.

HISTOltr OF F.NOLJL1TD.

-iillies

% (herefore, (orned into n
s speedily passed llie Coi

BilUfRigliln: and

: but i

tbe

Julamtion had settled the crown, first on Willium anH

Btlj', then on the survivor of the two, then on Mary's

1 Anne and her posterity, and, lastly, on the

Lr William by any other wife than Mary. The Bill

I drawn in exnet conformity with ilie Ueclnration.

I to succeed if Mnry, Anne, and William ^liould all

■t posterity, wiia left in uncertainty. Yet the event

I provision was mude wii« far from improbalile.

really came to pass. Willium hnd never Iitui n

ie hiid repeatedly been a mother, but had no child

n'ould not be very strange if, in a few montltn, di»-

r treason, should remove all those who stood in ths

I n-hat Rtate would ibe country then bn left ? To

allegiance be due? The bill, indeed, contained a

ich excluded PapUta from the throne. \iM would

iupply the jiluce of a clause desif^nating the suc-

i 'i What if the next heir should be a prince of

I of Savoy not three months old ? It would be absurtl

infant a Papist. Wit4 lie then to he proclaimed

^ ihe crown to be in abeyance till he came to

I which he might be capable of ciioo-^ing a religion ?

* HI8T0BT OF ENGLAKD. 818

people were neither Jacobites nor repablicans. Tet not a
dingle voice was raised in the Lower House in &Yor of the
clause wliich in the Upper House had been carried by accla-
mation.* The most probable explanation seems to be that the
gross injustice whicli had been committed in the case of Oatea
had irritated the Conmions to such a degree that they were
glad of an opportunity to quarrel with the Peers. A confer-
ence was held. NeiUier assembly would give way. While
the 'dispute was hottest, an event took place which, it might have
beeii thought, would have restored harmony. Anne gave birth
to a son. The child was baptized at Hampton Court with
great pomp, and with many signs of pubUc joy. William was
one of the sponsors. The other was the accomplished Dorset,
whose ix>of had given shelter to the Princess in her distress.
The King bestowed his ovm name on his godson, and announced
to the splendid circle assembled round the font that the little
William was henceforth to be called Duke of Gloucester.!
The birth of this child had greatly diminished the risk against
which the Lords had thought it necessary to guard. They
might therefore have retracted with a good grace. But their
pride had been wounded by the severity with which their de-
eision on Oates's writ of error had been censured in the Painted
Chamber. They had been plainly told across the table that
they were unjust judges ; and the imputation was not the lesa
irritating because they were conscious that it was deserved.
Tliey refused to make any concession ; and the Bill of Rights
was suffered to drop4

But the most exciting question of this long and stormy ses-
sion was, what punishment should be inflicted on those men
who had, during the interval between the dissolution of the
Oxford Parhament and the Revolution, been the advisers or
the tools of Charles and James. It was happy for England
that, at this crisis, a prince who belonged to neither of her

* Oldmixon accuses the Jacobites, Barnet the repablicans. Though
Burnet took a prominent part in the discussion of this question, his ao
oonnt of what passed is grossly inaccurate. He says that the clause was
narmly debated in the Ck>mmons, and that Hampden spoke strongly for
it But we learn from the Journals (June 19, 1689,) that it was rejected
ntmbie contradicaUe, The Dutch Ambassadors describe it as '' uei pro-
Oon'tie 'twelck geen ingressie schynt te sullen vinden."

t London Gazette, Aug. I, 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

I The history of this Hill may be traced in t!ie Journals ii ike ttfo
fioaa4M, and in Grey's Debases.

VOL. 111. 14

mSTOm OF KNCLAND.

ho loved neither, who liiiicd neither, and wha^ fi*

iie moderator between lli.'in.

pnrli&s were now in a position closely reseml ling
L'h they hjid been iwenty-eight years before. The

: can be found in history. Both the Kedtoratioa and
tion were accomplished by coalitions. At the EU^
MB politicians who were peculiarly zealous for lib>
d to retSstablish monarchy ; at the Revolution, tho«s
vho were peculiarly zealous for monarchy aasiKted
1 liberty. Tlie Cavalier would, al tlie former uon-
iive been able to effect nothing without the help of
ho had fought for the Covenant; nor would the

lilrary power, had he not been backed by men who
short time before condemned resistance to arbitrary
deadly i^iti. Conspicuoud among those by wtioin, in
lyikl family was brought btuik, were Uoili», wlio liad,
of the tyranny of Cbailes the First, held down tbo
lUe chair by m^n force, while Black Koil knocJied
>n in vain ; Ingold-sby, whose name was pubscribed
noralde death warrant ; and Prynne, whose ears
mil off, and wlio, in return, bad home the chief part

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 315

occasions those whom he had disappointed of their revenge
marmured bitterly against the government which had been
6o weak and ungrateful as to protect Its foes against itB\
friends.

So early as the twenty-fifth of March, William called the
attention of the Commons to the expediency of quieting the
public mind by an amnesty. lie expressed his hope that a bill
of general pardon and oblivion would be as speedily as poesible
presented for his sanction, and that no exceptions would be
made, except such as were absolutely necessary for the vindi*
cation of public justice and for the safety of the state. The
Commons unanimously agreed to thank him for this instance
of his paternal kindness ; but they suffered many weeks to past
without taking any step towards the accomplishment of his wish*
When at lengUi the subject was resumed, it was resumed in such
a manner as plainly showed that the majority had no real inten-
tion of putting an end to the suspense which embittered the
lives of all those Tories who were conscious that, in their zeal
for pi-erogative, they had sometimes overstepped the exact line
traced by law. Twelve categories were framed, some of which
were so extensive as to include tens of thousands of delin-
quents ; and the House resolved that, under every one of these
categories, some exceptions should be made. Then came the
examination into the cases of individuals. Numerous culprits
and witnesses were summoned to the bar. The debates were
long and sharp ; and it soon became evident that the work was
interminable. The summer glided away ; the autumn was
approaching ; the session could not last much longer ; and of
the twelve distinct inquisitions, which the Commons had re-
solved to institute, only three had been brought to a close. It
was necessary to let the bill drop for that year.*

Among the many oflfenders whose names were mentioned in
the course of tliese inquiries, was one who stood alone and un«
approached in guilt and infamy, and whom Whigs and Toriet
were equally wiUing to leave to the extreme rigor of the law.
On that terrible day which was succeeded by the Irish Night,
the roar of a great city disappointed of its revenge had foU
lowed Jeffreys to the drawbridge of the Tower. His imprison-
ment was not strictly legal ; but he at first accepted with thimks

* See Grey's Debates, and the Commons' Journals from March to
JvIt. The twelve categories will be found in the Journals of the S8d
and S9tb of May, and ofthe Sih of Juno.

HISTOBT OF ENOLAICD.

nga the protection which those dark walls, made

so many crjmcjs luid sorrows, atfonled him against
■ the taallitude.' Soon, however, lie became aensi-
is lifV-was stiU in imminent peril. For a lime he
imjjcif with the hope that a writ of Habeas Oorpug
rate liim from hLs confinement, and that he cihould b^
i\ away to some foreign country, juid to hide himself
if liis ill-gotten weaJlh from the detestatioQ of man-

till the government was settled, ihei-e was no Court
to graut a writ of Habeas Corpus ; and, as soon ai
irnont had baen setllfd, the Habeas Corpus Act
ided.t Whether the legal guilt of murder could ba
ime to Jeffi-eys may be doubled. But he was morally
> many murders that, if there had been no other way
5 his life, a retrospective Act of Attainder would

triumph over the fallL'u ha.-^ never been one of the
lins of Englishmen ; but the hatred of which Jef*
Jje object was witliout a parallel in our history, and
1 too largely of the savagene.'W of liia own nature.
?, where he was coocemed, wure as cruel as himself,
d in his misery as he had been accustomed to eiult
iry of convicts listening to the sentence of death, and
clad in mourning. The rabble congregated before

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 3 11

log of teeth, to Uie worm that never dies, to the fire that is
never quenched. They exhorted him to hang himself in hlft
garters, and to cut his throat with his razor. Thej put up
horrible prayers that he might not be able to repent, that he
might die the same hard-heaned, wicked Jeffreys that he had
lived.* His spirit, as mean in adversity as insolent and in-
human in prosperity, sank down under the load of public abhoi^
renoe. £Lis constitution, originally bad, and much impaired
by intemperance, was completely broken by distress and
anxiety. He was tormented by a cruel internal disease, which
the most skilful surgeons of that age were seldom able to re*
lieve. One solace was left to him, brandy. Even when ha
had causes to try and councils to attend, he had seldom gone
to bed sober. Now, when he had nothing to occupy his mind
save terrible recollections and terrible forebodings, he aban-
doned - himself ^vithout reserve to his favorite vice. Many
believed him to be bent on shortening his life by excess. He
thought it better, they said, to go off in a drunken fit than to
be hacked by Ketch, or torn limb from limb by the populace.

Once he was roused from a state of abject despondency by
an agreeable sensation, speedily followed by a mortifying <li^
appointment. A parcel had been left for him at the Tower.
It appeared to be a barrel of Colchester oysters, his favorite
dainties. He was greatly moved ; for there are moments when
those who least deserve affection are pleased to think that they
inspire it. ^ Thank God," he exclaimed, " I have still some
friends left." He opened the barrel ; and from among a heap
of shells out tumbled a stout halter.f

It does not appear that one of the flatterers or buffoons whom
he had enriched out of the plunder of his victims came to com-
fort him in the day of trouble. But he was not left in utter
sotitude. John Tutchin, whom he had sentenced to be flogged
every fortnight for seven years, made his way into the Tower,
and presented himself before the fallen oppressor. Poor

♦ See, among many other pieces, Jeffrcys's Elegy, the I«etter to tha
Lord Chanocllor exposing to him the sentiments of the people, the Elegr
on Dangerfield, Dangerfield's Ghost to Jeffreys, the Humble Petition of
Widows and fatherless Children in the West, the Lord Chancellor's Dis-
covery and Confession made in the time of his sickness in the Tower {
Hickeringill's Ceremonymonger ; a broadside entitled ** O rare show ! O
rare sight! O strange monster ! The like not in Europe! To be
Bear ^wer Hill, a few doors beyond the Lion's den.'' -

t. Life and Death of Qeoi^ge Lord Jeffreys.

niSTOUT OV ENQLAND,

nbled to the dusi, behaved with abject civility, and
ifine. " I am glad sir," be aaiJ, " to see you."
glad," answered the resentful Whig, " to see your
this place." " I eerved my mu3ter," gaid Jeffreys j

aaid Tuiuhin, " when you passed that eeDteiiue od
liestcr ? " " It was set down in my ioatruetions,"
^ffreys, fawningly, " tliut I was to show no mercy

you, men of parts aud courage. When I went
■t 1 was reprimanded for my lenity,"" Evtii TuW
nious as was his nature, and great &.s were liia
m to have been a little molhfied by the pitiable
iiich he had at fli-st contemplated with vindietjva
le always denied the trulli of tlic report that Im
ion who aenl the Colchester barrel lo the Tower.
enevoleiit man, John Sharp, llie excellent I>t;tui of
reed himself W visit the prisoner. It whs n pai»-
t Sharp had been treated by Jeffreys, to old timeH,

it was in the nature of Jeffreys la treat anybody,
a or twice been able, by patiently waiting till thu
aes and invectives had spent itself, and by dexler-
; tlie moment of good-bumor, to obtain for unhappy
e mitigation of tlieir sufferings. The prisoner waa
d pleased. " What," he said, " dare you own me
was in vain, however, that the amiable divine tried
lary pain to that seared conscience. Jeffreys, in-

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 319

renowned, was aummoned, probably on the recommendation of
his Ultimate fiiend Sharp, to the bedside of the dying luan.
It was in vain, however, that Scott spoke, as Sharp had ulreadj
spoken, of the hideous butcheries of Dorcliester and Taunton.
To the last, Jeffreys continued to repeat that those who thought
him cruel did not know what his oixlers were ; that he desei*ved
praise instead of blame, and that his clemency had drawn on
him the extreme displeasure of his master.*

Disease, assisted by strong diink and by misery, did its work
&st. The patient's stomach rejected all nourishment. He
dwindled in a few weeks from a portly and even corpulent man
fo a skeleton. On the eighteenth of April he died, in the forty-
first year of his age. He had been Chief Justice of the Eling's
Bench at thirty-five, and Lord Chancellor at thirty-seven. In
the whole histoiy of the English bar there is no other instance
of so rapid an elevation, or of so terrible a fall. The emaciated
corpse was laid, with all privacy, next to the corpse of Mon-
mouth in the chapel of the Tower.f

The fall of this man, once so great and so much dreaded, the
horror with which he was regarded by all the respectable
members of his own party, the manner in which the least re-

* See the Life of Archbishop Sharp, by his son. What passed be-
tween Scott and Jeffreys was relat(Ml by Scott to Sir Joseph Jekyl. See
Tindars History; Echard, iii. 932. Echbrd's informant, who is not
named, but who seems to have had good opportunities of knowhig the
troth, said that Jeffreys died, not, as the vulgar believed, of drink, bat of
the stone. The distinction seems to be of little importance. It is certain
that Jeffreys was grossly intemperate ; and his malady was one whidi
intemperance tiotononsly tends to aggravate.

t See a Full and True Account of the Death of George Lord Jeffreys,
licensed on the day of his death. The wretched Le Noble waa noTer
weary of repeating that Jeffreys was poisoned by the usurper. I will
give a short passage as a specimen of the calumnies of which William
was the object " H envoyn," says Pasqnin, " ce fin ragodt de chempiff-
nons an Chancclier Jeffreys, prisonnier dans la Tour, qui les troava oil
mSme goust, et du mfiiiie assaisonnement que furent les demiers dost
Agrippino rcgala le bon-homme Claudius son ^poux, et que Ncron ep-
pclla dcputs Ta viande dcs Dieux." Marforio asks : " Le Chancelier est
done mort dans la Tour ? " Pasquin answers : " II estoit trop fiddle li
son Koi legitime, et trop habile dans les loix du royaume, ponr ^chapper
k rUsurpateur quMl ne vouloit point rcconnoistro. Guillemot prit soin
de fairc publicr que ce malheureux prisonnier estoit attaqn^ d*une fi^vre
aialigne: mais, k parler frnnchement, il vivroit peutestre encore, s'il
I'avoit rien mang^ que de la ihnin de ses anciens cuisiniers." — Le Festin
d? Guillemot. 1689. Dangeau (May 7) mentk>ns a report that Jeffrey!
ked poisoued bimitelf.

BISTOBT OF

I inemlferB of that parly rctiounced fellowship wilh him

Kid threw on him the whole blame of crimet

fty liiid eiicounigeU hiin to commit, ought to have been

\ to tliose uitempenUe friends of liberty who wera

II new proscripLioD. But it was a lesson which

I of them di-regarded. The King hud, at the veiy

ent of his reign, displeased them by iippointiiig

i and Trimmers to high offices ; and tlie discon-

by these appointments had been inflamed br

■)t to obtain a general amnesty for the VBiiqui!she<L

' 1 truth not a man to be [Ktpular with the vindio

B of any faction. For among his jKculiarittes wM

J ungracious Iiuuiantly which rarely conciliated hit

Itli often provoked his adherents, but ia which bo

Iper.-iialed, without troubling himself either abont tha

BS8 of those whom he hao saved from destmcdon, or

rage of those whom he had disappointed of their

■Some of the Whigs now spoke of him as bitterly U

ever epoken of either of his uncles. He was a

r nil, and visa not a Sluart for nothing. Like ihe

: race, he loved arbitrary power. In Holland, he

lied in making himMiIf, under tlie forms of a repub-

scarcely Icsa absolute than the old hereditary

I been. In consequence of a strange combination

(^Imiceii, hia inlgrost had, during a short lime, coincided

QI8TOBT OF SNOLAKD. 8S1

iome fatare time, thej might serve him as unscrupulously v
they had served his father-in-law ? •

Of the members of the House of Commons who weie ani«
mated bj these feelings, the fiercest and most audacious was
Howe. He went so far on one occasion as to move that an in*
quirj should be instituted into the proceedings of the Parlia-
ment of 1685, and that some note of infamj should be put qq
all who^ in that Parliament, had voted with the Court. Thia
absurd and mischievous motion was discountenanced bj all the
most respectable Whigs, and strongly opposed by Birch and
Maynard-t Howe was forced to give way ; but he was a mao
whom no check could abash ; and he was encouraged by the
applause of many hotheaded members of his party, who were
far from foreseeing that he would, after having been the most
rancorous and unprincipled of Whigs, become, at no distant
time, the most rancorous and unprincipled of Tories.

This quickwitted, restless, and malignant politician, though
himself occupying a lucrative place in the royal household, de-
claimed, day afler day, against the manner in which the great
offices of state were filled ; and his declamations were echoed,
in tones somewhat less sharp and vehement, by other orators.
No man, they said, who had been a minister of Charles or of
James ought to be a minister of William. The first attack was
directed against the Lord President Caermarthen. Howe
moved that an address should be presented to the King, re-
questing that all persons who had ever been impeached by the
Commons might be dismissed from His Majesty's counsels and
presence. The debate on this motion was repeatedly adjourned.
While the event was doubtful, William sent Dykvelt to expos-
tulate with Howe. Howe was obdurate. He was what is vul-
garly called a disinterested man; that is to say, he valued
money less than the pleasure of venting his spleen and of mak-
ing a sensation. ^ I am doing the King a service," he said : ^ I

— — I — — • — "- —

* Among the numeroas pieces in which the malecontent Whigs vented
tiieir anger, none is more canons Uian the poem entitled the QbofC of
Charles the Second. Charles addresses William thns : •*

^ HaiL my blest nephew, whom the fates ordain
To fill the measure of the Stuart^s reifpi.
That all the ilU by our whole race designed
In thee their full accomplishment might find:
*Ti8 thou that art decreed this point to clear,
Which we have labored for these foursoore jmr.**

I Orey's Debates, June 12, 1689.

g him from false friends ; and, as to ray pUoe, that
■ be a gag lo prevent me from speaking my mind."

, dial mere aecusalion, never prosecuted to conric-
to be considered as a decisive pixwf of guilt, waa
1 miturai justice. The faults of Caermarthen hud
L'en great ; but they had been exaggerated by pany
biien expiated by severe suffering, aiid had been r—
recent and eminent services. At the time when ba
great county of York in arms against Popery and
; liad been assured by some of the most emiueni
t all old quarrels were forgoilen. Howe indeed
that the civilities which had passed in the moment
nilied noUiing. " When a viper is on my hand," ho
1 very tender uf liim ; but, as soon as 1 have him on
, 1 set my foot on him and cru^h hitn." The Lord
however, wiu so etrongly supported that, afii-r a dts<
\di lasted three days, his enemies did not venture to
aic of the House on the motion against him. la
of the debate, a grave constitutional question was
' raised, Thi>4 question was whether a pordoa

resolved, without a division, that a pardon could not

led.'

t aitflck was made on Halifax. He was in a ranch

iou^positioiWhai^Caerinarihen^w^

niSTOnT OF ENGLAND. 829

Tories and Trimmers a confidence which thej did not dcsenre^
He had, m a peculiar manner, entrusted the direction of Irish
afikirs to the Trimmer of Trimmers, to a man whose ability
nobody disputed, but who was not firmly attached to the new
government, who, indeed, was incapable of being firmly attached
to any government, who had always halted between two opinions,
and who, till the moment of the flight of James, had not g^veo
op the hope that the discontents of the nation might be quieted
without a change of d3masty. Howe, on twenty occasions, de*
Bignated Halifax as the cause of all the calamities of the coun-
try. Monmouth held similar language in the House of Lords.
Tliough First Lord of the Treasury, he paid no attention to
financial business, for which he was altogether unfit, and of
which he had very soon become weary. His whole heart was
In the work of persecuting the Tories. He plainly told the
King that nobody who was not a Whig ought to be employed
In the public service. William's answer was cool and deter-
mined. ** I have done as much for your friends as I can do
without danger to the state ; and I will do no more." * The
only efiect of this reprimand was to make Monmouth more
factious than ever. Against Halifax, especially, he intrigued
and harangued with indefatigable animosity. The other Whig
Lords of the Treasury, Delamere and Capel, were scarcely less
eager to drive the Lord Privy Seal from office ; and personal
jealousy and antipathy impelled the Lord President to conspire
with his own accusers against his rival.

What foundation there may have been for the imputations
thrown at this time on Halifax cannot now be fully ascertained.
His enemies, though they interrogated numerous witnesses, and
though they obtained William's Reluctant peimission to inspect
the minutes of the Privy Council, could find no evidence which
would support a definite chargcf But it was undeniable that
the Lord Privy Seal had acted as minister for L*eland, and that
Ireland was all but lost It is unnecessary and indeed absurd,
to suppose, as many Whigs supposed, that his administration
was unsuccessful because he did not wish it to be successful.
The truth seems to be that the difficulties of the situation were
great, and that he, with all his ingenuity and eloquence, was ill
qualified to cope with those difficulties. The whole machinery

* Bvnet MS. Harl. 65S4; Avaax to De Croissy, Jane, ^, 1689.
t Ab to the minutes of the PriTv Coandl, see the Commons' JonnuUf
if Juie 29 and 28, and of July 3, b, 13, wid 16.

Tieot was Di:t of joint ; and he ir&a nut the msti to set
tVliat was wanted was not whnt ht; had in large meas-
aste, amplitude of oumpreb elision, subtlety in draw-
ctions ; but what be had not, prompt decision, ia-
e energy, and stuhlwrn resolution. His mind was at

0 soil a temper for «uch work oa be had now lo do,
been recently made softer by severe affliction. He
I/O sons in less than twelve months. A letiec la sUU
which he at this time complained to his honored friend,
isell, of the desolation of his hearth and of the cruel
e of the Whigs. We possess, abo, the answer, in
■ gently exhorted him to seek for coni^olatioQ where
)und it under trials not less severe tlian his.*

-at attack on him was made in the Upper IIouss.
lig Lun]^ among whom the wayward and petulant

uld be requested to appoint a new speaker. The
Hntifax moved and carried the previous question, t
ee weeks later his persecutors moved, in a Committee
lole House of Commons, a resolution which imputed

y declared it to be advL-able that he should be dis-
)m Ihe service of the Crown. The debate was warm.
politicians of both parlies were unwilling lo pot a

1 a roan, not indeed faultless, but distinguished both

HISTORY OF BNOLAKD. 82d

nuik.* The Committee divided, and Halifax was absoKea by
a majority of fourteen.*

Had the division been postponed a few hours, the majority
would probably haye been much greater. The Commons voted
under the impression that Londondeiry had fallen, and that
all Ireland was lost. Scarcely had tiie House risen when a
ooarier arrived with news that the boom on the Foyle had been
broken. He was speedily followed by a second, who announced
the' raising of the siege, and by a third who brought the tidings
of the battle of Newton Butler. Hope and exultation suo-
oeeded to discontent and dismay.f Ulster was safe ; and it
was confidently expected that Schomberg would speedily re*
conquer Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. He was now
ready to set out The port of Chester was the place from
which he was to take his departure. The army which he was
to command had assembled there ; and the Dee was crowded
with men of war and transports. Unfortunately almost all
those English soldiers who bad seen war had been sent to
Flanders. The bulk of the force destined for Ireland con-
sisted of men just taken from the plough and the threshing-
floor. There was, however, an excellent brigade of Dutch
troops under the command of an experienced officer, the Count
of Solmes. Four regunents, one of cavalry, and three of in-
&ntry, had been formed out of the French refugees, many of
whom had borne arms with credit. No person did more to
promote the raising of these regiments than the Marquess of

* This was on Satarday the 3d of Angast As the dirision was in
Gommittee, the numbers do not appear in the Journals. Clarendon, in
his Diary, says that the majority was eleven. But Narcissus Luttrell,
Oldmizun, and Tindal agree in putting it at fourteen. Most of the little
information which I have been able to find about the debate is contained
in a despatch of Don Pedro de Konquillo. *^ Se resolvio/' he says, "que
el sabado, en comity de toda la casa, se tratasse del estado de la nacion
para representarle al Rey. Emperose por acusar al Marques de Oliiax;
J reconociendo sns emulos que no tcnian partido bastante, quisle! on re-
mitir para otro dia esta raocion : pcro el Conde de Elan, primogecito del
Marques de Olifaz, micmbro de la casa, les dijo que su padre no era
liombre para andar peloteando con el, y que se tubicsse culpa lo acabasea
da castigar, que el no havia mencster estar en la corte para portarse con-
Umne H su estado, pues Dios le havia dado abundamcnte para poderlo
baser ; con que por pluralidad de voces veneio sur partido." I suspect
that Lord Eland meant to sneer at the poverty of some of his father's per
Mentors, and at the medincss of others.

t This chan^ of feeling, inunediately following the debate ^n the mo

~~ for removnig llalifax, is noticed by Hoaquillo.

^^!3^H^H

nrgioKT of engl&nd.

He had been during lasaxy yetin aii eminently
d ustful servant of [he French goTeriimcnt. So liighlf
lerit apprecimed at VersaiUea that he had been bo*

accept indulgmiMs which scarcely any other herelie
my solicitation oblain. Had he chosen to ramain ia

country, he and his household would liave been per*
worL,hip God privately according to iheir own formL
;uy rejected all offers, cast in hia lot wiih his brethren,
pwards of eighty years of age, quitted VerEailtei,

might still have been a favorite, for a modeat dwell'
■eenwich. That dwelling was, during (he last month*

the resort of all that was most distinguished among hJM
lies. Hia abilities, hia experience and his mumficenl
made him the undisputed chief of the refugees. He
i same time half an Engliahman ; for hia sister had
ntess of Southampton, and he was uncle of Lady

He was long past the time of action. But hia two

men of eminent courage, devoted their swords to

e of William. The younger aon, who bore the name

uole, was appointed colonel of one of the Huguenot

of foot. The two other regiments of foot were
jd by La Melloniero and Cambon, olticers of high

nd bore his name. Ruvigny lived just long enough
s^rrangcraent^mipletej^^^^

H18TOBT OV ENGLAND. 327

Fran^ and had, at near eighty years of age, begun tin %orld
again as a needy soldier of fortune. As he had no conn ^c'lon
with the United Provinces, and had never belonged to the
little court of the Hague, the preference given to him over
English captains was justly ascribed, not to national or pei^
Bonal partiality, but to his virtues and his abilities. His deport-
ment differed widely from that of the other foreigners who had
joat been created Englbh peers. They, with many respect*
able qualities, were, in tastes, manners, and predilecticns,
Dutchmen, and could not catch the tone of the society to
which they had been transferred. He was a citizen of the
world, had travelled over all Europe, had commanded armies
on the Meuse, on the £bro, and on the Tagus, had shone in
tlie splendid circle of Versailles, and had been in high favor at
the court of Berlin. He had oflen been taken by French
noblemen for a French nobleman. He had passed some time
in England, spoke English remarkably well, accommodated
himself easily to English manners, and was often seen walking
in the park with English companions. In youth his habits had
been temperate; and his temperance had its proper reward,
i singularly green and vigorous old age. At fourscore he
retained a strong relish for innocent pleasures ; he conversed
nrith great courtesy and sprightliness ; nothing could be in bet-
ter taste than his equipages and his table ; and every cornet
of cavalry envied the grace and dignity with which the veteran
appeared in Hyde Park on his charger at the head of his reg-
imenL* The House of Commons had, with general approba-
tion, compensated his losses and rewarded his services by a
grant of a hundred thousand pounds. Before he set out ibr
Ireland, he requested permission to express his gratitude for
this magnificent present. A chair was set for him within the
bar. He took his seat there with the mace at his right hand,
rose, and in a few graceful words returned his thanks and took
his leave. The Speaker replied that the Commons could never
forget the obligation under which they already lay to His
Grace, that they saw him with pleasure at the head of an
English army, that they felt entire confidence in his zeal and
3U>ility, and that, at whatever distance he might be, he would
always be in a peculiar manner an object of their care. The

* See the Abr^g^ de la Vie de Frederic Due de Schoraberg by La*
mncj, 1690, the Memoirs of Count Dohoa, and the note of Saiat bimoo
m l5angeau*s Journal, July 30, 1690.

' ENGLAND.

at set on this interesting occasion was fulluiriMl witk

osi m'.nuteneas, a liundred and twenty-five yenrs 1at«r,

a''asik)U more intereating still. Exautly on the saino

wliich, in July 1689, Stiboniberg had acknowledged tlta

■y or the nation, a chair was set, in July, 181i.fork

p'H illustrious warrior, wlio came lo return thanks for ii

: splendid mark of public gralitude. Few lhing» il~

□ore fiWikingly the peculiar character of the Eiigliiilt

int and people tlian the circumstance ihat the Houm

sns, a popular ae^embly, should, even in a moment of

nlhusia^m, have adhered to ancient forms with [ha

IS accuracy of a College of Heralds ; that the sitting

Jrig, the covering and the uncovering, should have been

Ld by exactly the aame etiquette In the nineteenth cen-

ventecntb ; and that the same mace which had

right hand of Schomherg should have been

position at (he right hand of Wellington.*

ielh of August the Parliament, having he«D

lliy engnged in buniutsd dtiriuv gcven niQiUhs, broke up,

B'oyaL commiind, for a short recess. Tlie same Gasetle

ftimounticd that lliu Houses had ceased lo tiit, announced

■lomberg had landed in Ireland. t

; the three week^ which preceded his landing, the dia<
d conl'usioQ at Dublin Cuttle had been estreme. Dis-
iwed disaster so lust tlial the mind of James,

BI8TOBY OF BNOLAND. 639

the fiuglish and the Irish into a war a£ extirpation, and to
make it impossible that the two nations could ever be united
nnder one government. With this view, he coolly submitted
to the King a proposition of ahnost incredible atrocity. Thei*8
must be a Saint Bartholomew. A pretext would easily be
found. No doubt, when Schomberg was known to be in Ire«
land, there would be some excitement in those southern towns
of which the population was chiefly English. Any disturbance,
Vherevei it might take place, would furnish an excuse for •
general massac*re of the Protestants of Leinster, Munster, and
Connaught* As the King did not at first express any horror
lU this suggestion,! the Envoy, a few days later, renewed the
subject, and pressed II is Majesty to give the necessary orders*
Then James, with a warmth which did him honor, declared thai
nothing should induce him to commit such a crime. '* These
people are my subjects, and I cannot be so cruel as to cut their
throats while they live peaceably under my govemment.**
** There is nothing cruel,'' answered the callous diplomatist, *^ in
what I recommend. Your Majesty ought to consider that
mercy to Protestants is cruelty to Catholics." James, how-
ever, was not to be moved ; and Avaux retired in very bad
humor. His belief was that the King's professions of humanity
were hypocritical, and that, if the orders for the butchery were
not given, they were not given only because His Majesty was
confident that the Catholics all over the country would fall on
the Protestants without waiting for orders.^ But Avaux was
entirely mistaken. That he should have supposed James to
be as profoundly immoral as himself is not strange. But it is
strange that so able a man should have forgotten that Jame;)
and himself had quite different objects in view. The object
of the Ambassador's politics was to make the separation be*
tween England and Ireland eternal. The object of the King's
politics was to unite England and Ireland under his own scep-

* ** J'estois d'aTis qa*, apr^B que la descente seroit faite, si on apprenoil
^e del Protestans so fussent soalevez en qaelqaes endroits da royaome,

snfit main basse snr tous g^n^ralement." — Araux, ^'*^-^ 1689.

t "Le Roy d*Angleterre m^avoit ^cout^ assoz patsibleinent la premiere
Ibis que jc lay avoi:j propose ce qu'il y avoit k faire contre les Protestans."

— Avaux, Aug. fV'

I Araux, Aug. -j^. He says, '* Je m*imagine qn*il est persuade qa^
niai)a*il ne donne point d'orike sur cela, la plupait ies GuhoUquM dt
» campagne se jettercot sur lea Protestans.^'

niSTOBT OF ENQLAKD.

bo rojid not but be aware that, if there Bhould be ■
lassocre of the Prul^etants of three provinces, and h«

duspecieil of baviug authorized it, or of having con-
1, thei-ti would in u lortuight he not a Jacobite left
►sford.*

this time the prospect? of James, which had seemed
i dark, began to brighten. Tlie danger wliicli had

him hud roused the Irish people. They liad, six
efore. risen up as one man against the Saxons. The
ch Tyreoimel had formed was, in proportion to llw
11 from which it was laken, the largest [hat Rurop«
seen. But that array had susUiiiicd a long succesatoo
s and dLigraces, unredeemed by a single brilliant
eni. It was the fashion, borh in England and on ths
:, to ascribe those defeats and disgracee to the pusil-
jf the Irish race.f That thia was a gn'at error ia
y proved by the history of every war which has been
I ill any part of Chrisiendom during five generations.
material out of which a good army may he formed,
1 grejit abundance among the Irish. Avaux informed
■nraent that they were a remarkably handsome, tall,
-made race; that they were personally brave i that
i sincerely attached to llie cau*e for which they were
; that they were viglenrly exasperated against the
Afler extolling their strength and spirit, he pro

BISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 881

were suffered to pillage wherever they went Tlie}* liad co2«-
tracted all the habits of banditti. There was among them
scarcely one officer capable of showing them their duty. Their
colonels wore generally men of good family, but men who had
never seen service. The captains were butchers, tailors, shoe-
makers. Hardly one of them troubled himself about the com-
fortSy the accoutrements, or the drilling of those over whom he
was placed. The dragoons wei'e little better than the infantry.
But the horse, were, with some exceptions, excellent. Almost
all the Irish gentlemen who had any military experience held
eommissions in the cavalry ; and, by the exertions of these of-
ficers, some regiments had been laised and disciplined which
Avaux pronounced equal to any that he had ever seen. It
was, therefore, evident that the inefficiency of the foot and of
the dragoons, was to be ascribed to the vices, not of the Irish
character, but of the Irish administration.*

The events which took place in the autumn of 1689 suffi-
dently proved that the ill-fated race, which enemies and allies
generally agreed in regarding with unjust contempt, had, to-
gether with the faults inseparable from poverty, ignorance, and
superstition, some fine qualities which have not always been
found in more prosperous and more enlightened communities.
The evil tidings which terrified and bewildered James, stirred
the whole population of the southern provinces like the peal

* This account of the Irish army is compiled from nameroas letters
wnttcn by Avaux to Lewis and to Lewis's ministers. I will quote a
few of the most remarkable passages. " Lcs plus beaux hommes,'*
Aranx says of the Irish, '* qu'on pout voir. II n'y en a presquo point an
<!• flsous de cinq pieds cinq ^ six ponces." It will be remembered that the
French foot is longer than ours. 'Mis sont tr^s bien faits; mais il na
soot ny disciplinez ny armcz, et de surplus sont de grands voleurs." " La
piopart de ces regimens sont levez par dcs geniilstiommcs qui n'ont
jamais est^ k Tarm^. Co sont des tailleurs, dcs bouclicrs, des cordon-
nieiVy qui ont form^ les compagnics et qui en sont lcs Capitainea."
'Jamais troupes n'ont march^ comme font celles-cy. lis vont comme
Jes oandits, et pillent tout cc qu'ils trouvent en chemin." '* Quoi(^ii'il
foit vrai que les soldats paroisscnt fort r^solns k bien fkire, et qu'iis si lent
Ibrt animes contra les rebellcs, n^antmoins il ne snffit pas de cela pour
covnbattre. .... Les officiers subaltemes scut mauvais, et, k la reserve
i*aa tr^s petit nombre, il n'y un a point qui ayt Hoin des soldats, des
arroes, et de la discipline." *' On a bcaucoup plus de confiance en la
caTAleric, dont la plu;i grande partio est assez lK>nne." Avaux mentions
•everal regiments of horse with particular praise. Of two of these he
wys : *' On ne peut voir de meilleur r^gituent." The correctness of ths

S'okm which he had formed both of the infantry and of the cavalry was,
« hit depiutire from Ireland, signally proved at the Boyno.

UlSTMRT OF EKGLAKD.

rapet sounding to battle. That Ulstei was Iwt, Hat

re coining, that the <leath-gra[fplf between iIm

ans was at band, was proclaimed Troni all ibf

|ii' tliree and twenty couniieii. One last cliance wns left;

lice fiiiled, notbing remiLined but the ile-ipottc,

Krcikss rule of tbe Saxou colonj ami of the horetiod

1 The Roman Cutbolic finest who had just taken pa»>

I of the elcbe huuse and the chancel, the Konian Calbo*

s wlio bad juiit been carried back ou the sboiildfire at

iiing immntry into the ball of hid lathers, would be

|loi'ih to live on such alms as peasants, tlitoiselve* c^

lisenkblt, could spore. A new contiiication would

s tbe work ol' tbe Act of Settlement ; and tbe foUow-

ivould seize whaterer the roUowent of CrotDwell

riie^ uppreheniiions produced «ui:h an outbreak

1 religious enthuHiasm an deferred for a time the

Lie day of subjugation. Avaux was amazed b; tho

wbiub, in circuiujitances so trying, the Irish dL-played,

|iiideud the wild and unsteady energy of a half barbar-

las transient ; it was often misdirected ; bat

and misdirected, it did wonders. The French

■sudor was forced to own that those officers of whose in-

^uncy and iuoclivity be biid no oRun complained, bad

'iiikeu utf ihtir lethargy. Uecruita ciime in by

i i-iinks which bud been thinned under the

Londonderry

HI8TOBT OF ENOLAITD. SSti

he was described as the evil genius of the House of Stuart.
It was necessary for his own sake to dismiss him. An honor-
able pretext was found. He wae ordered to repair to Ver-
sailles, to represent there the state of affairs in Ireland, and to
implore the French government to send over without delay six
or seven thousand veteran infantry. He laid down the seals ;
and they were, to the great delight of the Irish, put into the
hands of an Irishman, Sir Richard Nagle, who had made
himself conspicuous as Attorney-General &nd Speaker of the
House of Ck>mmons. Melfort took his departure under cuver
of the night ; for the rage of the popukice against him was
Biich that he could not without danger show himself in the
streets of Dublin by day. On the following morning James
left his capital in the opposite direction to encounter Schom-
berg.*

Schomberg had landed in Antrim. The force which he had
brought with him did not exceed ten thousand men. But he
expected to be joined by the armed colonists and by the regi-
ments which were under Kirke's command. The coffee-house
politicians of London fully expected that such a general with
such an army would speedily reconquer the island. Unhap-
pily it soon appeared that the means which had been furnished
to him were altogether inadequate to the work which he had
to perform ; of the greater part of these means he was speedily
deprived by a succession of unforeseen calamities ; and the
whole campaign was merely a long struggle maintained by his
prudence and resolution against the utmost spite of fortune.

He marched first ^ Carrickfergus. That town was held for
James by two regiments of infantry. Schomberg battered the
walls ; and the Irish, after holding out a week, capitulated. He
promised that they should depart unharmed ; but he found it
DO easy matter to keep his word. The people of the town
and neighborhood were generally Protestants of Scottish ex*
traction. They had suffered much during the short ascendency
of the native race ; and what they had suffered they were now
eager to retaliate. They assembled in great multitudes, ex-
claiming that the capitulation was nothing to them, and that
thi?y would be revenged. They soon proceeded from words to

• Avmx, Aug. 50 ^^' ^s^'* ^^^e ^^ J»*™e»» >>• 8^3; Melfort'i
findicaiion of himself among the Nairne Papers. Avaox sajs: *'I1
ponrra partir <% soir k la nuit : car jc vein bien qu'U appruhcDde qa'il 00
pan 8ur pour luy de partir eu plein joui*.''

BISTORT OF KNOLAin>.

Ill to rhe Engiisli officers and soldiers. Scliombeif
IHt^ulty prcvciiit'd fi m^s~iicre hj spurring, [lUlol in
iniu;;h Ihe throng of tlie enraged coloiiisfs."
1 Carrickfergiis Soliomberg jii-oceedetl lo Lisburn, and
ibroiigh lowns lift without an inhabUani, and ovc(
n which not a cow, nor a sheep, nor a slack of com
be seen, to I-ough brick land. Here he was joined bj
[■gimenla o^ Eniiiskilleners, whose dress, horses, and
)kod strange to eyes accustomed to the pomp of reviews,
1 in riaiuial courage were inferior to no troops in ihe
iiid who had, during months of eonsiant watching and
ling, acquired many of Ihe essential qualities of

Diberg continued to advance lowardd Dublin tbrougU a
The lew Irish troops which remained in llie wuth uf
retreated before hini, deiilroying as lliey relrealed.
once a well-built and thriving Proleslant borough, be
heap of smoking ashes. Cartingfoi'd too had |>ertshed.
It where the lown hud once stood was marked only bjr
ssy remains of the old Norman cattle. Those who
d to wander from the camp reported that the cuunlry,
s tbey could isxplure it, was a wilderness. There were
but no inmates; there was rich pat^ture, but neitlitv
r herd ; there were corriliel(b; but the harvest lay on

HISTORY OF ENOLAXD. 835

Schomberg had reached Dundalk. The disUiice betweeu the
two armied was not more than a long day's march. It wad
therefore generally expected that the fate of the island would
speedily be decided by a pitched battle.

In both camps, all who did not understand war were eager
to light ; and, in both camps, the few who had a high reputa-
tion for military science were against Gghting. Neither Rosen
nor Schomberg wished to put every thing on a cast. Each
of them knew intimately the defects of his own anny ; and
neither of them was fully aware of the defects of the other^s
Annj. Rosen was certain that the Irish infantry were worse
equipped, worse officered, and worse drilled, than any infantry
that he had ever seen from the Gulf of Bothnia to the Atlan-
tic ; and he supposed that the English troops were well trained,
and were, as they doubtless ought to have been, amply pro-
vided with every thing necessary to their efficiency. Num-
bers, he rightly judged, would avail little against a great su-
periority of arms and discipline. He therefore advised James
to fall back, and even to abandon Dublin to the enemy, rathei
than liazard a battle the loss of which would be the loss of
alL Athlone was the best place in the kingdom for a deter-
mined stand. The passage of the Shannon might be defended
till the succors which Melfort had been charged to solicit came
from France ; and those succors would change the whole char-
acter of the war. But the Irish, with Tyrconnel at their head,
were unanimous against retreating. The blood of the whole
nation was up. James was pleased with the enthusiasm cf
his subjects, and positively declared that he would not dis-
grace himself by leaving his capital to the invaders without a
blow.*

In a few days it became clear that Schomberg had deter-
mined not to fight His reasons were weighty. He had some
good Dutch and French troops. The Enniskilleners who had
joined him had served a military apprenticeship, though not
in a verj regular manner. But the bulk of his army consisted
of English peasants who had just lefl their cottages. His
musketeers had still to learn how to load their pieces ; his
dragoons had still to learn how to manage their horses ; and
these inexperien(;ed recruits were for the most part conunanded
by officers as inexperienced as themselves. His troops were
therefore not generally superior in discipline to the Irish, and

• Life of James, u. 377, 37S. Orig.

BIBTOBT OF E.SULANU

[ number fiir inrerior. Nay, be found that his inoB

I ill armed, aa ill lodged, as ill clod, a^ the Celu

) tbey were opposed. Tbe wealili of the English da-

I the liberal votes of the English parliament liud eo'

n to expect tliat he should be abundantly supplied with

lunitious of war. But he wa.-< crucUj disHp[>oinled.

ini^tralion had, ever sinuc the deutb of Oliver, beeo

y becoming more and more imbetile, more nnd more

aud DOW the Revolution reaped what ibi> Uestoruioa

I. A crowd of negligent or ravenous tunelioiiarie^

[under Charlei) And James, plundered, starved, and poi-

aies and lleetd of WilUam. Oi' these men, the

liportant was Henry Sliales, who, in the late rei;pi, had

Lmmissary-General to ibe Camp at Hounslow. It is

o blame the new government for continuing to employ

, in his own depnrtmcnt, bis experience far surpassed

I any other Englishman. Unfortunately, in the sams

V which he bad acquired his cspcrienee, he had learned

Lie art of pccuhiLlon. The beef and brandy whieb be

f d were so bad that the soldiers turned from them with

tents were rotten ; the clulbing was scanty ; the

I broke in the handling. Great numbers of shoes were

n to the account of the government -, but, two months

e TreOijur}' had paid the bill, the shoes had not arrived

Then

s of I

RTSTORT OP EKOLAND. 837

dened by the canfion of his adversary, and di<roflrfirdinflf the ad-
Tice of Rosen, advanced to Ardee, appeared at the head of the
whole Irish army before the English lines, drew up horse, foot,
and artillery, in order of battle, and displayed his banner. The
Enj^lish were impatient to fall on. But their general had made
ap his mind, and was not to be moved by the bravadoes of the
enemy or by the murmurs of his own soldiers. During some
weeks he remained secure within his defences, while the Irish
lay a few miles off. He set himself assiduously to drill those
Bew levies which formed the greater part of his army. He
ordered the musketeers to be constantly exercised in firing,
sometimes at marks, and sometimes by platoons ; and, from the
way in which they at first acquitted themselves, it plainly ap-
peared that he had judged wisely in not leading them out to
battle. It was found that not one in four of the English sol-
diers could manage his piece at all ; and whoever succeeded in
discharging it, no matter in what direction, thought that he had
performed a great feat

While the Duke was thus employed, the Irish eyed his camp
without daring to attack it. But within that camp soon ap-
peared two evils more terrible than the foe, treason and pesti-
lence. Among the best troops under his command were the
French exiles. And now a grave doubt arose touching their
fidelity. The real Huguenot refugee indeed might safely be
trusted. The dislike with which the most zealous En<;li8h
Protestant regarded the House of Bourbon and the Church of
Rome was a lukewarm feeling when compared with that inex-
tinguishable hatred which glowed in the bosom of the perse-
cuted, dragooned, expatriated Calvinist of Languedoc The
Irish had already remarked that the French heretic neither
gave nor took quarter.* Now, however, it was found that with
those emigrants who had sacrificed every thing for the reformed
religion were intermingled emigrants of a very different sort,
deserters who had run away from their standards in the Low
Countries, and bad colored their crime by pretending that they
were Protestants and that their conscience would not suffer
them to fight for the persecutor of their Church. Some of
these men, hoping that by a second treason they might obtain
both pardon and reward, opened a correspondence with Avaux.

• Nihell's Joomal. A French officer, in a letter to Avauz, written
lOon after Sebomberg's landing, says, '* Lee Huguenots font plus de mal
i^ue les AngloU, et tuent force Catholiques pour avoir fait resistance."
TOL. III. 15

in were intpreepliad ; ftnd a formlJaWe jilot «M
0 light, tt appiiared that, if SchomberR had boeo
ur-h to yield to the iniporiunity of those who wished
ivo battle, several French compaiiiea would, in the
le action, have fired on the Enfrlish, and gone over to

nnic in n better array than that which wan encamped
ndalk. It was necfl^xiiry to be severe. Six of the

in irons to England. Even after this winnowing, tba
vere long regarded by ihe re-sl of llie army with unj'dlt
nnatural suspicion. During some days indeed there

reason to fear that Ihe enemy would be intertained
loody fight between the English soldiers and their

hours before the execution of the chief connptratora, ■

nf the English bntlaJionB looked thin. From the first
: campaign, there hud been much sickness among the
but it was not till the titnu of the equinox that the
became alarming. The autumnal rains of Ireland
y heavy ; and this year they were heavier than usuaL
e country was deluged ; and the Duke's camp became
The Knniskillen men were seasoned to the climate.
:h were acciislumed to live in a couniry which, as a

HISTOUT OF ENGLAND 839

the helpless apathy of Asiatics. It was in vain that Schornheiv
tried to teach them to improve their habitations, and to cover
the wet earth on which they lay with a thick carpet of fern.
£xertion had become more dreadful to them than death. It
was not to be expected that men who would not help them-
selves should help each otjier. Nobody asked and nobody
showed compassion. Familiarity with ghastly spectacles pro-
duced a hard-heartedness and a desperate impiety, of which an
example will not easily be found even in the history of infeo*
lk>U8 diseases. The moans of the sick were drowned by the blad*
phemy and ribaldry of their comrades. Sometimes, seated oo
the body of a wretch who had died in the morning, might be
seen a wretch destined to die before night, cursing, singing
loose son<rs, and swallowing usquebaugh to the health of the
devil. When the corpses were taken away to be buried the
survivors grumbled. A dead man, they said, was a good screen
and a good stool. Why, when there was so abundant a supply
of such useful articles of furniture, were people to be exposed
to the cold air and forced to crouch on the moist ground ? *

Many of the sick were sent by the English vessels which
lay off the coa^t to Belfast, where a great haspital had been pre-
pared. But scarce half of them lived to the end of the voyage.
More than one ship lay long in the bay of Carrickfergus heaped
with carcasses, and exhaling the stench of death, without a liv-
ing man on board.f

The Irish army suffered much less. The kerne of Munster
or Connaught was quite as well off in the camp as if he had
been in his own mud cabin inhaling the vapors of his own
quagmire. He naturally exulted in the distress of the Saxon
heretics, and flattered himself that they would be destroyed
without a blow. He heard with delight the guns pealing all
day over the graves of the English officers, till at length the
funerals became too numerous to be celebrated with military
pomp, and the mournful sounds were succeeded by a silence
more mournful still.

The superiority of force was now so decidedly on the side
of James that he could safely venture to detach five regiments

♦ Story's Impartial History ; Dumont MS. The profaneness and dit*
■olateness of the camu during the sickness are mentioned in many oon*
lemporHiT pamphlets hoth in verse and prose. See particalarljr a Satirf
iDtiUed lietormation of Manners, part u.

* Story's Impanial History

army, anil to send tliem into Connaiiglil. Sarsfield
]m\ lliem. He did nol, indeed, stand m high ns lie de-
1 the royal esiimntion. The King, with an air ol' intel-
iiperiority which must have made Avaux oud liosea
r lips, pronounced him a brave fellow, but very scan
lied with brains. It was nol without great difficulty

cr in the Irish army to Ihu rank of Brigadier Sars-
*■ i'lilly vindicated the favorable opinion which hig
miron-i had formed of him. He dislodged the English
■:o; and he effectually eecured Galway, which had
considerable danger.*

)undalk. In the midst of diflicnlties and disasters

[lot on the field of Montes Claros, nol under the walla
rieht, had he so well deserved the admiration of man-
Vu resolution never gave way, HLi prudence never
lis temper, in spile of manifold vexation* and provo-
fas Blwuya cheerful and serene. The efi'ective men
i command, even if all were reckoned as effective who
stretched on tiie earth by fever, did not now exceed
jand. These were hardly equal to their oidinary duty )
it was neces-iary to harass them with double duty.
jle^s^^^jIjjrl^m^h^U^nanj^jsp^^

HISTORT OF EKGLAND. 84l

eoantry which had adopted him, ^ we English have stomach
enough for fighting. It is a pity that we are not as food of
some other parts of a soldier's business."

The alarm proved false : the Duke's army departed unmolest-
ed ; but the highway along which he retired presented a piteous
and hideous spectacle. A long train of wagons laden with the
sick jolted over the rugged pavement. At every jolt some
wretched man gave up the ghost. The corpse was flung out
and left unburied to the foxes and crows. The whole number
of those who died, in the camp at Dundalk, in the hospital at
Belfast, on the road, and on the sea, amounted to above six
thousand. The survivors were quartered for the winter in the
towns and villages of Ulster. The general fixed his head
quarters at Lisbum.*

His conduct was variously judged. Wise and candid men
said that he had surpassed himself, and that there was no other
captain in Europe who, with raw troops, with ignorant officers,
with scanty stores, having to contend at once against a hostile
army of greatly superior force, against a villanous commissa-
riat, against a nest of traitors in his own camp, and against a
disease more murderous than the sword, would have brouglit
the campaign to a close without the loss of a flag or a gun.
On the other band, many of those newly commissioned majors
and captains, whose helplessness had increased all his perplex-
ities, and who had not one qualification for their posts except*
personal courage, grumbled at the skill and patience which had
saved them from destruction. Their complaints were echoed
on the other side of Saint George's Channel. Some of the
murmuring, though unjust, was excusable. The parents, who
had sent a gallant lad, in his first uniform, to fight his way to
glory, might be pardoned if, when they learned that he had
died on a wisp of straw without medical attendance, and had
been buried in a swamp without any Christian or military cere«
mony, their affliction made them hasty and unreasonable. But

* Stoiys Impartial History; Schomberg's Despatches; NihcII's Jonr-
nal, and James's Life; Bamet, ii. 20; Dangeau*s joarnal daring this
Butamn; the Narrative sent by Avaox to Seignelay, and the DumontMt3.
The lying of the London Gazette is monstrous. Throoeh the whole au-
tumn the troops are constantly said to be in [rood condition. In the ab'
sard drama entitled the Koyai Voyage, which was acted for the amuse-
ment of the rabble of London in 1689, the Irish are represented as attack-
ing some of the sick English. The English put the assailants to the rout
UM then drop down de^. «

BISTORT OF EKGLAXD.

I cry of bereaved families was minjilcd anollier cry
i rpfipeciable. All tlie hearers and tellers of netn
s general ivho furnished tliein with so little news M
I to tell. For men of lliat wart are so greedy nfter ex-
IthHt they far more readily forfpve a comman'Icr who
^tllc than a commander who declines one. The poll
%\ia delivered their oraule.'> from the thickest cloud of
loke nt Garroway's, nonfidently asked, without knotT>
.in^, either of war in general, or of Irish wiir io pai^'
ly Schomberg did not fi^ht They could not venlim
1. ho did not understand his calling. No doubt ba
an excellent olRcer ; but he was very old. He
p bear hi; years well; but hi^ faculties were not what
; his memory was failing ; and it was well known
limes forgot in the nflemoon what he had done
g. It may be doubted whether there ever ex-
being wbo^e mind was quite as firmly toned at
I at forty. But that Scliomberg's intellectual powen
'mpiiired by years is sufficiently proved by his
«, which are still extant, and which are models of offl-
lerEe, perspicuous, full of important facts and
□ns, compressed into the smallest possible! number
In those despatches he sometimes alludtul. not an-
' 1 disdiiin, to the ceni^ures thrown upou hid
i^iUow babblers, who, never having seen any mil-
iportuiit tl

HI3TORT OF ENGLAND. 843

Commons tbanked bim for his services ; and he received jig-
Dal marks of the favor of the Crown. He had not been at the
coronation, and had therefore missed his share of the rewards
which, at the time of that solemnity, had been distributed among
the chief agents in the Revolution. The omission was now
repaired ; and he was created Earl of Torrington. The King
went down to Portsmouth, dined on board of the AdmiraFa
flag ship, expressed the fullest confidence in the valor and loy-
alty of the navy, knighted two gallant captains, Cloudesloy
Shovel and John Ashby, and ordered a donative to be divided
among the seamen.*

We cannot justly blame William for having a high opinion
of Torrington. For Torrington was generally regarded as one
of the bravest and most skilful officers in (he navy. He had
been promoted to the rank of Rear Admiral of England by
James, who, if he understood any thing, understood maritime
affairs. That place and other lucrative places. Torrington had
relinquished when he found that he could retain them only by
submitting to be a tool of the Jesuitical cabaL No man had
taken a more active, a more hazardous, or a more useful part
in ejecting the Revolution. It seemed, therefore, that no man
had fairer pretensions to be put at the head of the naval ad-
ministration. Yet no man could be more unfit for such a post.
His moi-als had always been loose, so loose indeed that the
firmness with which in the late reign he had adhered to his
religion had excited much surprise. His glorious disgrace in-
deed seemed to have produced a salutary effect on his char
BCter. In poverty and exile he rose from a voluptuary into a
hero. But, as soon as prosperity returned, the hero sank
again into a voluptuary ; and the lapse was deep and hopeless.
The nerves of his mind, which had been dunng a short time
braced to a firm tone, were now so much relaxed by vice thai
he was utterly incapable of self-denial or of strenuous exertion.
The vulgar courage of a foremast man he still retained. I^ut
both as Admiral and as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was
utterly inefficient. Month after month the fieet which should
have been the terror of the seas, lay in harbor while he vraa
diverting himself in London. The sailors, punning upon his
Dew title, gave him the name of Lord Tarry-in-town. Wh«en
tie came on shipboard he was accompanied by a bevy of cour-
tesans. There was scarcely an hour of the day or of the

* London Gv.ctt(^, May 20, 16S9.

' KNGLA.in>.

Bn lie wail not under the influence of clnreL Ucin)]

1 of' pleasure, he necessurily became iosaiiable of

' t he loved tliittery almost na much as either wunltti

He hud long heen id the habit of exaoling the

'I hurn^ige i'roui those who were undr-r hia command.

Ip waa A liitte Versailles- He expected his caplBiiis

ii» to hin I'Abin when be went lo bed, and to a-*sem-

norning aX lii^ levee. He even tiuffered them to

One of iheni combed bia flowing wig ; another

with the embroidered coat. Under such a chitf

|d be no discipline. His tars passed their time in rioir

the rubble uf Port.^niauth. Those olflcers who won

Ib^ i>erviliiy and adulation, ea:3ily obtained leave of

lind spent weeks in London, revelling in taverns, scoup

Ireets, or making love to the masked l»die« in the pit

The vii:luul1era f>oon found out with whom

) deal, and sent down to ihe Heet caftcs of meat

would nut touch, and barrels of beer which

than bilge water. Meanwhile the Brilii^h Chan-

u be iibaudoned lo French rovers. Our merulmnt-

I boarded in sight of the ramparts of Plymouth. The

It fruin the We.-^t Indies ioet seven ships, 't'lie whole

Ihe prizei taken by the uniisers of the enemy in ibe

L'iiibborhijod of our island, while Torringlon wiw

I Itia botlle and his harem, was estimated at six

I obtain tl

BISTORT OF BNOLAND. 845

that, while thej were murmuring at their Sovereign's ^arti-
alitj for the land of bis birth, a strong party in Holland was
murmuring at his partiality for the land of his adoption. The
Dutch ambassadors at Westminster complained that the terma
of alliance which he proposed were derogatory to the dignity
and prejudicial to the interests of the republic ; that wherever
the honor of the English flag was concerned, he was punctili-
ous and obstinate ; that he peremptorily insisted on an article
which interdicted all trade with France, and which could no4
but be grievously felt on the Exchange of Amsterdam ; that,
when they expressed- a hope that the Navigation Act would be
repealed, he burst out a laughing, and told them that the thing
was not to be thought of. He carried all his points ; and a
solemn contract was made by which England and the Batavian
federation bound themselves to stand firmly by each other
against France, and not to make peace except by mutual con-
sent. But one of the Dutch plenipotentiaries declared that he
was afraid of being one day held up to obloquy as a traitor for
conceding so much ; and the signature of another plainly ap-
peared to have been traced by a hand shaking with emotion.*

Meanwhile, under William's skilful management, a treaty
of alliance had been concluded between the States Greneral
and the Emperor. To that treaty Spain and England gave in
their adhesion ; and thus the four great powers which had
long been bound together by a fnendly understanding, were
bound together by a formal contract.!

But before that formal contract had been signed and sealed,
all the contracting parties were in arms. Early in the year
1689, war was raging all over the Continent from the Haemus
to the Pyrenees. France, attacked at once on every side,
made on every side a vigorous defence ; and her Turkish allies
kept a great German force fully employed in Servia and Bul-
garia. On the whole, the results of the military operations of
the summer were not unfavorable to the confederates. Beyond
the Danube, the Christians, under Prince Lewb of Baden,
gained a succession of victories over the Mussulmans. In the

* The best account of these negotiations will be found in Wagenaar,

bd. He had access to Witsen's papers, and has quoted lai^ly from

them. It was Witsen who si^cd in violent agitation, ** zo als, he says,

'myne beevende hand getuigcn kan/' The treaties will be found ia

Dnmont's Corps Diplomatique. They were signed in August, 1689.

t The treaty between the Emperor and the States General is datad
May 12, 1689. It will be found in Dumont's Corps Diplomatique.

nisTonT or enoland.

iRoJssillon, ihe French Iroopa contended without any

lase agninst llie martial peiisjintry of CataloDUL

irmy, led bj the Elei^ror of Bavaria, occupied

>riv of Colo^rne. Another was commanded by

liike of Lorraine, a sovereign wtio, driven from bit

s by the arms of France, had turned soldier of

Liil liad, as such, obtained both di^liacfion and re

B marclied against the devaslalors of the Palatinate^

rj to retire behind the Rhine, and, after a long siege,

iporlant niid strooKly fortified city of MeiitK.

1 the f^arabre and the Meuee the French, oora-

l)y Marshal Ilumieres, were opposed to the Dutch,

*d l.y the Prince of Waldeok. an officer who bad

|ed the States General with fidelity and ability,

t always with gooil fortune, and who ptood high in

Ration of Wiliiain, Under Waldcck's orders wa«

lo whom William had confided an English hri-

■isling of the best re^mentH of the old army of James.

> MaL')bor(iii(:li in command, and second also in pro-

' 11, WHS Thomas Talmnsh, a brave soldier, destined

er to be mentioned without shame and indij^nalion.

nriny of Wuhieck and the army of Humieres no

n took place ; but in a succession of combats the od-

on Ihe side of (lie confr-derates. Of these combats

Bnjiortant took place at Walcourt m the fifth of Aiigusl.

HT8T0RT OF ENGLAND. d4l

were oaturally elated by finding tbal many years of inaction
and vassalage did not appear to have enervated the courage of
the nation.*

The Jacobites, however, discovered in the events of the cam*
paign abundant matter for invective. Marlborough was^ not
without reason, the object of their bitterest hatred. In his bo»
havior on a field of battle malice itself could find little to cen-
sure ; but there were other parts of his conduct which pre-
sented a fair mark for obloquy. Avarice is rarely the vice of
a young man ; it is rarely the vice of a great man ; but Marl*
borough was one of the few who have, in the bloom of yoathi
loved lucre more than wine or women, and who have, at the
height of greatness, loved lucre more than power or fame. All
the precious gifts which nature had lavished on him he valued
chiefiy for what they would fetch. At twenty he made money
of his beauty and his vigor. At sixty he made money of his
genius and his glory. The applauses which were justly due
to his conduct at Walcourt could not altogether drown the
voices of those who muttered that, wherever a broad piece
was to be saved or got, this hero was a mere Euclio, a mere
Harpagon ; that, though he drew a large allowance under pre-
tence of keeping a public table, he never asked an officer to
dinner; that his muster rolls were fraudulently made up; that
he pocketed pay in the names of men who had long been dead,
of men who had been killed in his own sight four years before
at Sedgemoor; that there were twenty such names in one
troop ; that there were thirty-six in another. Nothing but the
union of dauntless courage and commanding powers of mind
with a bland temper and winning manners could have enabled
him to gain and keep, in spite of faults eminently unsoldier*
like, the good-will of his soldiers.f

About the time at which the contending armies in eve^

part of Europe were going into winter quarters, a new Pontiff

ascended the chair of Saint Peter. Innocent the Eleventh

was no more. His fate had been strange indeed. His con*

_^ sdeotious and fervent attachment to the Church of which he

♦ See the despatch of Waldeck in the London Gazette, Aug:. 26, 1689 ;
Historical Records of the First Regiment of Foot ; Dangcau, Aug. 28 ;
Monthly Mercury, September, 1C89.

t See the Dear Bargain, a Jucobifb pamphlet clandestinely printed in
1690. ''I have not patience," says the wiiter, ** after this wretch (Marl*
botxiagh) to mention a: y other. All are innocent comparative! Yi ev^o
Kiriie himself.*'

|iead bad induced him, at one of the mwl critical ca»
I her history, to all; himself with her mortal enoi
news of Ills decease woe received with concern and
I Protestant princes and commonwealths, and with joy
"er^ailles and Duhiin. An extraordinary amba»>
I rank was instantly despatched by Lewis tt
■The French gairisoD which had been placed in Avi^
viihdrawn. When (he votes of the Conclave had
d in favor of Peier Otlobuoni, an ancient Cardinal
led the appellation of Alexander the Eighth, th«
lice of Frunce ossiBted at the installation, bore np
I of the new Pontiff, and put inio the handa of HU
L letler in which the most Christian King declared
|-eDaunced the odious privilege of protecting robben
ij>. Alexander pressed the letter to his lips, em-
bearer, and lalked with rapture of the near pro»-
nciliation. Lewis began to entertain a hope that
e of the Vatican might be exerted lo dissolve tba
ween the House of Austria and the heretical
lof the English throne. Juiues was even more san-
waa foolish enough to expect that the new Pope
him money, and ordered Melfort, who hod now ao*
ielf of his mission at Versailles, lo hasten to KocQ^
is Holiness to contributo something towards the
of upholding pure religion in the British islands,
t Alexander, though he might hold

HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND. t49

demical offices must, on pain of suspension, swear allegiance to
William and Mary. During the earlier part of the summer,
ike Jacobites hoped that the number of nonjurors would be so
eonsiderable as seriously to alarm and embarrass the Grovem«
ment. But this hope was disappointed. Few indeed of the
dergy were Whigs. Few were Tories of that moderate schocd
which acknowledged, reluctantly and with reserve, that ex-
trame abuses might sometimes justify a nation in resorting to
extreme remedies. The ^reat majority of the profession still
held the doctrine of passive obedience ; but that majority was
D9w divided into two sections. A question, which, before the
Bevolation, had been mere matter of speculation, and had there*
fore, though sometimes incidentally raised, been, by most per*
eons, very superficially considered, had now become practically
most important. The doctrine of passive obedience being
taken for granted, to whom was that obedience due ? While
the hereditary right and the possession were conjoined, there
was no room for doubt ; but the hereditary right and the pos-
session were now separated. One prince, raised by the Revo-
hidon, was reigning at Westminster, passing laws, appointing
magistrates and prelates, sending forth armies and fleets. His
Judges decided causes. His Sheriffs arrested debtors and exe-
cuted criminals. Justice, order, property, would cease to exist,
and society would be resolved into chaos, but for his Great
SeaL Another prince, deposed by the Revolution, was living
abroad. He could exercise none of the powers and perform
none of the duties of a ruler, and could, as it seemed, be le-
ttered only by means as violent as those by which he had been
displaced. To which of these two princes did Christian men
owe allegiance ?

To a large part of the clergy it appeared that the plain let-
ter of Scripture required them to submit to the Sovereign who
was in possession, without troublu g themselves about the title.
The powers which the Apostle, in the text most familiar to the
Anglican divines of that age, pronounces to be ordained of
God, are not the powers that can be traced back to a legitimate
origin, but the powers that be. When Jesus was asked whether
the chosen people might lawfully give tribute to Cussar, he re-
plied by asking the questioners, not whether Csesar could make
out a pedigree derived from the old royal house of Judah, bul
whether the coin which they scrupled tp pay into Csesar's
treasury came from Caesar's mint ; in other words, whether
Cdbsar actually possessed the authority and performed the
functions of a ruler.

HISTOHT or EKaLAND.

reneraily held, with mu^ appeurance of reason, that
tnisLworlby comment on thj text of the Ga:j|>els aiid
ia to be founil in the {iractice of the jiiimitivc Chris.
en that practice can be satisfactorily ascert^ned ; and
ipcncMl that tlie times during which the ChurcJi is
ly acknowledged to have been in the highest stat« of
ere times of frequent and violent political chango.
n-st of the Apostles appears lo hiive lived to see low
•: pulled down in little more iluin a year. Of the
if the third oentury a great proportion must have beea
member ten or twelve revolutions. Those martyM
e hud occa-'ion often to consider what was their dutf
1 prince just raided to power by a Guccessful insiurefr
lat llipy were, one and all, deterred by the fear of
nt from doing what they thought right, is an imputa-
h no candid infidel would throw on them. Yet, if
my propositiun which can with perfect confidence be
touching the early Christians, it is thi*, that ihoy
!C refused obedience to any actual ruler on account
legitimacy of his title. At one time, indeed, the
power was claimed by twenty or thirty competitors.
ovince from Britwn lo Egypt had its own Augustus

ippear that, in any place, the faithi'ul had any ecruplfl
imittiEig to tlic pei-soti who, in tlmt place, exercised the
lunction^Whii^h^hnst^

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 351

instance in which the primitive Church had refused obedience
to a successful usurper; and a hundred times the challenge
was evaded. The nonjurors had httle to say on this head,
except that precedents were of no force when opposed to prin-
ciples, a proposition which came with but a bad grace from a
Bchool which had always professed an almost superstitious reT«
erence for the authority of the Fathers.*

To precedents drawn from later and more corrupt times
little respect was due. But, even in the history of later and
more corrupt times, the nonjurors could not easily find any
precedent that would serve their purpose. In our own countiy
many Kings, who had not the hereditary right, had filled the
throne ; but it had never been thought inconsistent with the
duty of a Christian to be a true liegeman to such Kings. The
isurpation of Henry the Fourth, the more odious usurpation
of Richard the Third, had produced no schism in the Church.
As soon as the usurper was firm in ?iis seat. Bishops had done
homage to him for their domains ; Convocations had presented
addresses to him, and granted him supplies ; nor had any casu-
ist ever pronounced that such submission to a prince in posses-
sion was deadly sin.f

* See the Answer of a Nonjuror to the Bishop of Sarnno's challenge in
the Appendix to the Life of Kettle well. Amon^ the Tanner MSS. in
the Bodleian Library is a paper which, as Sancroft thought it wortli pre-
serving, I venture to quote. The writer, a stronj: nonjuror, after trying
to evade, by many pitiable shifts, the argument drawn by a more com-
pliant divine from the practice of the primitive Church, proceeds thas:
" Suppose the primitive Christians all along, from the time of the very
Apostles, had been as regardless of their oaths by former princes as he
suggests, will he therefore say that their practice is to bo a rule 1 111
things have been done, and very generally at>ctted, by men of otherwise
very orthodox principles." The argument from the practice of the primU
tire Christians is remarkably well put in a tract entitled The Doctrine
of Nonrcsistance or Passive Obedience No Way concerned in the Con-
troversies now depending between the Williamites and the Jacobites, by
a Lay Gentleman, of the Communion of the Church of England, as by
Law established, 1689.

t One of the most adulatory addresses ever voted by a Convocation
was to Richard the Third. It will he found in Wilkin's Concilia. Dry-
den, in his fine rifacimento of one of the finest passages in the Prologue to
the Canterbury Tales, represents the Good Pairson as choosing to resign
h\% benefice rather than acknowledge the Duke of Lancester to be King
of England. For this representation no warrant can be found in
Chaucer's Poem, or anywhere else. Dryden wished to write something
'iiHt would gall the clergy who hnd taken the oaths, and therefore attril^
aed to a lioman Catholic pnest of the fourteenth century a superstitioo
rhich originated among the Anglican priests of the seventeentli century

BISTORr OF ENOLAHD.

llie practice of tlie whole Oiristian world the authoii

"idling of ihe Chiirut of England appeared to be it

The Homily oa Wilful Rf^bellion, a di^courete

i3, in unmeaf.ured terms, tlie duty of obeying

)f none but iLctual rulers. Nay, the people are

Lold ill that Homily tliat they are bound to obey, not

legitimate prince, but any usurper whom God shaU

et over them for their sins. And *urely it would ba

t of ubaurdily to say that we rauat accept subiii»«

I) usurpers as God sends in anger, but must pertina-

|ithbo)d our obedience from usurpers whom He sends

Grant that it was a crime to invite tbc Prince of

'er, a crime to join him, a crime to make him King;

fog the wLole history of the Jewish nation and of

tiiin Church, but a record of ca^es in which Provi-

Id brought good out of evil ? And what iheologinn

Bert that, in such -iises, we ought, from abhorrence of

■o reject the good ?

e grounds a large body of divines, elill asscrling the
lat lo resist the Sovereign must always be sinful,
that William was now the Sovereign whom it would

e arguments ihe nonjurors replied (hat Saint Paul

I by Ihe powers that be, the rightful powers

Iknd Lhat lo put any other interpretation on his words

J outrage (

anSTOBT OF ENGLAJn>« 859

wicked, bat dirty. Coald any nnbeliever offer a greater insult
lo the Scriptares than by asserting that the Scriptures hdd
enjoined on Christians as a saored duty what the light of
nature had taught heathens to regard as the last excess of
baseness ? In the Scriptures was to be found the history of a
King of Israel, driven from his palace by an unnatural son,
and compelled to fly beyond Jordan. David, like Jamas had
the right ; Absalom, like William, had the possession. Would
any student of the sacred writings dare to affirm that the con-
duct of Shimei on that occasion was proposed as a pattern to
be imitated, and that Barzillai, who loyally adhered to his
fugitive master, was resisting the ordinance of God, and
receiving to himself damnation ? Would any true son of the
Church of England seriously affirm that a man who was a
strenuous royalist till after the battle of Naseby, who then
went over to the Parliament, who, as soon as the Parliament
had been purged, became an obsequious servant of the Rump^
and who, as soon as the Rump had been ejected, professed
himself a faithful subject of the Protector, was more deserving
of the respect of Christian men than the stout old Cavalier
who bore true fealty to Charles the First in prison, and to
Charles the Second in exile, and who was ready to put lands,
liberty, life, in peril, rather than acknowledge, by word or ac',
the authority of any of the upstart governments which, during
that evil time, obtained possession of a power not legitimately
theirs ? And what distinction was there between that case and
the case which had now arisen ? That Cromwell had actually
enjoyed as much power as William, nay much mere power
than William, was quite certain. That the power of William,
as well as the power of Cromwell, had an illegitimate origin,
DO divine who held the doctrine of nonresistance would dis-
pute. How then was it possible for such a divine to deny that
obedience had been due to Cromwell, and yet to affirm that it
was due to William ? To suppose that there could be such
inconsistency without dishonesty would be not charity but
weakness. Those who were determined to comply with the
Act of Parliament would do better to speak out, and to say,
what everybody knew, that they complied simply to save their
benefices. The motrve was no doubt strong. That a clergy*
man who was a husband and a father should look forward
with dread to the first of August and the first of February was
natural. But he would do well to remember that, however
terrible might be the day of suspension and the day of depri*

would asraredly come two other days more t«TT>
Itlie day of death and the day of judgmenL"

irg clergy, aa they were called, were not a littla
|d by this reason! up;. Nothinj; embarrassed them more
flnahifiy which the nonjurors were never weary of
out between the usurpation of Cromwell and iha
In of William. For there was in that age tjo High
roiild not have ihouglil hi m.ctlf reduced to an
■ if he had been reduced to the necessity of sayinf
I Church had commiinded her sons to obey CromwelL
wns impossible to prove that William was iDor«
ession of supreme power than Cromwell had been.
rers therefore avoided coming to dose quarters with
rors on this point as carefullyas the nonjurors avoid<»l
J close quarters with the swearers on the question
I the practice of the primitive Church,

's that the theory of government which had long

t;li[ by the clergy was so absurd that it conlil lead to

Ibut absurdity. Whether the priest who adhered to

' swore or refused to swear, he was alilfe unnble to

ional explanalion of his conduct. If he swore, he

icale his swearing only by laying down proposition*

icli every honest heart instinctively revolts, only by

that Christ had commanded the Church lo desert

m as soon as that cause ceased to prosper,

Bstrengihen the hands of saccesaful vjllanv agaiiiM

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 856

Vniile a particular person, differing from other persons hy tLe
Riere accident of birth, was on the throne, thou^i^h he might be
a Nero, there was to be no insubordination. When any other
person was on the throne, though he might be an Alfred, there
was to be no obedience. It mattered not how frantic and
wiclied might be the administration of the dynasty which had
the hereditary title, or how wise and virtuous might be the
administration of a government sprung from a revolutioa.
Nor could any time of limitation be pleaded against the claim
of the expelled family. The lapse of years, the lapse of ages,
made no change. To the end of the world. Christians were to
regulate their political conduct simply according to the gene-
alogy of their ruler. The year 1800, the year 1900, might find
princes who derived their title from the votes of the Conven-
tion reigning in peace and prosperity. No matter ; they would
still be usurpers ; and if, in the twentieth or twenty-first cen-
tury, any person who could make out a better right by blood
to the crown should call on a late posterity to acknowledge
him as King, the call must be obeyed on peril of eternal per-
dition.

A Whig might well enjoy the thought that the controversies
which had arisen among his adversaries hiid established the
soundness of his own political creed. The disputants who had
long agreed in accusing him of an impious error had now
effectually vindicated him, and refuted one another. The
High Churchman who took the oaths had shown by irrefragable
arguments from the Gospels and the Epistles, from the uniform
practice of the primitive Church, and from the explicit decla-
rations of the Anglican Church, that Christians were not in
all Ciises bound to pay obedience to the prince who had the
hereditary title. The High Churchman who would not take
the oaths had shown as satisfactorily that Christians were not
in all cases bound to pay obedience to the prince who was
actually reigning. It followed that, to entitle a government to
the allegiance of subjects something was necessary different
from mere legitimacy, and different also from mere possession.
What that something was the Whigs had no difficulty in pro-
nouncing. In their view, the end for which all governm'juts
had been instituted was the happiness of society. While the
magistrate was, on the whole, notwithstanding some faults, a
minister for good. Reason taught mankind to obey him ; and
Religion, giving her solemn sanction to the teaching of Reason,
U>mmanded mankind to revere him as divinely commissiOQed.

HlBTOBt OF ES9LAND.

le proved to Iw a minisler for evil, on what ffroafia«
to be considered eis divinely commisaioned ? Th«
'ho swore had proved tlml he ought not to be so coo-
in uccount of the origio of his power ; the Tories wIm
It sweur Iiad [iroved as clearlj (bat he ought iioi to be
lered on account of the esifitence of hia power.
violent and ncrimonioua Whigs triumplied ostenta-
,nd with niercilKBS insolence over the perpl«fited and
prierilhood. The nonjuror they generally atfucied to
(ith contemptuous pity as a dull and perverse, bul sio-
;ol, whose absurd praclice was in harmony with hia
lieory, and who might plead, in escuso for the infatua-
ch impelled him to ruin liis country, tbat the same in-
. had impelled hi.n to niin himself. They reserved
irpest taunts for those divines wiio, having, in the daya
^xulu^ion Dill and the Rye Houac Plot, been di^tjn-
hy zeal for the divine and indefeasible right of llie
ry Sovereign, were now ready to swear fealty to an
Was this then the real sense of all those sublime
whii^h had resounded during Iwenty-nine years from
able pulpits? Had (he ihoUBiinds of clergymen, who
loudly boasted of the unchangeable loyalty of their
i»liy meant only that their loyally would remain un-
)le till the next change of forlune ? It was idle, it
udeiit in them to pretend (hat their presi'nt condutt

HISTORY OF ENQLAND. 857

lu remove the scruples and to soothe the irritated feelings of
the clergy. The collective |)Ower ot*the rectors and vicars of
England was immense ; and it was much better that the^
should swear for the most flimsy reason that could be devised
by a sophist than they should not swear at all.

It soon became clear that the arguments for swearing, backed
as they were by some of the strongest motives which can influ-
ence the human mind, had prevailed. Above twenty-nine
thirtieths of the profession submitted to the law. Most of the
divines of the capital, who then formed a separate class, and
who were as much distinguished from the rural clergy by liber-
ality of sentiment as by eloquence and learning, gave in their
adhesion to the government early^ and with every sign of cor-
dial attachment. Eighty of them repaired together, io full
term, to Westminster Hall, and wei-e there sworn. The cere-
mony occupied so long a time tiiat htile else was done that day
in the Courts of Chancery and King's Bench.* But in general
the xx>mpliance was tardy, sad, and sullen. Many, no doubt,
deliberately sacrificed principle to interest. Conscience told
them that they were committing a sin. But they had not for-
titude to resign the parsonage, the garden, the glebe, and to go
forth without knowing where to find a meal or a roof for them-
selves and their little ones. Many swore with doubts and mis-
givings.! Some declared, at the moment of taking the oath,
that they did not mean to promise that they would not submit
to James, if he should ever be in a condition to demand their
allegiance-! Some clergymen in the north were, on the first ol
August, going in a company to swear, when they were met on
the road by the news of the battle which had been fought, i jur
days before, in the pass of Kiilieci*ankie. They immediately
tamed back, and did not again leave their homes on the same
errand till it was clear that Dundee's victory had made no
ehange in the state of public atfairs.§ Even of those whosd
understandings were fully convinced that obedience was due to
the existing government, very few kissed the book with the

* London Gazette, June 30, 1689 ; Narciiisas Luttrell's Diary. '*Thfl
sminentest men/' says Luttivli.

t See in Kcttlewell's Life, iii. 72, the retractation drawn by him for a
dergyman who had taken the oaths, and wUo afterwards repented of hay-
ing done so.

I See the accoant of Dr. Dove's conduct in Clarendon's Diaiy, and fiht
•ocoant of Dr. AfLirsh's conduct in the Life of KettlewelL

I The Anatomy of a Jacobite Tory, 1690.

HISTORT OP r.XGLAND.

s with wliicli (liey hail formerly plightH iheir fAilh to

Itnc] Jiimes. Snll, tKe tiling wm done. Ten thoiMBnd

1 Iiiiil Kuhmnly calli^<l lienvcn lo ittlu^t lh«ir promjae

would be trim liegtimen lo William ; and this promisa,

I by no inenns wnrnintecl hini in exploiting tliHt thev

T-unuously support iiim, hail nt Itusl deprived lliem of

t of their power to injure him. They could nol,

l;nltrely forfeiling thnE public reapenl on whiuh thoir

I depended, attack, except in an indirect and limiillj

Imanner, ihe tlirone of one wlioni they hud, in the

lot' God, vowed to obey ua their King. Some of them,

^ afTfcted to read the prayers fur the new Sovenngiiji

"ar tone which uould not be misunderstooi] * Others

y of still grosser indetency. Thus, one wretch, jusi

ng for William a.id iSIary in the most Holemn tffica

In, took otf a glass to tlieir ilamnaiion. Another, after

' )n a fust day appointed by their

|, dined on a pigeon pie, and while lie cut it up, utiered

was the uaurper'a beail. But such audaeious

ts doubtless i^re, and was rather injurious to the

0 the

I clergymen and members of the Universities wiio in-
le pCQuities of the hkW were about four hundied in
Foreinusl in rank stood the Piiinate and six of his
r of Kly, Lloyd of Norwidi, Frampton of

HISTORY OF ENOLAN'D. 859

his brethren, be bad scarcely ever alluded to politics in the
pnipit. He owned that the arguments in favor of swearing
were very strong. He went, indeed, so far as to say that his
scmples would be completely removed if he could be convinced
that James bad entered into engagements for ceding Ireland to
the French King. It is evident, therefore, that the difference
between Ken and the Whigs was not a difference of principle.
He thought, with them, that misgovernraent, carried to a cer-
tain point, justified a transfer of allegiance, and doubted only
whether the misgovernment of James had been carried quite
to that point. Nay, the good Bishop actually began to prepare
B pastoral letter explaining his reasons for taking the oaths.
Bat, l)efore it was finished, he received information which con*
Yinced him that Ireland had not been made over to France ;
doubts came thick upon him ; he threw his unfinished letter
into the fire, and implored his less scrupulous friends not to
urge him further. He was sure, he said, that they had acted
uprightly ; he was glad that they could do with a clear con-
science what he shrank from doing; he felt the force of
their reasoning ; he was all but persuaded ; and he was afraid
to listen longer lest he should be quite persuaded ; for, if he
should comply, and his mi.^givings should afterwards return, he
should be the most miserable of men. Not for wealth, not for
a palace, not for a peerage, would he run the smallest risk of
ever feeling the torments of remorse. It is a curious fact that,
oi the seven nonjuring prelates, the only one whose name car-
ries with it much weight was on the point of swearing, and was
prevented from doing so, as he himself acknowledged, not by
the force of reason, but by a morbid scrupulosity which he did
not advise others to imitate.*

* See Tamer's Letter to Sancroft, dated on Ascension Day, 1689. The
original Is among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Librai-y. But tlie
letter will be found with much other curious mutter in the Life of Ken by
A Layman, lately published. See also the Life of Kettlcwell, iii. 95 ; an'i
KokB letter to Burnet, dated Oct. 5, 1689, in Hawkins's Life of Ken. '*!
•m flare," Lady Russell w*-ote to Dr. Fitzwiliiam, ** the Bishop of Bath
and Welb excited others lo comply, when he could not bring himself to
do 90, but rejoiced when others did." Kt n declared that he had auivised
nobody to take the oaths, and that his practice had been to remit those
WHO asked his advi.-e to their own studies and prayers. Lady Uusscirs
•ascrtion and Ken's denial will ba found to come nearly to the same tiling,
wlien we make those allowances which ou^ht to be made for situation and
fselii^, even in weighing the testimony of the most veracious witnesses.
&en« Tuiring at last determined to cast in his lot with the nonjurors, nara

' ENOLAHD.

; thR priests who refused the oathi were

llie learned world, as gniinciinrians, oh

ind aniiqiiaries, and a very tew who v

li and eloquence; but scarcely o

))e named

Iqualilied to discuss anj large question of moraU

;ely one whose writings Uo not inditatte either e«-

Jbleness or extreme flightinesa of mind. Those who

; judgment of a Whig on this point will probably

weight to the opinion which was expresiied, mnny

lliu Revolution, by a philosopher of whom the To-

laily proud. Johnson, after pa.i»ing in review the

divines who had thought it sinful lo swear allo-

William the Third and George the First, pronounced

:lie whole body of nonjurors, there was one, and one

luld reason,"

iiror in whose favor Johnson, mftd-i this eicep*-^

fXni Ijeslie, Leslie had, before the Itevoluiior. oeen

r of the diocese of Connor in Ireland. He Knd been

L opposition to Tyrconnel i had, as a ji'^ice of the

o Tindluita his consistoncj as fHr u he honestl; rould. Lodj

' 'ng 10 itiduvo liur frliMid to lalcu llici oallv, nutaralJ; miidF ju

t di.^poiiilioD lo compliaaco ax ah? honently cuiild. Slie went

;; the wonl "eicilej." On the olhor hiind, it is di^ar diU

ilirt;; Ihuso n-ho t'onanlKd him Ut llieir own lUidieD mnd

HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND. 361

b- 43e for Mooagban, refused to acknowledge a papist aa
L.^riff of that county ; and had been so courageous as to send
» jie officers of the Irish army to prison for marauding. But the
d x^trine of non-resistance, such as it had been taught by Angli-
can divines in the days of the Rye House Plot, was immovably
fxed in his mind. When the state of Ulster became such that
A Prottstant who remained there could hardly avoid being
either a rebel or a maityr, Leslie fled to London. His abilities
Old his connections were such that he might easily have ob«
Alined high preferment in the Church of England. But he
k)ok his place in the front rank of the Jacobite body, and re-
mained there steadfastly, through ail the dangers and vicissi-
tudes of three and thirty troubled years. Though constantly
engaged in theological controversy with Deists, Jews, Socin-
ians, Presbyterians, Papists, and Quakers, he found time to be
one of the most voluminous political writers of liis age. Of all
the nonjuring clergy he was the best qualified to discuss con-
ititutional questions. For, before he had taken orders, he had
resided long in the Temple, and had been studying English
history and law, while most of the other chiefs of the schism
had been poring over the Acts of Chalcedon, or seeking for
wisdom in the Targum of Onkelos.*

In 1689, however, Leslie was almost unknown in England.
Among the divines who incurred suspension on the first ot
August in that year, the highest in popular estimation was
without dispute Doctor William Sherlock. Perhaps no simple
presbyter of the Church of England has ever possessed a
greater authority over his brethren than belonged to Sherlock
at the time of the Revolution. He was not of the first rank
among his contemporaries as a scholar, as a preacher, as a
writer on theology, or as a writer on politics ; but in all the
four characters he bad distinguished himself. The perspicuity
and liveliness of his style have been praised by Prior and Ad-
dison. The fa;ility and assiduity with which he wrote are
sufficiently proved by the bulk and the dates of his works.
There were, indeed, among the clergy men of brighter genius
and men of wider attainments ; but during a long period there
was none who more completely represented the order, none
who, on all subjects, spoke more precisely the sense of the
Anglican priesthood, without any tuint of Latitudinarianism, of
Puritanism, or of Popery. He had, in the days of the Exchi
^••^'^^ — - — ■ — — — •

* Ware's History of the Writers of IreUod, coutiaued bj Hurris.
VOL. lU. 16

when Ihe power of (he dissenlen was very great ta
t and in thp counlry. wrilten slroriKly n^inst (lie sin
forraily. When the Kye House Plot was detected,
■alousty defended by tongue and pen the doctrine of
ince. His aervicea to the OAUse of episcopacy nnd
were so highly valued that he was made moaler of
e. A pension wm also bestowed on him by Chnrles t
ension James soon look away ; for Sherlock, ihough
imself bound lo pay passive obedience lo the civfl
d himitelf equally bound to combat religions erron,
le keenest and most laborious of [hat host of contro
who, in the day of peril, manfully defended tlM

ealises, some of them large books, against [he high
B of Rome. Not content with the easy victoriea
gained over such feeble antagonists as tiiuse who
lered at Clerkenwell and the Savoy, he had th«
■ measure his strength with no less a champion than
nd came out of the conflict without discredit. Never-
lerlock still continued lo maintain that no oppression
fy Christians in rusisling the kingly authorily. When
ntioQ was about to meet, he strongly recommentleil,
which was considered as the manife.'to of a large
B clergy, thai James should be invited to return on
itioiis as might secure the laws and religion of the

HiSTORT OF ENGLAND. 8611

ihe old Teutonic languages ; and his knowledge of the early
Christian literature was extensive. As to his capacitj for polit-
ical discussions, it may be sufficient to say that his favurito
argument for passive obedience was drawn from the story of
the Theban legion. He was the younger brother of that uiv
fortunate John Hickes who had been found hidden in the malt-
house of Alice Lisle. James had, in spite of all solicitation^
put both John Hickes and Alice Lisle to death. Persons who
did not know the strength of the Dean*s principles thought that
he might possibly feel some resentment on this account ; for he
was of no gentle or forgiving temper, and could retain during
many years a bitter remembrance of small injuries. But he
was strong in his religious and political faith ; he reflected that
the sufferers were dissenters ; and he submitted to the will of
the Lord's Anointed, not only with patience but with com*
placency. He became indeed a more loving subject than ever
from the time when his brother was hanged and his brother's
benefactress beheaded. While almost all other clergymen, ap-
palled by the Declaration of Indulgence and by the proceedings
of the High Commission, were beginning to think that they
had pushed the doctrine of nonresistance a little too far, he
was writing a vindication of his darling legend, and trying to
convince the troops at Hounslow that, if James should be
pleased to massacre them all, as Maximian had massacred the
Theban legion, for refusing to commit idolatry, it would be their
duty to pile their arms, and meekly to receive the crown of
martyrdom. To do Hickes justice, his whole conduct aflei
the Revolution proved that his servility had sprung neither
horn fear nor from cupidity, but from mere bigotry.*

Jeremy Collier, who was turned out of the preachership of
the Rolls, was a man of a much higher order. He is well en-
titled to grateful and respectful mention ; for to his eloquence
and courage is to be chiefly ascnbed the purification of oiu
Ughter literature from that foul taint which had been contracted
during the Antipuritan reaction. He was, in the full force of
the words, a good man. He was also a man of eminent abili
lies, a great master of sarcasm, a great master of rhetoricf

* The best notion of Hickes's character will bo formed from his namei«
•06 controversial writings, particularly his Jovian, written in 1684, hit
l*hebiean Legion no Fable, written in 1687, though not published til)
1714, and his discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. TillotsoM, 1695. Hit
Wverary fame rests on works of a verj different kind.

^ Collier's Tracts on the Stage are, on the whole, his best piecet Bui

III3T0BT OP EKGLAITD.

lid wa» qarrow ; his reasoning, even when he mu bo
IB to liave a good cau^ to defend, w;ig singulitrl/
inconclusive ; nnd liis brain was almosi turned by
[lun-onal, but prolejisiOQal. In Im view, a priest wai
. tit' human beiugs, except a bishop. Reverence and
wi^re due from llie bft^t and gr*;alest of (lie laity W th«
L-laEile of the clergy. However ridiculouu a man in
i miglit make himself, it was impiety lo laugh at hint
ily rienfilive indeed vras Collier on this point that be
profane to throw any reflection even on the mlnith
e reli^ons. He laid it down ae a rule that Muftii
s ought always to be mentioned with recpecL He
^den tor sneering at the HiKTophaiitd of Apis. He
icine for giving dignity to the ciiamitor of a prieat
He prwsed Comeille fur not bringing that learned
md divine Tiresias on the stage in the tragtdy of
The omission. Collier owned, spoiled the dramatic
e piece ; but the holy funciioo woa mudi too folemn

r in the Liiiy to sneer at Presbyterian preachers.

:eal for the dignity of his profession manifested itself.
cd the Revolution lewn as a rising up of subjects
ir King than as a rising up of the liuly against the

HI8TOBT OF EKGLAND. 8M

III parts Collier was the first man among the nonjurors. In
erndition the first place must be assigned to Henry Dodwelli
who, for the. unpardonable crime of having a small estate in
Mayo, had been attainted by the Popish Parliament at Dublin
He was Camdenian Professor of Ancient History in the Uni-
versity of Oxford, and had already acquired considerable ce«
lebrity by chronological and geographical researches: but|
though he never could be persuaded to take orders, theology wai
his favorite study^ He was doubtless a pious and sincere man.
He had perused innumerable volumes in various languages, and
had indeed acquired more learning than his slender facnltiei
were able to bear. The small intellectual spark which he pos-
•eseed was put out by the fuel. Some of his books seem to
have been written in a madhouse, and, though filled with proofs
of his immense reading, degrade him to the level of James Naylor
and Ludowick Muggleton. He began a dissertation intended to
prove that the law of nations was a divine revelation made to
the family which was preserved in the ark. He published a
treatise in which he maintained that a marriage between a mem-
ber of \he Church of England and a dissenter was a nullity, and
that the couple were, in the sight of heaven, guilty of adultery.
He defended the use of instrumental music in public worship on
the ground that the notes of the organ had a power to counter-
act the influence of devils on the spinal marrow of human
beings* In his treatise on this subject, he remarked that there
was high authority for the opinion that the spinal marrow, when
decomposed, became a serpent. Whether this opinion were or
were not correct, he thought it unnecessary to decide. Perhaps,
he said, the eminent men in whose works it was found had
meant only to express figuratively the great truth, that the Old
Serpent operates on us chiefly through the spinal marrow.*
Dodwell's speculations on the state of human beings after death
are, if possible, more extraordinary still. He tells us that our
souls are naturally mortal. Annihilation is the fate of the great*
er part of mankind, of heathens, of Mahometans, of unchristened
babes. The gift of immortality is conveyed in the sacrament

• ■ I.I--- 1 B r M

* See Brokesbj's Life of Dodwell. The Discoarse against Marriagpes
in different Commanions is known to me, I ought to say. only from
Brokesby's copioos abstract. That Discourse is vor^ rare. It was oricp.
Bally pnntcd as a preface to a sornion preached by Leslie. When Leslie
eoUected his works he omitted the discourse, probably because he was
•shamed of it. The Treatise on the Lawfulness of Instramontal Music 1
have read ; and incredibly absurd it it.

lat the water be poured ftiiJ ihe worda proDOunc«d
who hns been ortlititiHi) by a bishop. In the natural
Lings, iliurefore. all Presbyterians, Iiulepemienia,
d Quakers would. lik<: ibe iiirerior anttnnlj, cease to

Dudft'ell was far too good a cbua-hiuan to let off
) easily. He informg them thai, as they have had
lily of liearing the gwpel preaclied, and mJKbl, but
ji perverseness, bace received episcupnlian bupti»iu,
f an extraordinary act of power. Le^Iuw immortality
irdar that they may be tormented for ever and ever."

abhorred the growing latitiidinarianism of those

ihiin Dudwell. Yiit no innii bad more reason to
- For, in tbe earliur part of Ibe seven lecnlii cen-
uUior who bad dared to alfinu that the human aoul
Lire mortal, and does, in the great majority of cases,

with the body, would bave been burut^ii alive in

Even in days whieh DodwtU eouhl well remem-
iretics as Jiimself would have [juen thought fortu-

escaped with life, tlieir backa Hayed, their ears
r noses alii, their tongues U>red through with red-
1 their eyea knocked out wiih brickbats. With the
lowcver, tlie author of this Uieory was still the
)odwell ; and some, who tliouglit it cnlfiable lenity

Presbyterian meeting, thought it at the same tima

mSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 867

mwh of Lord Russell, and that both, though differing from him
in polidcal opinions, and strongly disapproving the part which
he had taken in the Whig plot^ had thought highly of his
character, and had been sincere mourners for his death. He
had sent to Kettlewell an uffectionate message from the scaffold
in Lincoln's Inn Fields. Lady liussell, to her latest day, loved,
trusted, and revered FitzwilUam, who, when she was a girl,
had been the friend of her father, the virtuous Southamptoa.
The two clergymen agreed in refusing to swear ; but they, from
flat moment, took different paths. Kettlewell was one of the
most active members of his party ; he declined no drudgeiy in
the common cause, provided only that it were such drudgery
as did not misbecome an honest man ; and he defended liia
opinions in several tracts, which give a much higher notion of
his sincerity than of his judgment or acuteness.* Fitzwilliam
thought that he had done enough in quitting his pleasant dwell-
mg and garden under the shadow of Saint George's Chapel,
and in betaking himself with his books to a small lodging in an
attic He could not with a safe conscience acknowledge Wil-
liam and Mary ; but he did not conceive that he was bound to
be always stirring up sedition against them ; and he passed
tlie last years of his life, under the powerful protection of the
House of Bedford, in innocent and studious reposcf

Among the less distinguished divines who forfeited their
benefices, were doubtless many good men ; but it is certain that
i\\e moral character of the nonjurors, as a class, did not stand
high. It seems hard to impute laxity of principle to persons
who undoubtedly made a great sacrifice to principle. And yet
experience abundantly proves that many who are capable of
making a great sacrifice, when their blood is heated by conflict,
and when the public eye is fixed upon them, are not capable of
persevering long in the daily practice of obscure virtues. It is
by no means improbable that zealots may have given their
lives for a religion which had never effectually restrained their
vindictive or Uieir licentious passions. We learn indeed from

-*- Sec his works, and the highly carioas life of him which was compiled
from the papers of his friends, Hickes and Nelson.

^ See Fitz William's correspondence with Lady Russell, and his eridence
on the trial of Ashton, in the State Trials. The only work which Fit»-
irilliam, as far as I have been able to discover, ever pablislied, was a scr
man on the Bye House Plot, preached a few weeks after Busseirs cxecn-
ticm. There are some sentences in this sermon whidi I a littlo wond«r
<hat the i^ »dow and the fiunily forgave.

HI9T0BI OF

I highest sulhoriLy that, even in the puredt MgM

Lrch,Viine confiMjors, who had manfully refuiu^ M

lelves from lormeiits luiil death by throwing lhuikin<

' e altjir of Jupiter, afterwards brought ecandal on

n name by gnus fraud anil debauchery.* For tha

Lvines great allowance must in f^mess be rnada.

e doubtlej^a ia a mo^t trying situation. In general, a

lich divides a religious community, divides the laity

I the dergy. The seceding pastors tiierefore carry

1 a large part of tlieir flock:^, and ore coiiMtquenlly

J a miuntenance- But die seliism of 1G89 scarcely

lieyond the clergy. The law required ihe rector to

laths, or to quit bia living ; but no outh, no scknowl-

r the title of the new King and Queen, was required

-i^hioner as a quaJifictLtion for attending divine ser-

: receiving the EucharisL Not one in fifty, there'

lotie laymen who disapproved of Ihe lievolution

oself bound to quit his pew in the old church, where

tIJU read, and where the old vestincnta

D follow the ejected priest lo a convcnii-

cuticle, too, which waa not protecled by the Tolera-

I Thus the new sect wad a sect of preaehers without

Imd such preachers could not make a livehhoMl by

In London, indeed, and in some olhcr large towns,

!nt Jacobites, whom nothing would salisly but lo

HISTORY OF ENGLAKD. 369

Mmtents, whose oratorj was on a second fiom* in the city. But
the nonjuring clergymen who were able to obtain even a pi^
tance by officiating at such places were very few. Of the rest
some had independent means ; some lived by literature ; one
or two practised physic Thomas Wagstaffe, for example, who
had been Cliancellor of Lichfield, had many patients, and made
himself conspicuous by always visiting them in full canonicals.*
But these were exceptions. Industrious poverty is a state by no
means unfavorable to virtue ; but it is dangerous to be at once poor
and idle ; and most of the clergymen who had refused to swear
found themselves thrown on the world with nothing to eat and
with nothing to do. They naturally became beggars and loungers.
Considering themselves as martyrs suffering in a public cause,
they were not ashamed to ask any good churchman for a
guinea. Most of them passed their lives in running about from
one Tory cofieehouse to another, abusing the Dutch, hearing
and spreading reports that within a month His Majesty would
certainly be on English ground, and wondering who would
have Salisbury when Burnet was hanged. During the session
of Parliament the lobbies and the Court of Requests were
crowded with deprived parsons, asking who was up, and what
the numbers were on the l&st division. Many of the ejected
divines became domesticated, as chaplains, tutors, and spiritual
directors, in the houses of opulent Jacobites. In a situation
of this kind, a man of pure and exalted character, such a man
as Ken was among the nonjurors, and Watts among the non*
conformists, may preserve his dignity, and may much more
than repay by his example and his instructions the benefits
which he receives. But to a person whose virtue is not high
toned this way of life is full of peril. If he is of a quiet dis-
position, he is in danger of sinking into a servile, sensual,
drowsy parasite. If he is of an active and aspiring nature, it
may be feared that he will become expert in those bad arts by
which, mpre easily than by faithful service, retainers make
themselves agreeable or formidable. To discover the weak
side of every character, to flatter every passion and prejudice,
to sow discord and jealousy where love and confidence ought
to exist, to watch the moment of indiscreet openness for the

* Mnch cnrionA information about the nonjarors will be fonnd in di6
Biographical Memoirs of Williatn Bowyer, printer, which forms the firsf
volume of Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth centory. A
•pccimcn of Wagstaffb's prcscrii>tions is in the Bodleian Library.

16*

BI8T0HT or ENGLAND.

niliee, such nre the practices bj which keen and
U have too otlen avenged tbeinselves for the humil-
pendence. The public voice loudly accused many
rt-quitiug the hospitality of their beneraciors with
lack as tliat of the hypocrite depicted in the maa-
Uoliere. Indeed, when Cibber undertook lo adjipt
omedy to the EngUsh stage, he made his Tarinfle
and Johnson, who cannot be supposed to liave been
igainst the nonjurors, frankly owned that CiUbei
Em no wrong.'

1 be no doubt thai the schism caused by the oatha
been far more formidable, if, at this crisis, any ex-
ige hod been made in the government or in the
)f the Kstablidlied Cburcb. It is a highly iastruc-
t those enlightened and tolerant divines who most
ired sucli a change, afterwards saw reason to be
t their favorite project had failed,
d Tories had in the lale Session combined to get
nghamV Comprehension Hill by voting an addres*
eslL'd the King to refer the whole subject to th«

pt*j, as CHiher wrote ii, cciui^ lo bo popular when the

L-rslatfe Bllerrdjt imp, the Hv_|tf>c-ritc. jTntsulistinnod Ur.

HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND. 371

Goovocation. Burnet foresaw the effect of this vote. The
whole scheme, he said, was utterly ruined.* Many of his frieiid«|
however, thought differently ; and amono: these was Tillotson.
Of all the members of the Low Church party Tillotson stood
highest in general estimation. As a preacher, he was thought
by his contemporaries to have surpassed all rivals living or
dead. Posterity has reversed this judgment. Yet Tillotson
still keeps his place as a legitimate English classic. His highest
flights were indeed far below those of Taylor, of Barrow, and
of South ; but his oratory was more correct and equable than
theirs. No quaint conceits, no pedantic quotations from Tal*
mudists and scholiasts, no mean images, buffoon stories, scnr^
rilous invectives, ever marred the effect of his grave and tem-
perate discourses. His reasoning was just sufficiently profound
and sufficiently refined to be followed by a popular audience
with that slight degree of intellectual exertion which is a pleas-
ure. His style is not brilliant ; but it is pure, transparently
clear, and equally free from the levity and from the stiffness
which disfigure the sermons of some eminent divines of the
seventeentn century. He is always serious ; yet there is about
his manner a certain graceful ease which marks him as a man
who knows the world, who has lived in populous cities and
in splendid courts, and who has conversed, not only with books,
but with lawyers and merchants, wits and beauties, statesmen
and princes. The greatest charm of his compositions, however,
is derived from the benignity and candor which appear in
every line, and which shone forth not less conspicuously in his
life than in his writings.

As a theologian, Tillotson was certainly not less latitudi-
narian than Burnet. Yet many of those clergymen to whom
Burnet was an object of implacable aversion spoke of Tillotson
with tenderness and respect. It is therefore not strange that
the two friends should have formed different estimates of the
temper of the priesthood, and should have expected diff*erent
results from the meeting of the Convocation. Tillotson was not
displeased with the vote of the Commons. He conceived that
changes made in religious institutions by mere secular authority
might disgust many churchmen, who would yet be perfectly
willing to vote, in an ecclesiastical synod, for changes more
extensive still ; and his opinion had great weight with the

* HtfMby'f Memoirs. S44.

HISTOBT OP ENQLA.ND.

wa? resolved that the Convocation sliouW iDtol Kt

ig of the nest Besaion of Parliament, and ihHt in tha

examine the Liturgy, tha canons, ami the whuls

rt on the alieratioru which it might be desiruble lo

;h6 Bishops who had (iiken the oath^ were in Ihii
; and with Ihem were joined twenty prlesta of ^reat
be twenty, Tillotson was the most iraporlaiit ; for ha
to speak the sense both of the King and of tha

-ir chief were Stillingfleet, Dciin of Saint Paul's,
m of Norwich, Patrick, Duan of Puterborouf^h.
ictor of Saint MartinX and Fowler, to whose judi-
iS9 w:va chii:fly to be ascribed the determination
Ion elergy not to rend the Declanition of liidul-

h men m those who have been named were mingled
» who belonged to the High Church party. Con-
one; these were two of the rulers of Oxford, Aldrich,
Aldricb had recently been appointed Dean of
ch, in the room of the Papist Maisey, whom Jamet
-t violation of the laws, placed at the head of that

BI8TOUT OF ENGLAND. 873

siiarply lampooned bj some of his old allies. He was so
unfortunate as to have a name which was an excellent mark
ibr the learned punsters of his university. Several epigrams
were written on the doublefaced Janus, who, having got a pro-
fessorship by looking one way, now hoped to get a bishopric
by looking another. That he hoped to get a bishopric was
perfectly true. He demanded the see of Exeter as a reward
doe to his services. He was refused. Tbe refusal convinced
him that the Church had as much to apprehend from Lati-
tadinarianism as from Popery ; and he speedily became a Tory
asain.*

£arly in October the Commissioners assembled in the Jeni-
falem Chamber. At their first meeting they determmed to
propose, that in the public services of the Church, Wessons
taken from the canonical books of Scripture should be substi-
tuted &r the lessons taken from the Aix)crypha.t Ar the
second meeting, a strange question was raised by the very last
person who ought to have raised it. Sprat, Bishop of Roches-
ter, had, without any scruple, sate, during two yeart^, in the
unconstitutional tribunal which had, in the late reign^ oppressed
and pillaged the Church of which he was a ruler. But he bad
now become scrupulous, and expressed a doubt whether the
commission were legaL To a plain understanding, his objec
tions seem to be mere quibbles. The commission gave powei
neither to make laws nor to administer laws, but simply to in
quire and to report. Even without a royal commission. Til*,
lotson, Patrick, and Stillingfleet, might, with perfect proprisjty,
have met to discuss the state and prospects of the Church, and
to consider whether it would or would not be desirable to mak i
some concession to the dissenters. And how could it be a crima
for subjects to do, at the request of their Sovereign, that which
it would have been innocent and laudable for them to do with-
out any such request? Sprat, however, was seconded by
Jane. There was a sharp altercation ; and Lloyd? Bishop of
Saint Asaph, who, with many good qualities, had an irritable
temper, was provoked into saying something about spies*
bprat withdrew and came no more. His example was soon

* Birch'f Life of Tillotson ; Life of Prideaux ; Oentleman't Msgasiot
for Jane and Jaly, 1745.

t Diary of the Proceedings of the Commissioners, token by Dr. Wil*
Uanui, afterwards Bishop of Chichester, one of the Commissioners, every
ai^ht after ho went home from the several meetings. This most corioai
Diary was priutud by order of the House uf Commons in 1854.

niSTOtCT OP ENGLAND.

I Jane and Aldrich.* The commissioners proMedet)

nsiilerAtion the question of tlie posture at tbfl

was determined tu reuorainend that a, communi*

r cciDferenue willi his minister, sbould declnra

aoL conscientiously receive ibe bread and wine

t. receive lliem Billing. Mew, Bishop of Win-

Ihonest roan, but illiterate, weak even in his besl

It fast sinking into dotage, protested against tbii

land withdrew from the asxemblj. The other meia-

lied to apply themselves vigorously to their task t

sessions took pince, thuuglt there were ^reat

oion, and though the debates were sometimea

e highest churchmen who still remained were Doo-

J Beveridge, Archdeacon of Colchester, who many

I became Bishop of Saint Asaph, and Qocior Jjhn

who had pr.iyed by the death-bud of Jeffreys.

e among the Latttudinarions appear to have

It, Fowler, and Tenison,

.isiimt service was repeatedly discusaed. As lo

Itrin the Commissioners were disposed to be indul-

re generally willing to admit infants into the

sponsors and without the sign of the cross.

wily, after much debate, steadily refused to sollen

away those words which, to all minds not so<

■ appear to assert the regenerating virtue of Uie

mSTOBT OF SNGLAirD. 875

kant as the Nntiyitj, the PasHion, the Resurrection, and the
Ascension of her Lord.*

The Atbanasian Creed caused much perplexity. Most of
the Commissioners were equally unwilling to give up the doc-
trinal clauses, and to retain the damnatory clauses. Bumet|
Fowler, and Tillotson, were desirous to strike this famous sym«*
bol out of the liturgy altogether. Burnet brought forward one
argument, which, to himself, probably did not appear to have
much weight, but which was admirably calculated to perplex
his opponents, Beveridge and Scott The Council of Ephcsua
had always been reverenced by Anglican divines as a synod
which had truly represented the whole body of the faithful, and
which had been divinely guided in the way of truth. The
voice of that Council was the voice of the Holy Catholic and
Apostolic Church, not yet corrupted by superstition, or rent
asunder by schism. During more than twelve centuriei^, the
world had not seen an ecclesiastical assembly which had an
equal claim to the respect of believers. The Council of £ph-
esus had, in the plainest terms, and under the most terrible
penalties, forbidden Christians to frame or to impose on their
brethren any creed other than the creed settled by the Nicene
Fathers. It should seem, theref(/)*e, that, if the Council of
Ephesus was really under the direction of the Holy Spirit,
whoever uses the Athanasian Creed must, in the very act of
uttering an anathema against his neighbors, bring down an
anathema on his own head.f In spite of the authority of the
Ephesian Fathers, the majority of the Commissioners deter-
mined to leave the Athanasian Creed in the Prayer Book ; but
they proposed to add a rubric drawn up by Stillingfleet, which
declared that the damnatory clauses were to be understood to
apply only to such as obstinately denied the substance of the

* See the alterations in the Book of Common Praver prepared br the
Royal Commissioners for the revision of the Liturgy in 1689, and prmted
by order of the House of Commons in 1854.

"^ It is difficult to conceive stronger or clearer langnage than that used
by the Council. Tovruiv roiwv dvayvud^evruv^ &ptaev ^ Ayia aifwtdof
hipav moTiv fijjSevl h^elvoL npoaipipetv, ifyow avyypai^tv, ^ awri&exu, irapd
r^ dpufdeiaav napu rCtv dyiuv Karipujv ruv kv ry Nucaititv awiXdovruv aiht
kyi(f> nvevfiari * rove 6e rokftuvraiQ ^ awn&evcu marof tripav^ ^aw trooita
Mi^rcv, 7 npoa(p€p€iv role k^eXovaiv hrurrpe^etv etc iniyvuatP 7% 6Xrt6elac, I
ki 'EiiXipnafwv, 9 i^ ^lovdaiouov, 9 i^ alpeaeuc olaa6r,KOTouv^ tovtovc^ tl uh
nev htioKonoi ^ K?Jipucot, dX^joroiovc bIvcu rode hrujKomn^ r^f hriaium^, Koi
nwf KAffpiKWC Ttv kXtioov tl 6e Xducoi eiev^ ava&tfuiri^ad'u,-^ Corcll
ICpbe^ Actio V]

' EKQLIHD.

I^trulli,

Onhudax bulievera were, tlierefars, fiunnil

that tim bcretic wlio had honestly and liutiibly
be everlrtsiingly punished for hav-

finJil

(as inirusted with the business of e

md of collecting ull thuse expressions to which objoc-

IbeeD made, either by tlieological or by literacy

^ niM determined to remove some obvious blemishes,

>u1d have been vri-<e in the CumniiEsioners to stc^

rtuuately they determined to rewrite a great part

T Book. It was a bold undertakiog ; for in general

f that volume is such as cannot be improved. Tbe

■liturgy indeed gnins by being compared even with

t Lilurgiea from which it ia to a great extent

euiial qualities of devotional eloquence, con*

Bujestic simplicity, [mlhetic earnci^ineits of suppliea-

i by a profound reverence, are common between

ions aiid'lliQ originals. Uut in the Kubordinatfl

li<jiiun the urigintiy must bo uiluwed to hn far inferior

Isialicina. And the reason is obvious. The techni-

fcology of Christianity did not become a part of iha

till that language had passed tlie age of

IS sinking into barbai-ism. But the technical

Y of Christianity was found in the Anglo-Saxon and

' n of thoi^e two

BISTORT OF ENOLAKD. 377

pllshed infidels and of the most accomplished noncoiiformist8|
of such men as David Hume and Robert Hail.

The style of the Liturgy, however, did not satisfy the Doctors
of the Jerusalem Chamber. They voted the Collects too short
and too dry ; and Patriclc was intrusted with the duty of
expanding and ornamenting them. In one respect, at least|
the choice seems to have been unexceptionable ; for, if we
judge by the way in which Patrick paraphrased the most
csublime Hebrew poetry, we shall probably be of opinion that*
whether he was or was not qualified to make the collecta
better, no man that ever lived was more competent to make
them longer.*

It mattered little, however, whether the recommendations
of the Commission were good or bad. They were all doomed
before they were known. The writs summoning the Convoca-
tion of the province of Canterbury had been issued ; and the
clergy were everywhere in a state of violent excitement.
They had just taken the oaths, and were smarting from the
earnest reproofs of nonjurors, from the insolent taunts of Whigs,
and often undoubtedly from the stings of remorse. The
announcement that a Convocation was to sit for the purpose
of deliberating on a plan of comprehension roused all the
strongest passions of the priest who had just complied with the
law, and was ill satisfied or half satisfied with himself for com-
plying. He had an opportunity of contributing to defeat a
fiftvorite scheme of that government which had exacted from
him, under severe penalties, a submission not easily to be
reconciled to his conscience or his pride. He had an oppor-

* I will gire two specimens of Patrick's workmanship. *' He maketU
me," says David, ** to lie down in green pastures : he leadeth nie beside
the still waters." Patrick's version is as follows : " For as a good she|h
herd leads his sheep in the violent beat to sbody places, wlierc tlicy maj
Ue down and feed (not in parched, but) in fresh and green pastares, and
in the evening leads them (not to muddy and troubled waters, bat) to
pore and quiet streams ; so hath he already made a fair and plentiful pro*
rision for me, which I enjoy in peace without any disturbance."

In the Song of Solomon is an exqaisitely beautiful verse. ^* I charge
you, O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my beloved, that ye tell him
that I am Hick of love." Patrick's versdon runs thus : " So 1 turned myself
to those of my neighbors and familiar acquaintance who were ^wakened
by my cries to couio and see what the maitter was ; and conjured them.
%B they would answer it to God, that, if they met with my beloved, they
would let him know — What shall I say? — What shall I desire yon to
fieii him but that I do not enjoy myself now that I wint his company, nor
be well till I recover his love again."

niSTOBT OF ENOLAKD.

■gnalizing hie zeal For that Cliurch whose cbaraeteik

* he had been accused of deserting for lucre. Shs

conceived, threalened by a danger a^ ftreat as Uiat

Hding yi;ar. The Lntitudinarlans of 1689, were utA

'tumble und to ruin her than ihe Jesuits of 1688,

[J Act had done for the Dissenters quite ae mucb

Ipaiible wiili her dignity and security; and nothing

1 be conceded, not the hem of one of her vest-

I epilliet t'tx>m Ibe beginning to the end of her

1 the rtiprouclied which had been thrown on tlie

1 of James were transferred to the

lission of William. The two commisskina

J but the name in common. But the name

lied with illegality and oppression, with the viola-

LUings and the cunfl^cation of freeholds, and was

ssiduously sounded with no small effect by the

a spiteful in the ears of the ignoriioL

too, it was aaid, was not sound. He conformed

i e^bibUsilied norahip ; but bis was a looni and

mformity. For some ceremonies to whicli High

vere attached he had a distaste which he was at

I conceal. One of his first acts had been to give

□ his private cbagiel the service should be said

ing sung ; and this arrangement, though warranted

It was known that

.HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND. 879

Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, " They
Bhall lay their hands on the sick, and they shall recover," had
been pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was
brought up to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and
iwcllings, and hung round the patient^s neck a white ribbon to
which was fastened a gold coin. The otiier sufferers were
then led up in succession ; and, as each was touched, the
chaplain repeated the incantation, ^ They shall lay their handf
on the sick, and they shall recover." Then came the epistle,
prayers, antiphonies, and a benediction. The service may still
be found in the prayer books of the reign of Anne. Indeed, it
was not till some time after the accession of George the First
that the University of Oxford ceased to reprint the Office of
Healing together with the Liturgy. Theologians oi eminent
learning, ability, and virtue gave the sanction of their authority
to this mummery ;* and, what is stranger still, medical men of
high note believed, or affected to believe, in the balsamic
virtues of the royal hand. We must suppose that every
surgeon who attended Charles the Second was a man of high
repute for skill ; and more than one of the surgeons who
attended Charles the Second has left us a solemn profession of
faith in the King^s miraculous power. One of them is not
ashamed to tell us that the gifl was communicated by the
unction administered at the coronation; that the cures were so
numerous and sometimes so rapid that they could not be attrib*
uted to any natural cause; that the failures were to be
ascribed to want of faith on the part of the patients ; that
Charles once handled a scrofulous Quaker and made him a
healthy man and a sound Churchman in a moment ; that, if
those who had been healed lost or sold the piece of gold which
had been hung round their necks, the ulcers broke forth again,
and could be removed only by a second touch and a second
talisman. We cannot wonder that, when men of science
gravely repeated such nonsense, the vulgar should believe it.
Still less can we wonder that wretches tortured by a disease
over which natural remedies had no power should eagerly

* See Collier's Desertion discossod, 1689. Thoma? Carte, who was a
disciple, and, at one time, an assistant of Collier, inserted, so late as the
year 1747, in a bulky History of England, an exquisitely absurd note, io
which lie assured the world that, to his certain knowledge, the Pretendei
had cured the scrofula, and very gravely inferred that the healing virtaa
was transmitted by inheritance, and was quite independent of any uncslaa
Bee Carte's History of England, vol. i. page 291.

BISTORT OF EMOLAHO.

tales of preternatural cures ; for nothing is Bu crodu-
i^ery. The cron-ds wliich repaired to tlie palace on
)r healing were iinmeiise. Cliarles ihe Second, in
n or hi.4 reign, touched near a hundred thousand

The number seems lo have increased or (liminiahed
ing'a popularity ro^ or fell. During ihat Tory
rhich followed the di^eolution of the Oxfoi-d FaHia-
presa lo get near liira waA lerrilic. In 1682, he
1 the rile eight ihousand five hundred limes. la

throng was auch that six or seven of the sick were
to death. James, in one of his progresses, touched
dred persons in the choir of the Cathedral of Chester.
nse of the ceremony was little less than ten thousand
year, and would have been much Greater but for the

of the royal surgeons, whose business it was to
.he applicanw, and to dislinguish those who carae for
■[■om ihose who catne for ihe gold."
n had loo mudi sense to be duped, and loo much
) bear a part in what he knew to be an impasture.
illy superstition," he exclaimed when he hcuitl that,
M of Lent, his palace was besieged by a crowd of the
jive the poor creatures some money, and send ihem

On one single occasion he was ienponuned into lay-
ind on a palienl. " God give you hellur heiilth," he

niSTORT OF ENGLAKD. 861

mind ; but William was not to be moved, and was acccrlingij
set d«wn by many High Churchmen as either an infidel or a
puritan.*

The chief cause, however, which at this time made even the
most moderate plan of comprehension hateful to the priesthood
still remains to be mentioned. Wliat Burnet hiid foreseen and
foretold had come to pass. There was throughout the clerical
profession a strong disposition to retaliate on the Presbyterians
of England the wrongs of the Episcopalians of Scotland. It
oould not be denied that even the highest churchmen had, in
the summer of 1 688, generally declared themselves willing to
g^ve up many things for the sake of union. But it was saidi
and not without plausibility, that what was passing on the other
side of the Border proved union on any reasonable terms to be
impossible. With what face, it was asked, can those who will
make no concession to us where we are weak, blame us for
refusing to make any concession to them where we arc strong
We cannot judge correctly of the principles and feelings of a
sect from the professions which it makes in a time of feeblo-
ness and suffering. If we would know what the Puritan spirit
really is, we must observe the Puritan when he is dominant.
He was dominant here in the last generation ; and his little
finger was thicker tiian the loins of the prelates. He drove
hundreds of quiet students from their cloisters, and thousands
of respectable divines from their parsonages, for the crime of
refusing to sign his Covenaut. No tenderness was shown to
learning, to genius, or to sanctity. Such men as Hall and San«
derson, Chillingwortb and Hammond, were not only plundered,
but flung into prisons, and exposed to all the rudeness of brutal
jailers. It was made a crime to read fine psalms and prayers
bequeathed to the faithful by Ambrose and Chrysostom. At
length the nation became weary of the reign of the saints.
The fallen dynasty and the fallen hierarchy were restored.
The Puritan was in his turn subjected to disabilities and peiud*
ties ; and he immediately found out that it was barbarous to
punish men for entertaining conscientious scruples about a
garb, about a ceremony, about the functions of ecclesiastical
officers. His piteous complaints and his arguments in favor of

• See Whiston'8 Life of himself. Poor Whiston, who bclicrcd in even
thing bat the Trinity, tells us gravely that the sint^lo person whom Wit
liam touched was curuU, nuiwiihstanding His Majcsty^s want of fiutk
9eealso the Atheiiiau Mercury of January 16, 1691.

mSTOBT OF ENGl.ASU.

ouH diurclimen liad beguo lo entertain & hope thai
: <lidOL|;iline wliich he hud undt^rgone had made him
itiuraie, charilalile. Had th^ been really bo, it would
lave been our duly lo treat bis scruples with ex-
ilei-nuss. But, while we were coiuideriiig what wo
o meet his wishes in England, he had obtained as-
in Seotland ; and. in an inslaiil, he was all himself
lied, insolerit, aud cruel. Marisea bad been aackeil j
shut up; prayer booka burned; sacred gannenld
gregndons dUipersed by violence; priests hustkd,
oriirJ, driven tbrtli, with their wives and babes, to

w lawless maiuudera, but lo Uie great body of the
ans of Scotland, was evident from the fact tbat the
It bad not dared either to inflict punii'hment on th«
or to grant relief lo the sufferer.^ Was it not fit
he Cliurcb of Eu<jlaiid should lake warning? Wu
>le to atk her to mutilate her apostolical polity iwd
I'ul ritual for the purpose of concitialing ihose who
ihing but power to rabble her as they had rabbled
? AiriMidy these men had obtained a boon wliied
strved, and which Uiey never would have gmiiled.
ihipped Gml in perltct security. Tl)i;ir meeting-

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 883

merely the synod of the Province of Canterbury, and never
had a right to speak in the name of the whole clerical body.
The Province of York had also its convocation ; but, till the
eighteenth century was far advanced, the Province of York
was generally so poor, so rude, and so thinly peopled, that, iD
political importance, it could hardly be considered as mere
than a tenth part of the kingdom. The sense of the Southern
clergy was therefore popuhirly considered as the sense of the
T/hole profession. When the formal concurrence of the North-
em clergy was required, it seems to have been given as a mat-
ter of course. Indeed, the canons passed by the Convocation
of Canterbury in 1604 were ratified by James the First, and
were ordered to be strictly observed in every part of the king-
dom, two years before the Convocation of York went through
the form of approving them. Since these ecclesiastical coun-
cils became mere names, a great change has taken place in
the relative position of the two Archbishoprics. In all the
elements of power, the region beyond Trent is now at least a
third part of England. When in our own time the represen-
tative system was mljusted to the altered state of the country,
almost all the small boroughs wliich it was necessary to dis-
fi*anchise were in the south. Two thirds of the new members
given to great provincial towns were given to the north. If,
therefore, any English government should suffer the Convoca-
tions, as now constituted, to meet for the despatch of business,
two independent synods would be legislating at the same time
for one Church. It is by no means impossible that one assem
bly might adopt canons which the other might reject, that one
assembly might condemn as heretical propositions which the
other might hold to be orthodox.* In the seventeenth oen«
tury no such danger was apprehended. So little indeed was
the Convocation of York then considered, that the two Houses
of Parliament liad, in their address to William, spoken only
ot one Convocation, which they called the Convocation of the
Clergy of the Kingdom.

The body which they thus not very accurately designated

* In seycral recent pablication?, the apprehension tliat difTerenoes might
arise between the Convocation of York and the Convocation of Canter>
bary, has been contemptuously pronounced chimerical. Bat it is oot
MMy to understand why two independent Convocations should be less
likely to differ than two Houses of the same Convocation ; and it is noit-
ler of notoriety that, in the reigns of William the Third and Aone, tba
two Houses of the Con vocation of Canterbury scarcely ever agreed.

BIBIORT or ESOtAHlt.

into two Houses. The Upper House is composed
liopa of the Province of Canterbury. The Lowe*
sistud, in 1689, of a liuiidred aiid tbrly-four mem.
inty-lwo Deans and fifly-four Archdeacons eulc tliere
' tLeir officer. Tweiily-four divines Bate as profton
'-four cliaptitrs. Only forly-four proctors were
the eight thousand pai-ish priests of the iwenty-
is. These forty-four proctors, however, were al-
one mind. The elections had in former times been
in the most quiet and decorous manner. But on
on the canvassing was eager; the contests were
i:hester, the Iciider of the party which in the House
ad opposed the Cump relic nsioii Bill, and his Irolher
who had refused to lake the oalhs, had gone lu Ox-
ead quarters of that party, for the purpose of nni-
orgauizing the opposition.* The represeniativea
>chiaJ elergy must have been men whose chief dis-
a their zea! ; for in the whole Ust can be found not
uslrious name, and very few names which are now

he summer of 1689 several high eccle^'iastical digni-

BISTORT OF EKGLAKD. 885

was suffered to remain a little longer a simple presbyter. The
most important office in the Convocation w&s that of Prolocutor
of the Lower House. The Prolocutor was to be chosen hj
the members ; and the only moderate man who had a chance
of being chosen was Tillotson. It had, in fact, been already
d«;termined that he should be the next Archbishop of Canter-
bury. When he went to kiss hands for his new deanery he
warmly thanked the King. '^ Your Majesty has now set me
at ease for the remainder of my life." ** No such thing, Doc-
tor, I assure you,*' said William. He then plainly intimated
that, whenever Sancroft should cease to fill the highest ecclesias-
tical station, Tillotson would succeed to it. Tillotson stood
aghast ; for his nature was quiet and unambitious ; he was be-
ginning to feel the infirmities of old age ; he cared little for
money ; of worldly advantages those which he most valued
were an honest fame and the general good- will of mankind ;
those advantages he already possessed ; and he could not bat
be aware that, if he became primate, he should incur the
bitterest hatred of a powerful party, and should become a mark
for obloquy, from which his gentle and sensitive nature shrank
as from the rack or the wheeL William was earnest and res-
olute. " It is necessary," he said, " for my service ; and I
must lay on your conscience the responsibility of refusing me
your iielp." Here the conversation ended. It was, indeed,
not necessary that the point should be immediately decided ;
for several months were still to elapse before the Archbishopric
would be vacant.

Tillotson bemoaned himself with unfeigned anxiety and sor-
row to Lady Russell, whom, of all human beings, he most
honored and trusted.* He hoped, he said, that he was not
inclined to shrink from the service of the Church ; but he was
convinced that his present line of service was that in which he
could be most useful. If he should be forced to accept so high
and so invidious a post as the primacy, he should soon sink
acder the load of duties and anxieties too heavy for his strength.
His spirits, and with his spirits his abilities, would fail him.
lie gently complained of Burnet, who loved and admired him
with a truly generous heartiness, and who had labored to per-
suade both the King and Queen that there was in £ngland
only one man fit for the highest ecclesiastical dignity. ^The

* TiUotson to Lady Russell, April 19, 169a
VOL. III. 17

S86 0181 OST OF BNaLAlTD.

Bishop of Salisbury," said Tillotson, ^ is one of the best and
worst Iriends that I know/'

Nothing that was not a secret to Burnet was likely to be
long a secret to anybody. It soon began to be whispered
about that the King had fixed on Tiilotson to fill the place of
Sancroft. The news caused cruel mortification to Compton,
who, not unnaturally, conceived that his own claims were un«
ri railed. lie had educated the Queen and her sister ; and to
the instruction which they had received from him might fairly
be ascribed, at least in part, the firmness with which, in spite
of the influence of their father, they had adhered to the estab*
llshcd religion. Compton was, moreover, the only prelate who,
during the late reign, had raised his voice in Parliament
against the dispensing power, the only prelate who had been
suspended by the High Commission, the only prelate who had
signed the invitation to the Prince of Orange, the only prelate
who had actually taken arms against Popery and arbitrary
power, the only prelate, save one, who had voted against a Re-
gency. Among the ecclesiastics of the Province of Canterbury
who had tiiken the oaths, he was highest in rank. He had,
therefore, held, during some months, a vicarious primacy ; he
had crowned the new Sovereigns ; he had consecrated the new
Bishops ; he was about to preside in the Convocation. It may
be added, that he was the son of an Earl ; and that no person
of equally high birth then sate, or had ever sate, since the Ref-
ormation, on the episcopal bench. That the government should
put over his head a priest of his own diocese, who was the son
of a Yorkshire clothier, and who was distinguished only by
abilities and virtues, was provoking ; and Compton, though by
no means a bad-hearted man, was much provoked. Perhaps
his vexation was increased by the reflection that he had, for
tlie sake of those by whom he wiis thus slighted, done some
things which had strained his conscience and sullied his repu-
tation, that he had at one time practised the disingenuous arts
of a diplomatist, and at another lime given scandal to h\H
brethren by wearing the bufi* coat and jackboots of a trooper.
He could not accuse Tillotson of inordinate ambition. But,
though Tillotson was most unwilling to accept the Arch-
bishopiic himself, he did not use his infiuence in favor of
Compton, but earnestly recommended Stillingfieet as the man
fittest to preside over the Church of England. The con-
sequence was tliat, on the eve of the meeting of Convcication,
the Bishop who was to be at the head of the Upper House

HISTORY OF EN6LAKD. 887

became the personal enemy of the presbyter whom the govern-
ment wished to see at the head of the Lower House. This
quarrel added new ditficulties to difficulties which little needed
any addition *

It was not till the twentieth of November that the Convoca-
tion met for the despatch of business. The place of meeting
had generally been Saint PauFs Cathedral. But Saint Paul*!
Cathedral was slowly rising from its ruins ; and, though the
dome already towered high above the hundred steeples of the
City, the ciioir had not yet been opened for public worship.
The assembly, therefore, sate at Westminster.f A table waa
placed in the beautiful* chapel of Henry the Seventh. Compton
was in the chair. On his right and lefl those suffragans of
Canterbury who had taken the oaths were ranged in gorgeous
vestments of scarlet and miniver. Below the table was as-
sembled the crowd of presbyters. Beveridge preached a
Latin sermon, in which he warmly eulogized the existing
system, and yet declared himself favorable to a moderate re-
form. Ecclesiastical laws were, he said, of two kinds. Some
laws were fundamental and eternal ; they derived their authoc-
ity from God ; nor could any religious community repeal them
without ceasing to form a part of the universal Church. Other
laws were local and temporary. They had been framed by
human wisdom, and might be altered by human wisdom. They
ought not indeed to be altered without grave reasons. But
surely, at that moment, such reasons were not wanting. To
unite a scattered flock in one fold under one shepherd, to re-
move stumbling-blocks from the path of the weak, to reconcile
hearts long estranged, to restore spiritual discipline to its prim-
itive vigor, to place the best and purest of Christian societies
on a ba^e broad enough to stand against all the attacks of earth
and hell, these were objects which might well justify some mod-
ification, not of Catholic institutions, but of national or pro*
vincial usages4

The Lower House, having heard this discourse, proceeded to
appoint a Prolocutor. Sharp, who was probably put forward
by the members favorable to a comprehension as one of the
highest churchmen among them, proposed Tillotson. Jane, who

* Birch's Life of Tillotson. The acconnt there given of the collneM
bitwcen Comptoo and Tillotsoa was taken by Birch from the MSS. of
Uenry Wharton, and is confirmed by many circamstance^ which uf
tnown from other sources of intelligence.

t Chamberlayne's State of Biigland, 1 8th edition.

t Concio ad Synodum per Gulielmum Boveregium, 1689.

888 HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND.

had refused to act under the Royal Commisflion, was propoAed
on the other side. After some animated discussion, Jane waa
elected by fifty-five votes to twenty-eight.*

The Prolocutor was formally presented to the Bishop of Lon-
don, and made, according to ancient usage, a Latin oration. In
this oration the Anglican Church was extolled lis the most per-
fect of all institutions. There was a very intelligible intimation
that no change whatever in her doctrine, her discipline, or her
ritual was required ; and the discourse concluded with a most
significant sentence. Compton, when a few months before he
exhibited himself in the somewhat unclerical character of a
colonel of horse, had ordered the colors of his regiment to
be embroidered with the well-known words ^^ Nolumus leges
AnglisB mutari ; " and with these words Jane closed his pero-
ration.f

Still, the Low Churchmen did not relinquish all hope. They
very wisely determined to begin by proposing to substitute les-
sons taken from the canonical books for the lessons taken from
the Apocrypha. It should seem that this was a suggestion
which, even if there had not been a single dissenter in the king-
dom, might well have been received with favor. For the
Church had, in her sixth Article, declared that the canonical
books were, and that the Apocryphal books were not, entitled
to be called Holy Scriptures, and to be regarded as the rule of
faith. Even this reform, however, the High Churchmen were
determined to oppose. They asked, in pamphlets which covered
the counters of Paternoster Row and Little Britain, why coun-
try congregations should be deprived of the pleasure of hearing
about the ball of pitch with which Daniel choked the dragon,
and about the fish whose liver gave forth such a fume as sent
the devil fiying from Ecbatana to Egypt. And were there not
chapters of the Wisdom of the Son of Sirach far more interest-
ing and edifying than the genealogies and muster rolls which
made up a large part of the Chronicles of the Jewish Kings and
of the narrative of Nehemiah ? No grave divine however would
have liked to maintain, in Uenry the Seventl 's Chapel, that it
wad impossible to find, in many hundreds of pages dictated by
the Holy Spirit, fifty or sixty chapters more edifying than any
thing which could be extracted from the works of the most re-

* Nvclssus Lattreirs Diarj ; Historical Account of the Present Con
Vocation
t Kennet's History, iii. 552.

BISTORT OF ENOLAlCD. 889

ipectable uninr^pired moralist or historian. The leaders of the
majority therefore determined to shun a debate in which they
must have been reduced to a disagreeable dilemma. Their plan
was, not to reject the recommendations of the Commissioners,
but to prevent those recommendations from being discussed ;
and with this view a system of tactics was adopted which proved
successful.

The law, as it had been interpreted during a long course of
years, prohibited the Convocation from even deliberating on any
ecclesiiistical ordinance without a previous warrant from the
Crown. Such a warrant, sealed with the great seal, was brought
ill form to Henry the Seventh's Chapel by Nottingham. He at
the same time delivered a message from the King. His Majes-
ty exliorted the aasembly to consider calmly and without preju-
dice the recommendations of the Commission, and declared that
he had nothing in view but the honor and advantage of the
Protestant religion in general, and of the Church of England
in particular.*

The Bishops speedily agreed on an address of thanks for the
royal message, and requested the concurrence of the Lower
House. Jane and his adherents raised objection after objection.
First they claimed the privilege of presenting a separate ad-
dress. When they were forced to waive this claim^ they refused
to agree to any expression which imported that the Church of
England had any fellowship with any other Protestant commu-
nity. Amendments and reasons were sent backward and for-
ward. Conferences were held at which Burnet or one side and
Jane on the other were the ehief speakers. At last, with great
difficulty, a compromise was made ; and an address, cold and un-
gracious compared with that which the Bishops had framed, was
presented to the King in the Banqueting House. He dissem-
bled his vexation, returned a kind answer, and intimated a hope
that the assembly would now at length proceed to cx)nsider the
great question of Comprehension.f

Such, however, was not the intention of the leaders of the
Lower House. As soon as they were again in Henry the Sev-
enth's Chapel, one of them raised a debate about the nonjuring
Bishops. In spite of the unfortunate scruple which those pr^
lates entertained, they were learned and holy men. Their ad

- — ~

*■ Historical Account of tho Present ConvocaHon, 1689.
* Historical Account of the Present Convocation ; Burnet, ii. 58 ; Ken
Mt't History of the Reign of Wiiliam and Mary.

S90 HISTORY OF BHGLAND.

▼ice nnght, at this conjuncture, be of the greatest service to tin.
Church. The Upper House was hardly an Upper House in
the absence of the Primate and of many of liis most respectable
Euflfragans. Could nothing be done to remedy this evil?*
Another member complained of some pamphlets which had
lately appeared, and in which the Convocation was not treated
with proper deference. The assembly took lire. Was it not
monstrous that this heretical end schismatical trash should ly)
cried by the hawkers about the sti*eets, and should be expoM?d
to sale in the booths of Westminster Hall, within a hundred
yaj*ds of the Prolocutor's chair? The work of mutilating the
1 liturgy and of turning cathedrals into conventicles might sure-
iv be postponed till the Synod had taken measures to protect
its own freedom and dignity. It was then debated how the print-
ing of such scandalous books should be prevented. Some were
for indictments, some for ecclesiastical censures.t In such delib-
erations as these week afler week passed away. Not a single
proposition tending to a Comprehension had been even dis-
(bussed. Christmas was approaching. At Christmas there
was to be a recess. The Bishops were desirous that, during
the recess, a committee should sit to prepare business. The
Lower House refused to consent.J That House, it was now
evident, was fully determined not even to enter on the consid-
eration of any part of the plan which had been framed by the
Roy^ Commissioners. The proctors of the dioceses were in a
worse humor than when they first came up to Westminster.
Many of them had probably never before passed a week in the
capital, and had not been aware how great the difference was
between a town divine and a country divine. The sight of the
luxuries and comforts enjoyed by the popular preachers of the
city raised, not unnaturally, some sore feeling in a Lincoln-
shire or Caernarvonshire vicar who was accustomed to live aa
hardly as a small farmer. The very circumstance that the
London clergy were generally for a comprehension made the
representatives of the rural clergy obstinate on the other side.§

♦ Historical Account of the Present Convocation ; Rennet's History.

t Historical Account of the Present Convocation ; Kennet.

I Historical Account of the Present Convocation.

\ That tlierc was such a jealousy as I have described is admitted iii the
pamphlet entitled Vox Cleri. ** Some country ministers, now of the
Convocation, do now see in what great case and'plenty the City ministers
live, who have their readers and lecturers, and frequent supplies, and
lometiiues uirry In tlic vestry till prayers be ended, and have gi^At dijfnir

HTSTOBT OF ENGLAND. B91

The prelates were as a body, sincerelj desirous that ^ome ooii-
eessions might be made to the nonconformists. But the pre«
lates were utterly unable to curb the mutinous democracy.
They were few in number. Some of them were object* of ex-
treme dislike to the parochial clergy. The President had not
the full authority of a primate; nor was he sorry to see those
who had, as he conceived, used him ill, thwarted and mortified.
It was necessary to yield. The Convocation was prorogued
for six weeks. When those six weeks had expired, it was pro-
rogued again ; and many years elapsed before it was permitted
to transact business.

So ended, and forever, the hope that the Church of England
might be induced to make some concession to the scruples of
the nonconformists. A learned and respectable minority of
the clerical order relinquished that hope with deep regret.
Yet in a very short time even Burnet and Tillotson found rea-
son to believe that their defeat was really an escape, and that
victory would have been a disaster. A reform, such as, in the
days of Elizabeth, would have united the great body of Eng-
lisli Protestants, would, in the days of William, have alienated
more hearts than it would have conciliated. The schism which
the oaths had produced was, as yet, insignificant. Innovations
such as those proposed by the Royal Commissioners would
have given it a terrible importance. As yet a layman, though
he might think the proceedings of the Convention unjustifiable,
and though he might applaud the virtue of the nonjuring
clergy, still continued to sit under the accustomed pulpit, and
to kneel at the accustomed altar. But if, just at this conjunc-
ture, while his mind was irritated by what he thought the
wrong done to his favorite divines, and while he was perhaps
doubting whether he ought not to follow them, his ears and
eyes had been shocked by changes in the worship to which he
was fondly attached, if the compositions of the doctors of the
Jerusalem Chamber had taken the place of the old collects, if
he had seen clergymen without surplices carrying the chalice
and the paten up and down the aisle to seated communicants,

tics in the Church, besides their rich parishes in the City." The aathor of
this tract, onco widely celebrated, was Thomas Long, proctor for the
clergy of the diocese of Exeter. In another pamphlet, published at this
time, the rural clergymen are said to have seen with an evil eye their
London brethren reircshing themselves with sack after preaching. Several
latirical allusions to the f;ii)le of the Town Mouse and the Country
lfc«<»e vrill be found in the paiLphlets of that winter.

J|9V HISTOBT OF ENGLAITD.

the tie which bound him to the Established Church would have
been dissolved. He would have repaired to some nonjuring
assembly, where the service which he loved was performed
without mutilation. The new sect, which as yet consisted
almost exclusively of priests, would soon have been swelled by
numerous and large congregations ; and in those congregations
would have been found a muoh greater proportion of the opu*
lent, of the highly descended, and of the highly educated, than
any other body of dissenters could show. The Episcopal
schismatics, thus reinforced, would probably have been as
formidable to the new King and his successors as «ver the
Puritan schismatics had been to the princes of the House of
Stuart It is an indisputable and a most instructive fact, that
we are, in a great measure, indebted for the civil and religious
liberty which we enjoy to the pertinacity with which the High
Church party, in the Convocation of 1689, refused even to
deliberate on any plan of Comprehension.*

* Burnet, ii. 33, 34. The best narratives of what passed in this Con*
vocation are the Historical Account appended to the second edition of
Vox Cleri, and the passage in Kcnnet*s History to which I have already
referred the reader. The former narrative is by a very high churchman,
the latter by a very low churchman. Those who are desirous of obtaining
fuller information must consult the contemporary pamphlets. Among
them are Vox Populi ; Vox Laici ; Vox liegis et Regni ; the Healing
Attempt ; the Letter to a Friend, by Dean Prideaux ; the Letter from a
Minister in the Country to a Member of the Convocation ; the Answer to
the Merry Answer to Vox Cleri; the Remarks from the Country upon two
Letters relating to the Convocation ; the Vindication of the Letters in an-
iwer to Vox Cleri ; the Answer to the Country Minister's Letter. AH
these tracts appeared late in 1689 or early in 1690.

HISTORI OF BMOLANIft. MS

CHAPTER XV.

While the Convocation was wrangling on one side of Old
Palace Yard, the Parliament was wrangling even more fiercely
on the other. The Houses, which had separated on the twen-
tieth of August, had met again on the nineteenth of October*
On the daj of meeting an important change struck every eye.
Halifax was no longer on the woolsack. He had reason to
expect that the persecution, from which in the preceding ses-
sion he had narrowly escaped, would be renewed. The events
which had taken place during the recess, and especially the
disasters of the campaign in Ireland, had furnished his perse-
cutors with fresh means of annoyance. His administration had
not been successful ; and, though his failure was partly to be
ascribed to causes against which no human wisdom could have
contended, it was also partly to be ascribed to the peculiarities
of his temper and of his intellect. It was certain that a large
party in the Commons would attempt to remove him ; and he
could no longer depend on the protection of bis master. It
was natural that a prince who was emphatically a man of ac-
tion, should become weary of a minister who was a man of
speculation. Charles, who went to Council as he went to the
play, solely to be amused, was delighted with an adviser who
had a hundred pleasant and ingenious things to say on both
sides of every question. But William had no taste for dis-
quisitions and disputations, however lively and subtle, which
occupied much time and led to no conclusion. It was reportedf
and is not improbable, that on one occasion he could not refrain
from expressing in sharp terms at the council board his im-
patience at what seemed to him a morbid habit of indecision.*
Halifax, mortified by his mischances in public life, dejected by
domestic calamities, disturbed by apprehensions of an impeach-
ment, and no longer supported by royal favor, became sick of

* ** Halifax a ea ane reprimande s^t^ pabliqaement dans le ocnseil
par le i'rince d' Orange poor avoir trop balance." — Araax to Do Crcisi^

Dublin, June ^|, 1689. '* His mercarial wit,*' says BonMt, it i, "
■Of well suited with the King's phlegm.

17*

M4 HI8TORT OF ENGLAJnX

public life, and began to pine for the silence and solitude of
his seat in Nottinghamshire, an old Cistercian Abbey buried
deep among woods. Early in October it was known that he
would no longer preside in the Upper House. It was at the
same time whispered as a great secret that he meant to retire
altogether from business, and that he retained the Privy Seal
only till a successor should be named. Chief Baron Atkyoii
was appointed Speaker of the Lords.*

On some important points there appeared to be no difference
of opinion in the legislature. The Commons unanimously re-
solved that they would stand by the King in the work of reoon*
quering Ireland, and that they would enable him to prosecute
with vigor the war against France.f With equal unanimity
they voted an extraordinary supply of two millions. ^ It was
determined that the greater part of this sum should be levied
by an assessment on real property. The rest was to be raised
partly by a poll tax, and partly by new duties on tea, coffee, and
chocolate. It was proposed that a hundred thousand pounds
should be exacted from the Jews ; and tliis proposition was at
first favorably received by the House; but difficulties arose.
The Jews presented a petition in which they declared that they
could not afford to pay such a sum, and that they would rather
leave the kingdom than stay there to be ruined. Enlightened
politicians could not but perceive that special taxation, laid on
a small class which happens to be rich, unpopular, and defence-
less, is really confiscation, and must ultimately impoverish
rather than enrich the State. After some discussion, the Jew
tax was abandoned. §

The Bill of Rights, which, in the last Session, had, afler
causing much altercation between the Houses, been suffered to
drop, was again introduced, and was speedily passed. The
peers no longer insisted that any person should be designated
bj name as successor to the crown, if Mary, Anne, and William
should all die without posterity. During eleven years nothing
more was heard of the claims of the House of Brunswick.

* Clarendon's Diary, Oct 10, 1689; Lords' Joamals, Oct. 19, 1689.

t Commons* Journals, Oct 24, 1689.

X Commons' Journals, Nov. 2, 1689.

\ Commons' Journals, Nov. 7, 19, Dec. 30, 1689. The rale of tbe
Ilonse then was that no petition could be received against the imposiaon
of a tax. This rule was, after a veiy hard R^^ht, rescinded in 1842. Tho
petition of the Jews was not reccivecl, land is not mentioned in the Jour
Dais. Bat something may be learned about it from Narcisias Lnttiell'f
Diary and from Groy's Debates, Nov. 19, 1689.

HI8TOBT OF EVGLAHD. 896

The Bill of Rights contained some provisions which desenre
si>cc]al mention. The Convention had resolved that it waa
contrary to the interest of the kingdom to be governed by a
Papist, but had prescribed no test which could ascertiun whothei
a pnnce was or was not a Papist The defect was now sup*
plied. It was enacted that every English sovereign shouki,
in full Parliament, and at the coronation, repeat and subscribe
the Declaration against Tninsubstantiation.

It was also enacted that no person who should marry a
Papist should be capable of reigning in England, and that, if
the Sovereign should marry a Papist, the subject should be ah»
solved from allegiance. Burnet boasts that this part of the
Bill of Rights was his work. He had little reason to boast ;
for a more wretched specimen of legislative workmanship will
not easily be found. In the first place, no test is prescribed.
Whether the consort of a Sovereign has taker the oath of
supremacy, has signed the declaration against transubstantia-
tiou, has communicated according to the ritual of the Church
of England, are very simple issues of fact. But whether the
consort of a Sovereign is or is not a Papist is a question about
which people may argue forever. What is a Papist ? The
word is not a word of definite signification either in law or in
theology. It is merely a popular nickname, and means very
diiferent things in different mouths. Is every person a Papist
who is willing to concede to the Bishop of liome a primacy
among Christian prelates ? If so, James the First, Charles the
First, Laud, Heylyn, were Papists.* Or is the a|)pellation to
be confined to per2>ons who hold the ultramontane doctrinea
touching the authority of the Holy See ? If so, neither Bossuet
nor Pascal was a Papist.

What again is the legal effect of the words which absolve
the subject from his allegiance ? Is it meant that»a person ar-
raigned for high treason may tender evidence to prove that the
Sovereign has married a Papist? Would Thistlewood, for

* Janies^ in the very treatise in which he tried to prove the Pope to bd
Antichrist, Bay§ *. '* For naysclf, if that were yet the question, I wodd
with all my heart eive my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have
the first seat." There is a remarkable letter on this subject written by
James to Charles and Buckingham, when they were in Spain. Heylyn,
spciiking of Laud's negotiation with Home, says : *' So that apon the
point the Pope was to content himself among us la England with a pri-
ority instead of a superiority over other Bishops, and with a primacy in-
•teaid of a supremacy in those parts of Christendom, which I conceife na
man of .earning and sobriety woald have (grudged to grant liun."

HISTORT OP EKGLAND.

ve been entitled to an acquittal, if ha conU tufa

tbaC Jlrs. FitKherbert was a Papist ? It is not
sve timt any tribunal would have gone into such a
V^et lo whal purpose is it to eniict thai, in a certaia
iject shall be absolved from hh allegiance, if the
)re which he is ti-ied for a violation of his allegiance
into llie question whelhur ihat case has arisen 7
Lion of the dispensing power was treated in a very
nner, was fully considered, and waa finally settled
/raj in which it could be settled. The Deciaralioo
I gone no further tlian to pronounce that the dia-
■cr, as of late exercised, waa illegal. That a cer-
iug power belonged to the Crown was a proposilion
■y authorities and precedents of which even Whig
Id not speak without respect ; but as to the precise
lis power hardly any two jurists were agreed; and

tights the anomalous prerogative which Lad caused
jrce disputes was absolutely and forever taken

)use of Commons there was, as might have been ex-
ies of sharp debates on the misfortunes of tlie autumn,
nee or corruption of the Navy Board, the frauds of

mSTOBT OF KKOLAirD. 39?

riiigtoo ; nor does it appear that a single voice was raised
ugainst him. He had personal friends in both parties. He
had manj popular qualities. Even his vices were not those
which excite public hatred. The people readily forgave a
courageous open-handed sailor for being too fond of his bottle,
his boon companions, and his mistresses, and did not sufficiently
consider how great must be the perils of a country of which the
safety depends on a man sunk in indolence, stupelied by wine,
fmervated by licentiousness, ruined by prodigality, and enslaved
by sycophants and harlots.

The sufferings of the army in Ireland called forth strong
expressions of sympathy and indignation. The Commons did
justice to the firmness and wisdom with which Schomberg had
conducted the most arduous of all campaigns. That he hnd
not achieved more, was attributed chiefly to the villany of the
Commissariat. The pestilence itself, it was said, would have
been no serious calamity, if it had not been aggravated by the
wickedness of man. The disease had generally spared those
who had warm garments and bedding, and had swept away by
thousands those who were thinly clad and who slept on the wet
ground. Immense sums had been drawn out of the Treasury ;
yet the pay of the troops was in arrear. Hundreds of horses,
tens of thousands of shoes, had been paid for by the public ;
yet the baggage was left behind for want of beasts to draw it ;
and the soldiers were marching barefoot through the mire.
Seventeen hundred pounds had been charged to the goven>
ment for medicines ; yet the common drugs with which every
apothecary in the smallest market town was provided, were
not to be found in the plague-stricken camp. The cry against
Shales was loud. An address was carried to the throne, re-
questing that he might be sent for to England, and that his ac-
counts and papers might be secured. With this request the
King readily complied ; but the Whig majority was not satis-
fied. By whom had Shales been recommended for so impor-
tant a place as that of Commissary-General ? He had been a
favorite at Whitehall in the worst times. He had been zealoutt
for tlie Declaration of Indulgence. Why had this creature of
James been entrusted with the business of catering for the
army of William ? It was proposed by some of those who
were bent on driving all Tories and Trimmers from ofiice, to
ask His Majesty by whose advice a man so undeserving of the
royal confidence had been employed. The most moderate and
judicious Whigs pointed out the indecency and impolicy of

niSTORT OF ESGLAini.

r.g the King, and of forcing hire either lo accage hU

[is Majesty, if you will," »aid Samers, " to witbdrair
nee from Ihe counsellors who recuminentled tliia un-
appointiDtiQU Such advice, given, as we ebould
;ivQ it, unanimously, must have great weiglit with

do not put lo him a que<ition such aa no priTste
would wilLngly answer. Do not force him, in da-
lis own personal dignity, to protect the very men

wish him to discard." After a hard fight of two
teveral divisions, tlie address was carried by a hun-
linety-five votes to a hundred and forty-six." Th«
light have been foreseen, coldly refused to turn in-
id the House did not press him furtber.t To an-

:amiiie into the stale of things in Ireland, Williaoi
very gracious aniwer, and desired the Commoos to
:>mraissioners. The Commons, not to be outdone in
xcused theinselvea, and left it to His Majesty's wis-
BCt the fittest persons.!

lidst of the angry debates on the Irish war, a plea^
It producod for a moment good-humor and unanim-
Kr had arrived in London, and bad been received
boundless eiuhusiuam. Hia face was in every print-

JSI8T0BT OF BN0LAKD. 9d}f

An order for five thousand pounds. '^And do not think, Doo-
fcor," William said, with great benignity, " that I ofler you thia
sum as payment for your services. I assure you that I con-
sider your claims on me as not at all diminished/'*

It is true, that amidst the general applause, the voice of de*
traction made itself heard. The defenders of Londonderry
were men of two nations and of two religions. During the
siege, hatred of the Irishry had held together all Saxons ; and
hatred of Popery had held together all Protestants. But,
when the danger was over, the Englishman and the Scotch-
man, the Episcopalian and the Presbyterian, began to wrangle
about the distribution of praises and rewards. The dissenting
preachers, who had zealously assisted Walker in the hour of
peril, complained that, in the account which he published of
the siege, he had, though acknowledging that they had done
good service, omitted to mention their names. The complaint
was just ; and, had it been made in language becoming Chris-
tians and gentlemen, would probably have produced a consid-
erable effect on the public mind. But Walker's accusers, in
their resentment, disregarded truth and decency, used scurril-
ous language, brought calumnious accusations which were tri-
umphantly refuted, and thus threw away the advantage which
they had possessed. Walker defended himself with moder-
ation and candor. His friends fought his battle with vigor, and
retaliated keenly on his assailants. At Edinburgh, perhaps
the public opinion might have been against him. But in Lon-
don, the controversy seems only to have raised Lis character.
He was regarded as an Anglican divine of eminent merit, who,
after having heroically defended his religion against an army
of Popish Rapparees, was rabbled by a mob of Scotch Cove-
nanters.t

* London Oazette, September 2, 1689 ; Obflenrations upon Mr. Walker't
Account of the Siege of Londonderry, licensed October 4, 1689 ; Narc»-
fos Lattrell's Diary; Mr. J. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, a
Defence of Mr. G. Walker, written by his Friend in his Absence, 1690.

t Walker's True Account, 1689 ; An Ap^ogy for the Failures charged
on the True Act-ount, 1689; Reflections on the Apology, 1689; A Vindi-
cation of the True Account by Walker, 1689; Mackenzie's Narrative,
1690; Mr. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, 1690; Dr. Walker's
Invisible Champion foyled by Mackenzie, 1690; Welwood's Mercurios
Seformatus, Dec. 4, and II, 1689. The Oxford editor of Burnet's His-
tory expresses his surprise at the silence which the Bishop observes about
Walker. In the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584, there is an animated panegyric
in Walker. Why that panegyric lo^s not appear in tlie Uistory, I am ai
I Una tiy cxolain.

en ed to tl e Coairaons a petition setting forth tbt
D d 0 0 u hicli ttje widows and or)ihan8 of soma

^ha bad fa ho during the eiege were now reduced,
s lu ta (1/ posted a vote of thanks to him, and
1 present lo tlie King an address reqiiealiiig ibat ten
lound:! might be distributed among the families wlioM
hiid been so toui^hingly de^ciibed. The next day it
■ed about the benches Uiat Walker was in the lobby.
Jled in. The Sjieuker, with grt-at dignity and gnioo,
lira that the House had made iiasle to comply with
, coirme'nded him in high t«rraa for having taken on

govern and defend a city betrayed by its proper
andUefendeiB.and charged him to tell those who bad
er biui that their fideliiy and valor would always be

iitied by another curious and interesting episode,
1 ihe former, .^prattg out of the events of the Irish
the jireeeding spiing, when every messenger from
ought evil tidiiig.s, and when the authority of Juniea
wledged in every part of that kingdom, except behind
rta of Londonderry and on the banks of Lough Erne,
lural that Eiiglisliroon should remember with how
. energy the great I'uritan warriors of the preceding

mSTORT OF ENGLAND. 401

efface. His name and seal were on the death warrant of
Charles the First.

After the Restoration, Ludlow found a refuge on the shores
of the Lake of Geneva. He was accompanied thither bj anothei
member of the High Court of Justice, John Lisle, the husband
of that Alice Lisle whose death has lefl a lasting stain on the
memory of James the Second. But even in Switzerland the
regicides were not safe. A large price was set on their heads ;
and a succession of Irish adventurers, inflamed bj national and
religious animosity, attempted to earn the bribe. Lisle fell by
the hand of one of these assassins. But Ludlow escaped azi*
hurt from all the machinations of his enemies. A small knot
of vehement and determined Whigs regarded him with a venera*
tion, which increased as years rolled away, and left him almost
the only survivor, certainly the most illustrious survivor, of a
mighty race of men, the conquerors in a terrible civil war, the
judges of a king, the founders of a republic More than once
he had been invited by the enemies of the House of Stuart tc
leave his asylum, to become their captain, and to give the signal
for rebellion ; but be had wisely refused to take any part in the
desperate enterprises which the Wildmans and Fergusons were
never weary of planning.*

The Revolution opened a new prospect to him. The right
of the people to resist oppression, a right which, during many
years, no man could assert without exposing himself to eccle*
siastical anathemas and to civil penalties, had been solemnly
recognized by the Estates of the realm, and had been proclaimed
by Garter King at Arms, on the very spot where the memorai
ble scafibld had been set up forty years before. James had not,
indeed, like Charles, died the death of a traitor. Yet the pun*
ishment of the son might seem to differ from the punishment of
the father rather in degree than in principle. Those who had
recently waged war on a tyrant, who had turned him out of his
palace, who had frightened him out of his country, who had
deprived him of his crown, might perhaps think that the crime
of going one step further had been sufficiently expiated by thirty
years of banishment Ludlow's admirers, some of whom ap-
pear to have been in high public situations, assured him that
he might safely venture over, nay, that he might expect to bo
lent in high command to Ireland, where his name was still

• Wade's ConfeMion, Harl. MS. 684&

BISTORT OF ENGLAIO).

I by liis old Bolfliprs and by their childi-en.* He eanie i
J in Seplember it was known that ho was in London.f
ftn appeared [Imt he and liis friends had miRunderslood
r of the English people. Bf all, except a eidhII ex-
it of ihe Whig partj, the act. in which he hud borne a
lo be forgotten, was regarded, not mBreJy with the
ion due to a. greal violHtion of law and justice, but
r siicb as even tliu Gunpowder Plot had not excited.
pi and alraoit impious service which is still read in
I the thirtieth of January had produced in the
I the vulgar a strange HSi^>ciatio^ of ideas. The
I of Charles were confounded with the sufferings of
Tier of mankind ; and every regicide was a Juda^, a
or a Herod. It was true that, when Ludlow sa[«oii
il in Westminster Hall, he was an ardent enthusiast
eight, and Ihat he now returned from exile a grey-
'inklcd man in his seventieth year. Perhaps,
I if lie had been content lo live in close retirement, and
1 of public resort, even lealuus Boyalisls might
L'rudgcd the old Republican a grave in his natiTe soiL
' no thought of hiding himself. It was soon ru-
e of those murderers, who had brought on Eng-
r which she annually, in sackcloth and ashes,
not to enter into judgment with her, was slrut-
\ the sireeta of her capital, and boasting lhat be should

mSTORT OF ENOLAXP KM

before the proclamation appeared.* Ludlow had time to make
his escape, and again hid himself in his Alpine retreat, never
again to emerge. English travellers are siill taken to see his
house close to the lake, and his tomb in a church among the
vineyards which overlook the little town of Vevay. On the
bouse wa» formerly legible an inscnption purporting that to
him to whom God is a father every land is a fatherland ; f and
the epitaph on the tomb still attests the feelings with which the
stem old Puritan to the last i*egarded the people of Ireland and
the House of Stuart.

Tories and Whigs had concurred, or had affected to concur,
hi paying honor to Walker and in putting a brand on Lndlow.
But the feud between the two parties was more bitter than ever.
The King had entertained a hope that, during the recess, the
animosities which had in the preceding session prevented an
Act of Indemnity from passing would have been mitigated*
On the day on which the Houses reassembled, he had pressed
them earnestly to put an end to the fear and discord which
could never cease to exist, while great numbers held their prop-
erty and their liberty, and not a few even their lives, by an un-
certain tenure. His exhortation proved of no effect. October,
November, December passed away; and nothing was done.
An Indemnity Bill had been brought in, and read once ; bat it
had ever since lain neglected on the table of the House.)
Vindictive as had been the mood in which the Whigs had left
Westminster, the mood in which they returned was more vin-
dictive stilL Smarting from old sufferings, drunk with recent
prosperity, burning with implacable resentment, confident of
irresistible strength^ they were not less rash and headstrong
than in the days of the Exclusion Bill. Sixteen hundred and
eighty was come again. Again all compromise was rejected.
A^ain the voices of the wisest and most upright friends of
liberty were drowned by the clamor of hot-headed and design-
ing agitators. Again moderation was despised as cowardice^
or execrated as treachery. All the lessons taught by a cruel
experience were forgotten. The very same men who had ex*

* Commons' Joamals, November 6 and 8, 1689 ; Grey's Debates ;
C«ondon Gazette, November 18.

t " Omne Holum forti patria, qaia patris." See Addison's Travels. li
k a remiirkable drcamstance that Addison, though a Whig, speaks of
Ladlow in lan^i^age which would better have hecome a Tory, and sneeif
It tho inscription an cant.

1 Commons' Joamala, Nov. I, 7, 1699.

HISTOKT OF ENQL4.ND.

e fuUj with which tbey had misused ihe advaoiJiga
b; Ihe Popi^li plot, now misuaed with equid tuily
ige given them by the Revolution. The second
)iild, in All probability, like the firet, have ended in
iplion, di.'ipersion, decimation, but for the miignanim-
dom of lliut great prince, wbo, bent on fulfilling iiis
J insensible alike to flattery and to outrage, coldly
jly saved them ia their own dcBpile.
d that nothing but blood would satisfy them. The
the temper of the Houae of Commons reminded men .
e of the ascendency of Gates ; and, that uuibing
anting to the resemblance, Oatea liimself was tfaere.
as, indeed, he could now render no service j but ho
: the scent of carnage, and came to gloat on the
which he could no longer take an aetive part. Hia
eiilnrea were again daily seen, and his wdl-kno»sn
, ah Laard ! " was again dmiy heard in the lobbies and
ry." The House fell first on the renegades of the late
those renegades the KarU of Peterborough and
rere the highest in rank, but were also the lowest in
or Salisbury had always been an idiot; and Peler-
d long been a dolard. It was however resolved by the
hat both had, by joining the Church of Itome, com-

BI8T0BT OF ENGLAND. 405

otmity and disengenuousness which deprived him of all claim
tc respect or pity. He protested that he had never chmiged
his religion, that his opinions had always been and stJl w^re
those of some highly respectable divines of the Church of
England, and that there were points on which he differed from
the Papists. In spite of this quibbling, he was pronounced
guilty of high treason, and sent to prison.* Castlemaine was
put next to the bar, interrogated, and committed under a war-
rant which charged him with the capital crime of trying to rec-
oncile the kingdom to the Church of Rome-t

In the mean time the Lords had appointed a Committee to
inquire who were answerable for the deaths of Russell, of Sid-
ney, and of some other eminent Whigs. Of this Committee,
which was popularly called the Murder Committee, the Earl
of Stamford, a Whig who had been deeply concerned in the
plots formed by his party against the Stuarts, was chairman.}
The books of the Council were inspected ; the clerks of the
Council were examined ; some facts disgraceful to the Judges,
to the Solicitors of the Treasury, to the witnesses for the
Crown, and to the keepers of the state prisons were elicited ;
but about the packing of the juries no evidence could be ob-
tained. The Sheriffs kept their own counsel. Sir Dudley
North, in particular, underwent a most severe cross-examina-
tion with characteristic clearness of head and firmness of tem-
per, and steadily asserted that he had never troubled himself
about the political opinions of the persons whom he put on any
panel, but had merely inquired whether they were substantial
citizens. He was undoubtedly lying; and so some of the Whig
peers told him in very plain words, and in very loud tones ; but,
though they were morally certain of his guilt, they could find
no proofs which would support a criminal charge against him.
The indelible stain, however, remains on his memory, and is
Btill a subject of lamentation to those who, while loathing his
dishonesty and cruelty, cannot forget that he was one of the
most original, profound, and accurate thinkers of his age. §

Halifax, more fortunate than Dudley North, was completely
cleared, not only from legal, but also from moral guilt. He

♦ roinmons' Journals, Oct. 26, 1689; Wood's Athena Oxoniensea;
Dod'g Church History, VIII. ii. 3.

t Commons' Journals, October 28, 1689. The proceedings will be
|>ond in the collection of State Trials.

I Lords* Journals, Nov. 2 and 6, 1 689.

\ Lords' Journals, Dec. 20, 1689 ; Life of Dudley North.

HISTOnr OP ENQLAMB.

ling to liglit that was not to his honor. TiHoWon
s H witness, lie rtworu ihat be had been tlie clian-
lunkalion belween Ilulifiix and Russell when Ku*-
■isoner in the Tower. " Mj Lord Ilulifax." said

1 ; and niy Loiil Ku^sclt pliarg^d me with lii:^ ladt

the unfortunate Duke of Monmouib had bomc
mony to HHlifax's goud-nature. One hostile wit

H'3S produced, John Hampden, whose mean bu|>-
id enormous bribes had saved his neek from tho

wna now a ]Jowerl'ul and ]irosperou3 raiin ; he was
he duminant jmrty in the House of Commons ; and
jn« of the most unhapiiy beings on (he face of Ilie
■ecollectioQ of Ihe pitiable figure which he had made
jf the Old Bailey embittered liia temper, and im-
j avenge himself witliout mercy on those who had
idireotly uonLributed to hi;^ humiliation. Of all the
as the moat intolernnt and Ihe most obstinately

plans of nmiiesty. The consciuusnesa tliat he iiad
mself made him jealous of his dignity and t|uii:k
nee. He constanily |)araded his servi<.-es and his
t if he hoped thai this ostentatious display would

HI8T0RT OF EN6LAKD. 407

Miy that he did." " And, Mr. Hampden, did not /ou aft«r«
wards send your wife to thank him for his kindness ?" '* Yes;
I believe I did," answered Hampden ; ^^ but I know of no solid
effects of that kindness. If there were any, I should be
obliged to my Lord to tell me what they were." Disgraceful
as had been the appearance which this degenerate heir of an 11-
hhstrious name had made at the Old Bailey, the appearance
which he made before the Committee of Murder was more dia*
graceful still.* It is pleasing to know that a person who bad
been far more cruelly wronged than he, but whose nature dif*
fered widely from his, the noble-minded Lady Russell, remon*
strated against the injustice with which the extreme Whigs
treated Halifax.f \

The malice of John Hampden, however, was unwearied and
nnabashed. A few days later, in a committee of the whole
House of Commons on the state of the nation, he made a bitter
speech, in which he ascribed all the disasters of the year to the
influence of the men who had, in the days of the Exclusion Bill,
been censured by Parliaments, of the men who had attempted
to mediate between James and William. The King, he said,
ought to dismiss from his councils and presence all the three
noblemen who had been sent to negotiate with him at Hunger-
furd. He went on to speak of the danger of employing men
of republican principles. He doubtless alluded to the chief
object of his implacable malignity. For Halifax, though from
temper averse to violent changes, was well known to be in spec-
ulaiion a republican, and often talked with much ingenuity and
pleasantry, against hereditary monarchy. The only eifect,
however, of the reflection now thrown on him, was to call forth
a roar of derision. That a Hampden, that the grandson of
the great leader of the Long Parliament, that a man wiio
boasted of having conspired with Algernon Sidney against the
royal House, should use the word republican as a term of re-
proach I Wlien the storm of laughter had subsided, several
members stood up to vindicate the accused statesman. Sey*
mour declared that, much as he disapproved of the manner
in which the administration had lately been conducted, he

* The report is in the Lords' Joumala, Dec iO, 1689. Hampden's
ezominntion was on the 18ib of November.

t This, I think, is clear from a letter of Lady Montague to Lady Hub
sell, dated Dec. 23, 1689, three days after the Committee of Murder iiaJ
reported

HI8T0BI or ENOLAXD,

joncur in the vote which John Hampden had pro

Look where you will." he 8ai<i, " to Ireland, lo S«)t
e navy, lo llie army, you will find abundant proofs
lagf ment. If thu war is still M> be conducted by llie
Is, we can expect notfiing but a recurrence of the
Iters, But I an not prepared to proscribe men for
:liiiig thai tbey ever did in their lives, lo proscribe
tempting to avert a revolution by timely mediation,"
lly said by anoiher speaker that Halifax and Not-
ad been sent lo Ihe Dutch CHnip because they po»-
B confidence of the nation, because they were

ligion, and to the Prencli ascendency. It vaa at
>lved that the King should be requested in general
nd out and to remove the authors of the lata uiiscar-
A, committee was appointed to prepare an Aildress.
pden was chairman, and drew up a representation io
bitter thai, when it was reported to the House, his
r expressed disapprobutiun, and one member ex-
-This an address! It is a libel." After sharp
) Address was recommiited, and was not again men-

H18T0RT OF ENOLAKD. 40d

Meanwhile the Whigs, conscious that they had lately sank
Id the opinion hoth of the King and of the nation, resolved ou
making a hold and crafty attempt to become fndependent of
both. A perfect account of that attempt cannot be constructed
out of the scanty and widely dispersed materials which have
come down to us. Yet the story, as it has come down to us,
is both interesting and instructive.

A bill for restoring the rights of those corporations which
had surrendered their charters to the Crown during the last
two reigns had been brought into the House of Commons, had
been received with general applause by men of all parties, had
been read twice, and had been referred to a select committee,
of which Somers was chairman. On the second of January
Somers brought up the report. The attendance of Tories waa
scanty ; for, as no important discussion was expected, many
country gentlemen had lef\ town, and were keeping a merry
Christmas by the chimney fires of their manor houses. The
muster of zealous Whigs was strong. As soon as the bill had
been reported, Sacheverell, renowned in the stormy parliaments
of the reign of Charles the Second as one of the ablest and keen*
est of the Exclusion ists, stood up and moved to add a clause
providing that every municipal functionary who had in any
maimer been a party to the surrendering of the franchises of a
borough should be incapable for seven years of holding any
office in that borough. The constitution of almost every cor-
porate town in England had been remodelled during that liot fit
of loyalty which followed the detection of the Rye House Plot ;
and, in almost every corporate town, the voice of the Tories
had been for delivering up the charter, and for trusting every
thing to the paternal care of the Sovereign. The effect of
Sacheverell's clause, therefore, was to make some thousands
of the most opulent and highly considered men in the kingdom
incapable, during seven years, of bearing any part in the gov-
ernment of the places in which they resided, and to secure to
the Whig party, during seven years, an overwhelming influence
in borough elections.

The minority exclaimed against the gross injustice of pass-
ing, rapidly and by surprise, at a season when London was
<)mpty, a law of the highest importance, a law which retro-
spectively inflicted a severe penalty on many hundreds of re-
•pectable gentlemen, a law which would call fortli tlie strongest
^Missions in every town from Berwick to St. Ives, a law which
must have a serious effect on the composition of the House

VOL. III. 18

mmon decency required at lenst an adjournment.
iraenl was moved : but Ihe motion wiis rejected hj
an(i twent3--*cveii rotea to eiglitj-nine. The quea-
icn put that SauheveruH'a dnuse should stand part
and was carried by u hundred and thirty-tliree to

pnl office, sliould presume to mke any aueb olSca,
eit five hundred pound-s and should be for life ia-
lioldlng any public employment whatever. Tbft
not venture to divide.' The rules of the Iltiiiie
e power of a minority (o obstruct the progresii of •
:hia was assuredly one of the very rare occasions
hat power would have been with great propriety
[t does not appear, however, that the parliamentary
jf that age were aware of the extent lo which «
her of membera can, without viobting any form,
fourae of business.

Dineiliately rusolved that the bill, enkrgeii by Sach-
nd Howard's clauses, should be engrossed. Tlia
Dent Whiga were bent on finally passing it within
hour.^ The Lor<lB, indeed, were not Ukely to re-
i favorably. But it ehould aeem that some desperate
prepared to withhold the supplies till it should pass.

H18T0BT OF EKOLAND. 411

strata^m immoral, and who had never given quarter? And
what had been done that was not in strict accordance with thii
law of Parliament? That law knew nothing of short noticed
Riid long notices, of thin houses and full houses. It was the
business of a representative of the people to be in his place*
If he chose to shoot and puzzle at his country seat when ini«
portant business was under consideration at Westminster, what
right had he to murmur because more upright and laborious
servants of the public passed, in his absence, a bill which ap-
peared to them necessary to the public safety ? As, however, m
postponement of a few days appeared to be inevitable, those
who had intended to gain the victory by stealing a inarch now
disclaimed that intention. They solemnly assured the King,
who could not help showing some displeasure at their conduct,
and who felt much more displeasure than he showed, that thej
had owed nothing to surprise, and that they were quite certain
of a majority in the fullest house. Sacheverell is said to have
declared with great warmth that he would stake his seat on
the issue, and that if he found himself mistaken he would
never show his face in Parliament again. Indeed, the general
opinion at first was that the Whigs would win the day. But
it soon became clear that the tight would be a hard one. The
mails had carried out along all the high roads the tidings that, on
the second of January, the Commons had agreed to a retro-
spective penal law against the whole Tory party, and that, on
the tenth, that law would be considered for the last time. The
whole kingdom was moved from Northumberland to Cornwall.
A hundred knights and squires left their halls hung with mis-
tletoe and holly, and their boards groaning with brawn and
plum porridge, and rode up poet to town, cursing the short
days, the cold weather, the miry roads, and the villanous
Whigs. The Whigs, too, brought up reinforcements^ but not to
ihe same extent ; for the clauses were generally unpopular,
and not without good cause. Assuredly, no reasonable man of
any party will deny that the Tories, in surrendering to the
Crown all the municipal franchises of the realm, and, with
those franchises, the power of altering the constitution of the
House of Commons, committed a great fault. But in that fault
the nation itself bad been an accomplice. If the Mayors and
Aldermen whom it was now proposed to punish had, when the
tide of loyal enthusiasm ran high, sturdily refused to comply
with the wish of their Sovereign, they would have been pointed
at io the street as Roundhead knaves, preached at by the Re(^

wned ill bBllails, and probably burned in efflgy bofbra
doors. Tbat a communily should be hurried into
ernatelj by fear of tyranny and by f.'ar of anarchj
is a great evil. But tbe remedy for that fvil is not
for Bueh errors some persons who JmTe merely erred
t!8l, and who hnvc sincif repenl^'d with ihe rest. Nor

ill's clause was directed had, in 1G88, made large

They hnd, aft a clas", fitood up firmly against the

; power ; and most of tliera had actually been turned

ir municipal oifices by Jnmes for refusing lo support

It is nol strange, iherefore, that the attempt lo in-

I these men wilhoul exception u degrading punish-
Id have rai.sed such a storm of public indignation u
ig members of )iarliament were unwilling lo face.
decisive conflict drew nfjar, and as ihe muster of the

II and oT his confederates increased. They Found
could hardly hope for a complete victory. They
; some concessioti. They most propose lo recommit
They must declare ihemselvea willing to eoiisidei
ny dUiinction could bo made between the chief offend
e muliitudes wlio had been misled by evil example.

mSTORT OF BirOLAKD. 4]d

mattered little whether he called transgressors to order or not
The House had long been quite unmanageable ; and veteran
members bitterly regretted the old gravity of debate and the
old authority of the chair.* That Somers di<«approTed of the
violence of the party to which he belonged may be inferred, both
from the whole course of his public life, and from the very
significant fact that, though he had charge of the CorporatioD
Bill, he did not move the penal clauses, but left that ungraciau
office to men more impetuous and less sagacious than himaeK
He did not however abandon his allies in this emergency, bnt
spoke for them, and tried to make the best of a yerj bad caMi*
Tlie House divided several times. On the first division, m
hundred and seventy-four voted with Sacheverell, a hundred
and seventy-nine against him. Still, the battle was stubbornly
kept up ; but the majority increased from five to ten, from ten
to twelve, and from twelve to eighteen. Then at length, after
a stormy sitting of fourteen hours, the Whigs yielded. It was
near midnight when, to the unspeakable joy and triumph of the
Tories, the clerk tore away from the parchment on which the
bill had been engrossed the odious clauses of Sacheverell and
Howard.t

* ** The authority of the chair, the awe and reverence to order, and the
dae method of debates being irrecoverably lost by the disorder and
tumultuousncss of the Iloase.^ — Sir J. Trevor to the King, Appendix to
Dolrymple's Memoirs, Part ii. Book 4.

t Commons' Journals, Jan. 10, lefj. I have done my beat to frame
an account of this contest out of very defective materials. Burnet's nar>
rative contains more blunders than lines. He evidently tmsted to hit
memory, and was completely deceivisd by it. My chief authorities ar6
Uie Journals: Qrev*s Debates ; William's Letters to Portland; the De-
spatches of Van Citters; a Letter oonceming the Disabling Clauses, lately
offered to the House of Commons, for regulating Corporations, 1690;
The True Friends to Corporations vindicated, in an answer to a letter
eonceming the Disabling Clauses, 1690; and Some Queries concerning
die Election of Members for the ensaing Parliament, 1 690. To this but
pamphlet is appended a list of those who voted for the Sacheverell

Clause. See also Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 10, 16f }, and the Third Part
of the Caveat against the Whigs, 1712. William's Letter of the lOth of
January ends thus. The news of the first division only had reached
Kensington. '*I1 est k present onze cures de noit, et k dix eares la
Chambre Basse estoit encore ensemble. Ainsi je ne vons puis escrire par
cette ordinaire Tissue de I'atfaire. Les previos questions les Tories Tont
Mnport^ de cinq vois. Ainsi vous pouvoz voir que la chose est bion dis-
pnt^e. J'ay si grand somiel, et mon toux m'incomode que je ne 'oxa en
uuirez dire d^avantage. Jnsques k mourir k vous.**
On the same night, Van Citters wrote to the States QeneraL Tht

414 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Emboldened by this great victory, the Tories made an a^
tempt to push forward the Indemnity Bill which had lain
many weeks neglected on the table.* But the Whigs, notwith-
standing their recent defeat, were still the majority of the
House ; and many members, who had shrunk from the unpop-
ularity which they would have incurred by supporting the
Sacheverell clause and the Howard clause, were perfectly will-
ing to assist in retarding the general pardon. They still pro-
pounded their favourite dilemma. How, they asked, wad it
possible to defend this project of amnesty without condemning
the Revolution ? Could it be contended that crimes which had
been grave enough to justify resistance had not been grave
enough to deserve punishment ? And, if those crimes were of
SQch magnitude that they could justly be visited on the Sov-
ereign whom the Constitution had exempted from responsibility,
on what principle was immunity to be granted to his advisers
and tools, who were beyond all doubt responsible ? One face-
tious member put this argument in a singuhir form. He con-
trived to place in the Speaker's chair a paper which, when
examined, appeared to be a Bill of Indemnity for King James,
with a sneering preamble about the mercy which had, since
the Revolution, been extended to more heinous offenders, and
about the indulgence due to a King, who, in oppressing his
people, had only acted after the fashion of all Kings.f

On the same day on which this mock Bill of Indemnity dis-
turbed the gravity of the Commons, it was moved that the
House should go into Committee on the real Bill. The Whiga
threw the motion out by a hundred and ninety-three votes to a
hundred and fifty-six. They then proceeded to resolve that a
bill of pains and penalties against delinquents should be forth-
with brought in, and engrafted on the Bill of Indemnity.}

A few hours later, a vote passed that showed more clearly
than any thing that had yet taken place how little chance there
was that the public mind would be speedily quieted by an um-

drbate, he said, had been very sharp. The design of the Whigs, whom
he calls the rresbyterians, hflid been nothin}^ less than to exclude their
opponents from all offices, and to obtain for thenuieives the exclosir*
poisession of po'^cr.

* Commons' Joamals, Jan. 11, 16|«f.

t Narcissus Luttreli's Diary, Jan. 16, 1690, Van Cltton to the Stfttet

General, Jan. H.

I Commons' Journals, Jan. !6, 16|8.

HI8T0BT OF EKOLAND 410

nesty. Few persons stoo^l higher in the estimation of the
Tory party than Sir Robert Sawyer. He was a man of ample
fortune and aristocratical connections, of orthodox opinions and
regular life, an able and experienced lawyer, a well-read scholar,
and, in spite of a little pomposity, a good speaker. He had
been Attorney-General at the time of the detection of the Bye
Houi^e Plot; he had been employed for the Crown in the proii-
ecutions which followed; and he had conducted those pro8ecu«
tions with an eagerness which would, in our time, be called
cruelty by all parties, but which, in his own time, and to Lie
own ^arty, seemed to be merely laudable zeal. Hb frienda
indeed as^^rted that he w^as conscientious even to scrupulosity
in matters of life and death ; * but this is an eulogy which
persons who bring the feelings of the nineteenth century to the
study of the State Trials of the seventeenth century will have
some difficulty in understanding. The best excuse which can
be made for this part of his life is that the stain of innocent
blood was common to him with almost all the eminent public
men of (hose evil days. When we blame him for prosecuting
Russell, we must not forget that Russell had prosecuted
Stafford.

Great as Sawyer's offences were, he had made great atone-
ment for them. He had stood up manfully against Popery
and despotism ; he had, in the very presence chamber, posi-
tively. refused to draw warrants in contravention of Acts of
Parliament ; he had resigned his lucrative office rather than
appear in Westminster Hall as the champion of the dispensing
power ; he had been the leading counsel for the seven Bishops ;
and he had, on the day of their trial, done his duty ably, hon-
estly, and fearlessly. He was, therefore, a favorite with High
Churchmen, and might be thought to have fairly earned hit
pardon from the Whigs. But the Whigs were not in a par-
doning mood ; and Sawyer was now called to account for hit
conduct in the case of Sir Thomas Armstrong.

If Armstrong was not belied, he was deep in the worst so-
crets of the Rye House Plot, and was one of those who under-
took to slay the two royal brothers. When the conspiracy
was discovered, he fled to the Continent, and was outlawed*
The magistrates of Leyden were induced by a bribe to deliver
him up. He was hurried on board of an English ship, carried
^o London, and brought before the King's Bench. Sawyer

• Boger North's Life of Qoildford.

eiSTOHr OW ENOI.AND.

Court to award execution on the oullawry. Ana.
resumed that a year had not yet elapsed since Iia
imlaweil, and [hat, by an Airt paased ia the reign of
!ie Sixlh, an ouilaw who yielded himself wiihio the
entitled to plead Not Guilty, and lo put him«eir on
f. To thij it was answered that Armstrong had not
Diself, that he had been dragged to the bar a pri»-
that he hiui no right lo cliiim a privilege which wu
neant to be given only lo persons who voluntnrilj
themselvea up to public justice. Jeffreys and tfais
ES unanimouslyoverruled Armstrong's objection, and
>e award of execution. Then followed one of tha
ite of the many terrible scenes which, in those time^
Jar Courts. . The daughter of the unhsppyman wu
" My Lord," she cried out, " you will not murder
This is murdering a man." " How now ? " roared
Justiee. "Who is this woman? Take her, Mar-
Le her away." She was forced out, crying as she
d Almighty's jud},mienta light on you ! " " God Al-
iudgraeni," said Jetfreys, " will light on tniiiora.
>d, I am clamor proof." When she was gone, her
in insisted on what he conceived to be his right.
B said, '• only the benefit of (he law." " And, by lio
od, you shall have it," said the judge. "Mr. Sheriff,
;eeution be done on Friday next. There is the ben-

RZflTORT OF EKOLAND 417

yet of those great principles to which all laws ought to CDnfomii
The case was brought before the House of Commoos. The
orphan daughter of Armstrong came to the bar to demand
vengeance ; and a warm debate followed. Sawyer was fiercely
attacked, and strenuously defended. The Tories declared that
he appeared to them to have done only what, as counsel for the
Grown, he was bound to do, and to have discharged his duty
to Grod, to the King, and to the prisoner. If the award wag
legal, nobody was to blame ; and, if the award was illegal, the
blame lay, not with the Attorney- General, but with the Judges*
There would be an end of all liberty of speech at the bar, if aa
advocate was to be punished for making a strictly regular ap«
plication to a Court, and for arguing that certain words in a
statute were to be understood in a certain sense. The Whigs
called Sawyer murderer, bloodhound, hangman. If the liberty
of speech claimed by advocates, meant the liberty of harangu<*
ing men to death, it was high time that the nation should rise
up, and exterminate the whole race of lawyers. ^* Things will
never be well done," said one orator, '* till some of that profes-
sion be made examples." ^ No crime to demand execution I "
exclaimed John Hampden. ^ We shall be told next that it was
no crime in the Jews to cry out ' Crucify him.' " A wise and
just man would probably have been of opinion that this was
not a case for severity. Sawyer's conduct might have been, to
a certain extent, culpable ; but, if an Act of Indemnity was to
b3 passed at all, it was to be passed for the benefit of persona
whose conduct had been culpable. The question was not
whether he was guiltless ; but whether his guilt Was of so pecu*
liarly black a die that he ought, notwithstanding all his sacri*
fices and services, to be excluded by name from the mercy
which was to be granted to many thousands of ofienders. Thiii
question, calm and impartial judges would probably have de»
cided in his favor. It was, however, resolved that he should
be excepted from the Indemnity, and expelled from the House.*
On the morrow, the Bill of Indemnity, now transformed into
a Bill of Pains and Penalties, was again discussed. The
Whigs consented to refer it to a Committee of the whole House,
but proposed to instruct the Committee to begin its labors by
making out a list of the ofienders who were to be proscribed.
The Tories moved the previous question. The House divided,

• O^mmoDB* JovmAls, Jan. 20, I6|§i Orey's Debates, Jan 18 sad 9Q

18*

BIBTOKT OF ENGLAND.

hi^ carried tlieir point b;r a hundred and ninety
lundrc'd and seventy-three.*

<r waiched these events with painful anxiety. He
of bh crown. He had tried to do justice to both
in;^ parties ; but justice would satisfy neither. The
d him for pnjrecting the Dissenters. The Whiga
ur protecting the Tories. The arane^ty seemed to
note than when, ten months before, he first recom-
Vom the throne. The la'^t campaign in Ireland had
roua. It might well be that the nest campaign
ore disaslrouii atill. The malpractices, which had
[hnn the exhalations of the marelies of Dundalk, to

efficiency of the English troops, were likely to be
IS us ever. Every part of the odmiiiistration waa
disorganized; and the people were surprised and
ise a foreigner, newly come among them, imper-
linted with them, and constantly thwarted by them,

a j'ear, put the whole machine of government to
)st of his ministers, instead of assisting him, were
ret up addressee and impeachments against each
: if he employed his own countrymen, on whose

attachment he could rely, a general cry of rage

by nil the Engliih factions. The knavery of the
mmissarial had destroyed an army; yet a rumor

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 411

diiemies. But he would endure his splendid slavery no longer
He would return to bis native country. He would oonteot
himself with being the first citizen of a commonwealth to which
the name of Orange was dear. As such, be might still be fore-
most among those who were banded together in defence of the
liberties of Europe. As for the turbulent and ungrateful
islanders, who detested him because he would not let them tear
each other in pieces, Mary must try what she could do with
them. She was born on their soiL She spoke their langaage.
6he did not dislike some parts of their Liturgy, which they
fancied to be essential, and which to him seemed at best harm-
less. If she had little knowledge of politics and war, she had
what might be more useful, feminine grace and tact, a sweet
temper, a smile and a kind word for everybody. She might
be able to compose the disputes which distracted the State and
the Church. Holland, under his government, and England
under hers, might act cordially together against the common
enemy.

He secretly ordered preparations to be made for his voyage*
Having done this, he called together a few of his chief coun-
sellors, and told them his purpose. A squadron, he said, waa
ready to convey him to his country. He had done with them.
He hoped that the Queen would be more successful. The
ministers were thunderstruck. For once all quarrels were
suspended. The Tory Caermarthen on one side, the Whig
Shrewsbury on the other, expostulated and implored with a
pathetic vehemence rare in the conferences of statesmen.
Many tears were shed. At length the King was induced to
give up, at least for the present, his design of abdicating the
government But he announced another design which he was
fully determined not to give up. Since he was still to remain
at the head of the English administration, he would go him-
self to Ireland. He would try whether the whole royal au-
thority, strenuously exerted on the spot where the fate of the
empire was to be decided, would suffice to prevent peculation
and to maintain discipline.*

That he had seriously meditated a retreat to Holland long
continued to be a secret, not only to the multitude, but even to
the Queen.f That he had resolved to take the command of

* Bamet, ii. 89 ; MS. Memoir written by the fim Lord Lonidala in tat
Hackintosh Papen.
t Burout, iL 40.

120 mSTORT OF ENGLAND.

Us arm/ in Ireland was soon mmored all over London. A
was known that his camp furniture was making, and that Sir
Christopher Wren was busied in constructing a house of wood
which was to travel about, packed in two wagons, and to be
set up wherever His Majesty might fix his quarters.* The
Whigs raised a violent outcrj against the whole scheme. Not
knowing, or affecting not to know, that it had been formed bj
William and by William alone, and that none of his ministers
had dared to advise him to encounter the Irish swords and the
Irish atmosphere, the whole party confidently affirmed that it
had been suggested by some traitor in the cabinet, by some
Tory who hated the Revolution and all that had sprung from
the Revolution. Would any true friend have advised Hia
Majesty, infirm in health as he was, to expose himself, not only
to the dangers of war, but to the malignity of a climate which
had recently been fatal to thousands of men much stronger than
himself? In private, the King sneered bitterly at this anxiety
for his safety. It was merely, in his judgment, the anxiety
which a hard master feels lest his slaves should become unfit
for their drudgery. The Whigs, he wrote to Portland, were
afraid to lose their tool before they had done their ^ork. '^ As
to their friendsliip," he added, '* you know what it is worth."
His resolution, he told his friend, was unalterably fixed. Every
thing was at stake ; and go he must, even though the Parlii^
ment should present an address imploring him to stay.f

He soon learned that such an address would be immediately
moved in both Houses and supported by the whole strength of
the Whig party. This intelligence satisfied him that it wa>

* Narcissiis Lattrell's Diary, January and Febmanr

t William to Portland, Jan. H, 1690. "Lea Wiges ont pear de dm
perdre trop tost, avant qu'ils n'ayent fait avec raoy ce qu'ils vealent : car,

C>iir lenr amitid, voos savez ce qu'il yak compter llidessas en ce pay4

Jan. H, " Me voilk le pins embarass4 da monde, ne sachant quel
parti prendre, estant toujoors persuade qne, sans que j'aille en Irlando,
I'on nj faira rien qui vaille. Vour avoir da conseil en cette affaire, j«
n'en ay point k attendre, personne n'ansant dire sea sentimens. £t Too
commence d^jk k dire ouvertement que ce sont dos traitres qui m*ont con-
seill^ de prendre cette resolution"

Jan. i\. " Je n'ay encore rien dit," — he means to the Parliament, —
*' de mon voyage pour Tlrlande. Et ie ne suis point encore determine si
ytm parlerez : mais je crams que nonobstant j'aarez une adresse pour n'y
point allcr ; ce qui m'embarasscra beaacoup, puis que c'est uoe a^esBiti^
abeolue que j'y aillp."

BISTORT OF EKOLAITD. 42i

time to take a decisive step. He would not discard the Whigs,
but he would give them a lesson of which they stood much in
need. He would break the chain in which they imagined
that they had him fast. He would not let them have the ex-
clusive possession of power. He would not let them persecute
the vanquished party. In their despite, he would grant an
amnesty to his people. In their despite, be would take the
command of his army in Ireland. He arranged his plan with
characteristic prudence, firmness, and secrecy. A single Eng-
lishman it was necessary to trust; for William was not
sufficiently master of our language to address the Houses from
the throne in his own words ; and, on very important occasions,
his practice was to write his speech in French, and to employ
a translator. It is certain that to one person, and to one only,
the King confided the momentous resolution which ho* had
taken ; and it can hardly be doubted that this person was Gaer*
marthen.

On the twenty-seventh of January, Black Bod knocked at
the door of the Commons. The Speaker and the members
repaired to the House of Lords. The King was on the throne.
He gave his assent to the Supply Bill, thanked the Houses for
it, announced his intention of going to Ireland, and prorogued
the Parliament. None could doubt that a dissolution would
speedily follow. As the concluding words, ^ I have thought it
convenient now to put an end to this session," were uttered, the
Tories, both above and below the bar, broke forth into a shout
of joy. The Sing meanwhile surveyed his audience from
the throne with that bright eagle eye which nothing escaped*
He might be pardoned if he felt some little vindictive pleasure
in annoying those who had cruelly annoyed him. ^' I saw," be
wrote to Portland the next day, ^* faces an ell long. I saw
dome of those men change color with vexation twenty time^
while I was speaking."*

* William to Portland, '~^ 1690 ; Van Citten to the States Qeneni],

same date; Evelyn's Diary ; Lords' Joamals, Jan. 27. I will qaote Wil-
nam's own words. '* Vous vairez men harangue imprim^ : ainsi je iM
70118 en direz rien. Et pour les raisons qui m'y ont oblig^, je les reser-
fcrez k vous les dire jusques k vostre retonr. II semble que les Toris en
3ont bien aise, mais poiut les Wiggs. lis estoient tous fort surpris quand
je leur parlois, n'ayant communique men dessin qn'k une seule personne.
le vis des visages long^ comme un aune, chang^ cic douleur vingt fois pent
tfant que j'^ parlois. Tous ces particiUarit^s jusques k vostre ncareux rt^
■Mir.'^

BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

UTS after the prorogation, a hundred and fifty Tory

■ Piirliaraent had a. parting dinner logcUier at the
ern in Fleet Street, before thpy set out for their
Chey were in better temper with William than they
nee hia father-in-Uw had been turned out of Wbite-
r had B^^a^culy recovered from the joyfijl surprise
they had heard it announced from the throne that
was at an end. The recollection of their dangt^
nsc of their deliverance were still fresh. The;
pairing to Court in a body to testify their gratitude ;
TC indueed to forego their intention ; and not with-
for a great crowd of squires after a revel, at which
either Oulober nor claret had been spared, might
1 some incouveuience in the presence cliumber. Sir
icr, who in wealth and influence wa3 inferior to no
utleman of that age, was deputed to carry tho
ie assembly to the palace. He apoke, he told the
icn^e of B great body of honest gentlemen. They
i Majurily to be assured that they would in their
) tlieir best to serve him ; and they cordially
1 a safe voyage to Ireland, a complete victory, a
m, and a long and happy reign. During the fol-
ik, many, who had never shown t!ieir faces in the
1. James'd since the It(?vnlution, went to kiss the

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 423

die oath were to be finally deprived. Sevei r1 of the suspend*
ed clergy, after holding out till the last moment, swore jusi
m time to save themselves from beggary. But the Primate
and five of his suffragans were still infiexible. They conse-
quently forfeited their bishoprics ; but Sancrofl was informed
that the King had not yet relinquished the hope of being able
to make some arrangement which might avert the necessity of
appointing successors, and that the nonjuring prelates might
oontinue for the present to reside in their palaces. Their
receivers were appointed receivers for the Crown, and contin*
ued to collect the revenues of the vacant sees.* Similar indul-
gence was shown to some divines of lower rank. Sherlock,
in particular, continued, after his deprivation, to live unmolested
in his official mansion close to the Temple Church.

And now appeared a proclamation dissolving the Parliament.
The writs for a general election went out ; and soon every part
of the kingdom was in a ferment Van Citters, who had re-
sided in England during many eventful years, declared that he
hud never seen London more violently agitated.t The excite-
ment was kept up by compositions of ail sorts, from sermons
with sixteen heads down to jingling street ballads. Lists of
divisions were, for the first time in our history, printed and
dispersed for the information of constituent bodies. Two of
these lists may still be seen in old libraries. One of the two,
circulated by the Whigs, contained the names of those Tories
who had voted against declaring the throne vacant The other,
circulated by the Tories, contained the names of those Whigs
who had supported the Sacheverell clause.

It soon became clear that public feeling had undergone a
great change during the year which had elapsed since the Con-
vention had met ; and it is impossible to deny that this change
was, at least in part, the natural consequence and the just pun-
ishment of the intemperate and vindictive conduct of the
Whigs. Of the city of London they thought themselves sure.
The Livery had in the preceding year returned four zealous
Whigs without a contest But all the four had voted for the
Sacheverell clause ; and by that clause many of the merchant
princes of Lombard Street and Comhill, men powerful in the
twelve great companies, men whom the goldsmiths followed

* CUrendon's Diary, Feb. 11, 1690.

tVan Citters to the States Qeneral. Febmarj^, 1690; SrelfB^
Diary

U3

l^^l

t in hand, up and down the arcades of the Rcjvl
would have been turned with all tndignilj out of
if Aldermen and out of the Common Council. The
L3 for life or death. No exertions, no anificea, were
rillimn wroUi to Portland that the Wliigs of the
ir despair, stuck at nothing, and that, as lliej' n ent on,
soon KlAnd a^ much in need of an Act of Indemnitj
68. Four Tories, however, were returned, and ifafil
sive a miyority, thut the Tory who sKwid lowest
■ hundred votes more than the Whig who stood
The Sheriffs, desiring lo defer as long as possible
1 of their enemies, granted a scrutiny. Bui, tbougb
y was diminished, the result was not affected.f A(
^r, two opponents of the Sacheverell clause were
lOut a contest.} But nothing indicated more strongly
excited by the proceedings of the late House rf
han what pa^aod in tlie University of Cambridge.
tired lo his quiet observatory over tlie gate of
lege. Two Tories were relumed by an overwhelm-
y. At the bead of the poll was Sawyer, who had,
lays before, been excepted from the Indemnity Bill
eJ from (he (louse of Commons. The recotvls of
Mty contain curious proofs Ihiit the unwise severity
1 he bad been treated Iia<l nused an cntbusiiistie

1

HISTORY or ENOLAin>. 485

cxduded, and was regretted only by the most intolerant auJ
anreasonable members of his party.*

The King meanwhile was making, in almost every deparU
ment of the executive government, a change, corresponding to
the change which the general election was making in the com-
position of the legislature. Still, however, he did not think of
forming what is now called a ministry. He still reserved to
himself more especially the direction of foreign affairs ; and
he superintended with minute attention all the preparations fot
the approaching campaign in Ireland. In his confidential
letters he complained that he had to perform, with little or no
assistance, the task of organizing the disorganized military estab-
lishments of the kingdom. The work, he said, was heavy ; bal
it must be done ; for every thing depended on itf In general,
the government was still a government by independent depart-'
ments ; and in almost every department Whigs and Tories
were still mingled, though not exactly in the old proportions.
The Whig element had decidedly predommated in 1689. The
Tory element predominated, though not very decidedly, in 1690.

Halifax had laid down the Privy Seal. It was offered to
Chesterfield, a Tory, who had voted in the Convention for a
Regency. But Chesterfield refused to quit his country house
and gardens in Derbyshire, for the Court and the Council
Chamber; and the Privy Seal was put into Comnussion.)

* It is amusing to see how absurdly foreign pamphleteers, ignorant of
the real state of things in England, exaggerated the importance of John
Hampden, whose name they could not spell. In a French Dialogue be-
tween William and the Ghost of Monmouth, William says, *' Entre cet
membres de la Chambre Basse ^toit un certain homme hardy, opiniAtre^
et zi\€ h Texc^s poor sa cr^ance ; on rappolle Embden, ^galcment dan-
gercux par son esprit et par son credit. . . . Je ne tronvay point do
chemin plus court pour me d^livrer de cette traverse que de casser le par*
lement, en convoquer un autre, et empescher que cet homme, q«i me
faisoit tant d'ombra^es, ne fust nomme pour nn des deputes an nonvel
parlement." " Ainsi,'* says the Ghost, " cette cassation de parlement qui
a fait tant de bruit, et a produit tant de raisonnemens et de sp^culatioca,
n'estoit que pour cxclrfre Embden. Mais sMI cstoit si adroit et si kSII,
poniment as*tu pu trouver le moyen de le faire exclure dn nombre det
deputez?" To this very sensible question the Ring answers, **Il m*a
fallu faire d'^tranges manoeuvres pour en venir k bout'* — L'Ombre de
Monmouth, 1690.

t ''A present tout ddpendra d'un bon succ^s en Irlande; et li quoy il
faut que je m'^pliquo enti^rcment pour r^gler le mienx que je puis toutto
chose Je vons assoure que je n'ay pas pen snr les bras, ostant

tmni mal assist^ que jc snis "^ William to Portland, ^^ 1690.
. Van Cittcw, Feb. j J,i6f J ; Memoir of the Earl of Chesterfield, b|

Kis-roRr OF ENOLAim.

en was now the chief ndriser of the Crown on nil
aliiig lo ihe internal ailministratioti iind lo ihe man-
■ t}io two Iloiisefl of ParliamenL The while attiS,
itnen^e power which nccompanied the while sta^
lis still determined never to entnist to any RubjeoL
en llierefore continued to be Lord President; bat
■ssesifion of a suite of niwrtments in Saint Jamea*!
ich was considered as peculiarly belonging to the

a."! an excuse for seldom appearing at the Coundl

some morbid peculiarities which puzzled thewhots
' Physicians ; his complexion was livid ; hia frams
e ; and his fiice, handsome and intellectual as it was,
lunl look which indicated the restlessnoMi of pain as
i restlessness of ambition.f As soon, however, aa
e more minister, he applied himself strenuously to
id toiled, every day, and all day lung, with an energy

ait.
he could not obtain for himself the office of Lord

\m influence at tlie Treasury was great. Monmouth,
>mmissioner, and Delamere, the Chancellor of the
■, two of the most violent \Vliigs in Engliuid, quilted

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 4^

militarj business, which he understood, if not well, jet better
than most of his brother nobles ; and he professed, during a
few months, a great regard for Caermarthen. Delamere was
in a very different mood. It was in vain that his services were
overpaid with honors and riches. He was created Earl of
Warrington. He obtained a grant of all the lands that could
be discovered belonging to Jesuits in five or six counties. A
demand made bj him on account of expenses incurred at the
lime of the Revolution was allowed ; and he carried with hint
into retirement as the reward of his patriotic exertions a large
sum, which the State could ill spare. But his anger was Dd
to be so appeased ; and to the end of his life he continued to
complain bitterly of the ingratitude with which he and his party
had been treated.*

Sir John Lowther became First Lord of the Treasury, and
was the pei-son on whom Caermarthen chiefly relied for the
conduct of the ostensible business of the House of Commons.
Lowther was a man of ancient descent, ample estate, and great
parliamentary interest Though not an old man he was an old
senator ; for he had, before he was of age, succeeded his father
as knight of the shire for Westmoreland. Li truth, the rep-
resentation of Westmoreland was almost as much one of the
iieredi laments of the Lowther family as Lowther Hall. Sir
John's abilities were respectable ; his manner, though sarcas-
tically noticed in contemporary lampoons as too formal, were
eminently courteous ; his personal courage he was but too ready
to prove ; his morals were irreproachable ; his time was divided
between respectable labors and respectable pleasure") ; his chief
business was to attend the House of Commons and to pre*
eide on the Bench of Justice ; his favorite amusements were

* The grants of land obtained by Delamere are mentioned by Narciflsns
Lattrell. It appears from the Treasory Letter Book of 1690, that Dela-
mere continued to dun the government for money after his retirement
As to his general character, it would not be safe to trust the rcpresenta*
tions of satirists. But his own writings, and the admissions of the divine
who preached his funeral sermon, show that his temper was not the most
gentle. Clarendon remarks (Dec. 17, 1688,) that a little thing sufficed
to put Lord Delamere into a passion. In the poem entitled the King uf
Hearts, Delamere is described as —

** A restless malecontent even when prefened."
Dim countenance furnished a subject for satire —

** His boding looks a mind distra'^ted show;
And envy sits engraved upon hit brow **

uisToni or englanb.

) viaa atlached lo lierediCaiy monarchy and to the
i Cliui'ch ; but he hod concurred in tbe lluvolutioo
misgivings [ouching (he title of William and Marj
ii'n alle^ance to Ihtm without any mental rescm^

Cacpmarthcn there was a dose conneclioiu They
:ogcther cordially in the Northern insurrection ; and
il in their political views, aa nearly as a very cnnning
and a very honest country gimtleman could be ex-
agree.* By Caermarthen's influence Lowiher wu

to one of the most important places in the kingdom.
tcly it was a place requiring qualities very different
! which BulEce to make a valuable county member
nan of quarter sesBtons. The tongue of the new
1 of lie Treasury was not Bufficiently ready, nor was
r sufficiently callous for bis post. He had neither

lo parry, nor fortitude to endure, the gibes and re-
o wliich, in his new character of courtier and plac^
as exposed. There was also something to be done
ins loo scrupulous to do ; something which had never
by Wolsey or Bnrleigh ; something which has never

by any Englii-h siaicaman of our generation ; but
m the time of Charles the Second to the time of

HI8T0RT OF ENGLAND. 429

jitately prose, by Swift with savage hatred, and by Gay with
festive malice. The voices of Tories and Whigs, of Johnson
and Akenside, of Smollett and Fielding, contributed to swell
the cry. But none of those who railed or of those who jested
took the trouble to verify the phenomena, or to trace them to
the real causes.

Sometimes the evii was imputed to the depravity of a par-
ticular minister ; but, when he had been driven from power,
and when those who had most loudly accused him governed in
bis stead, it was found that the change of men had produced no
change of system. Sometimes the evil was imputed to the
degeneracy of the national character. Luxury and cupidity,
it was said, had produced in our country the same effect which
they had produced of old in the Roman republic. The modern
Englishman was to the Englishman of the sixteenth century
what Verres and Curio were to Dentatus and Fabricius. Those
who held this language were as ignorant and shallow as people
generally are who extol the past at the expense of the present
A man of sense would have perceived that, if the English of
the time of George the Second had really been more sordid
and dishonest than their forefathers, the deterioration would
not have shown itself in one place alone. The progress of
judicial venality and of official venaity would have kept pace
with the progress of parliamentary venality. But nothing is
more certain than that, while the legislature was becoming
more and more venal, the courts of law and the public offices
were becoming purer and purer. The representatives of the
people were undoubtedly more mercenary in the days of Hard*
wicke and Pelham than in the days of the Tudors. But the
Chancellors of the Tudors took plate and jewels from Buitors
without scruple or shame ; and Hardwicke would have com-
mitted for contempt any suitor who had dared to bring him a
present. The Treasurers of the Tudors raised princely for-
tunes by the sale of places, titles, and pardons ; and Pelliam
would have ordered his servants to turn out of his house any
man who had offered him money for a peerage or a commis-
Bioncrship of customs. It is evident, therefore, that the prev-
alence of corruption in the Parliament cannot be ascribed to a
general depravation of morals. The taint was local ; we must
look for some local cause ; and such a cause will without diffi-
eulty be found.

Under our ancient sovereigns the House of Commons
fftRf^ly interfered with the executive administration. The

480 HISTORY or BiraLAKD.

Speaker was charged not to let the memhers meJdIe with nial*
ters of State. If any gentleman was very troublesome he wai
cited before the Privy Council, interrogated, reprimand^^ and
sent to me(]it:ite on his undutiful conduct in the Tower. The
Commons did their best to protect themselves by keeping their
deliberations secret, by excluding strangers, by making it a
crime to repeat out of doors what bad passed within doors. Bui
these precautions were of small avail. In so large an assem-
bly there were always talebearers ready to carry the evil re-
port of their brethren to the palace. To oppose the Court
was therefore a service of serious danger. In those days, of
course, there was little or no buying of votes. For an honest
man was not to be bought ; and it was much cheaper to intim-
idate or to coerce a knave than to buy him.

For a very different reason there has been no direct buying
of votes within the memory of the present generation. The
House of Commons is now supreme in the State, but is ac*
countable to the nation. Even those members who are not
chosen by large constituent bodies are kept in awe by public
opinion. Every thing is printed ; every thing is discussed ;
every material word uttered in debate is read by a million of
people on the mori*ow. Within a few hours after an important
division, the lists of the majority and the minority are scanned
and analyzed in every town from Plymouth to Inverness. If
a name be found whev*e it ought not to be, the apostate is
certain to be reminded in sharp language of the promises
which he has broken and of the professions which he has be-
lied. At present, therefore, the best way in which a govern-
ment can secure the support of a majority of the representa-
tive body is by gaining the confidence of the nation.

But between the time when our Parliaments ceased to be
controlled by royal prerogative and the time when they began
to be constantly and effectually controlled by public opinion
there was a long interval. After the Restoration, no govern-
ment ventured to return to those methods by which, before the
civil war, the freedom of deliberation had been restrained. A
member could no longer be called to account for his harangues
or his votes. He might obstruct the passing of bills of sup-
ply ; he might arraign the whole foreign policy of the country ;
he might lay on the table articles of impeachment against all
the chief ministers ; and he ran not the smallest risk of being
treated as Murrice had been treated by Elizabeth, or Elliot bj
Charles the First. The senator now stood in no awe of tlte

BISTORT OP RNALAKD. 481

Court. Nevertheless, all the defences behind which the feeble
Parliaments of the sixteenth century had entrenched tbena
Belves against the attacks of prerogative, were not only still
kept up, but were extended and strengthened. No politician
Bcems to have been aware that these defences were no longer
neodedfor their original purpose, and had begun to serve a pur-
pose very different. The rules which had been originally de*
bigned to secure faithful representatives against the displeasure
of the Sovereign, now operated to secure unfaithful represen*
tatives against the displeasure of the people, and proved madi
more effectual for the latter end than they had ever been for
the former. It was natural, it was inevitable, that, in a legia-
lative body emancipated from the restraints of the sixteenth
century, and not yet subjected to the restraints of the nine*
teenth century, in a legislative body which feared neither the
King nor the public, there should be corruption.

The plague spot began to be visible and palpable in the days
of the Cabal. Clifford, the boldest and fiercest of the wicked
Five, liad the merit of discovering that a noisy patriot, whom
it was no longer possible to send to prison, might be turned into
a courtier by a goldsmith's note. Clifford's example was fol-
lowed by his successors. It soon became a proverb that a
Parliament resembled a pump. Often, the wits said, when a
pump appears to be dry, if a very small quantity of water is
poured in, a great quantity of water gushes out ; and so, when
a Parliament appears to be niggardly, ten thousand pounds
judiciously given in bribes will otlen produce a million in sup-
plies. The evil was not diminished, nay, it was aggravated,
by that Revolution which freed our country from so many other
evils. The House of Commons was now more powerful than
ever as against the Crown, and yet was not more strictly respon*
sible than formerly to the nation. The government had a new
motive for buying the members ; and the members had no now
motive for refusing to sell themselves. William, indeed, had
an aversion to bribery ; he resolved to abstain from it ; aod|
during the first year of his reign, he kept hU resolution. Un-
happily, the events of that year did not encourage him to per-
severe in his good intentions. As soon as Caermarthen was
placed at the head of the internal administration of the realm, a
eom{ lete change took place. He was in truth no novice in the
art of purchasing votes. He had, sixteen years before, sue
ceeded Clifford at the Treasury, had inherited Clifford's tac-
tics, had improved upon them, and had employed them to ao

EI8T0BT OF ENGLASD.

lich would have amazeti the inventor. From ihe daj
Caarmnrthen was railed a second time to ilie litnef
of AfTah'S, parliamentarj corruplion conlintted to be
with ficari;ely any inti^riaission. by a long succe^ion
aan, till the clothe of the American war. Neither of
English parties can justly char<;e the other with any
Tuiit on this accouiiL The Tories were the first who
1 the gyKtem and the lout who clung lo it ; hut it air
greatest vigor in the time of Whig ascendency. The
which parliamentary Bupport waa hartered for money
with any precision ascertained. But it seem9 prot^
the number of hirelings was greatly exaggerated by
port, and was never large, though often autficient lo
icale on important divisioas. An unprincipled minis-

nister reluctantly eubniitted, for the eake of the com-
li, to what he considered as a shameful and odious
But during many years every minister, whatever
ml charader might be, consented, willmgly or unwl!-
manage the Parliament in the only way in which the
nt could then be managed. It at length became as
that there was a market for votea at the Treasury
ere was a market fur cattle in Smiihfield. Numer-
^gues out of power declaimed against this vile traffic ,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 483

the unhappy prisoners whom he tried at Dorchester and Taun-
ton. But it was not infamous, nay, it was laudable, in the
kinsmen and friends of a prisoner, to contribute of their sub-
Btunce in order to make up a purse for Jeffreys. The Sallee
rover, who threatened to bastinado a Christian captive to death
unless a ransom was forthcoming, was an odious ruffian. But
to ransom a Christian captive from a Sallee rover was, not
merely an innocent, but a highly meritorious act. It would be
improper in such cases to use the word corruption. Those
who receive the filthy lucre are corrupt already. He who
bribes them does not make them wicked; he finds them so;
and he merely prevents their evil propensities from producing
evil effects. And might not the same plea be urged in defence
of a minister who, when no other expedient would avail, paid
greedy and low-minded men not to ruin their country ?

It was by some such reasoning as this that the scruples of
William were overcome. Honest Burnet, with the uncourtly
courage which distinguished him, ventured to remonstrate with
the King. " Nobody," William answered, " hates bribery
more tluin I. But I have to do with a set of men who must
be managed in this vile way or not at all. I must strain a
point ; or the country is lost.***

It was necessary for the Lord President to have in the
Hoase of Commons an agent for the purchase of members ;
and Lowther was both too awkward and too scrupulous to be
such an agent. But a man in whom crafl and profiigacy were
united in a high degree was without difficulty found. Thla
was the Master of the Rolls, Sir John Trevor, who had been
Speaker in the single Parliament held by James. High as
Trevor had risen in the world, there were people who could
still remember him a strange-looking lawyer's clerk in the
Inner Temple. Indeed, nobody who had ever seen him was
likely to forget him. For his grotesque features and his
hideous squint were far beyond the reach of caricature. His
parts, which were quick and vigorous, had enabled him early
to master the science of chicane. Gambling and betting were
his amusements ; and out of these amusements he contrived to
ez tract much business in the way of his profession. For his
opinion on a question arising out of a wager or a game at
chance had as much authority as a judgment of any court in
Westminster HalL He soon rose to be one of the iKwn oom«

* Bamet, iL 76.
VOL. Ill- 19

U3

^^H

c'.lip at niglil, imJ cursed aiifi reviled in court od iIm
Under sui'h a teacher, Treror mpidly beaime a pn>.
liat peculiar kind of rhetoric which hid enlivened Lbe
utter and of Alice Lisle. Report indeed spake of
ing matclies between the Chancellor and Ills friend,
le disciple had been not less voluble and suurriloui
lastcr. The^e contests, huwe^cr, did not take place

ic no longer stood in need of the patronage which
him." Among High Churchmen Trevor, in spita
irious want of principle, had at Ihia time a certain
, which he seems to Imve owed chiefly to their coi>-
It, however insincere he might be in general, his
;he dissenters was genuine aud hearty. There was
; that, in a House of Commons in wWch the Tories
irity, he might easily, wilh the support of the Court,
Speaker, He was impatient to be again in his old
1 he well knew how lo make one of the most lucra-
kingdom ; and he willingly undertook tliat secret
jful otfice for which Lowlher was altogether un-

flami>dpn was appointed Chancellor of the Exche-
is appointment wn.^ probably intended ai a mark of

■

niSTORT OF ENGLAND. 430

of Pembroke, u high bom and high bred man, who had ranked
among tlie Tories, who had voted for a Regency, and who had
married the daughter of Sawyer. That Pembroke's Toryism,
however, was not of a narrow and illiberal kind, is sullicientlj
proved by the fact that, immediately after the Revolution, the
Kssay on the Human Understimding was dedicated to him by
John Locke, ui token of gratitude for kind otBces done m evil
times.*

Nothing was omitted which could reconcile Torrington to
this change. For, though he had been found an incn (table
administrator, he still stood so high in general estimation as
a seaman that the government was unwilling to lose his ser-
vices. He was assured that no slight was intended to hioL
He cx)uld not serve his country at once on the ocean and at
Westminster ; and it had been thought less difficult to supply
his place in his office than on the deck of his flag ship. He
wjis at first very angry, and actually laid down his commission ;
but some concessions were made to his pride ; a pension of
three thousand pounds a year, and a grant of ten thousand
acres of crown land in the Peterborough level were irresistible
baits to his cupidity ; and, in an evil hour for England, he con-
sented to remain at the head of the naval force, on which the
safety of her coasts depended.f

Wliile these changes were making in the offices round
Whitehall, the Commissions of Lieutenancy all over the king-
dom were revised. The Tories had, during twelve months,
been coinjilaining that their share in the government of th..
districts in which they lived bore no proportion to their num-
ber, to their wealth, and to the consideration which they en-
joyed in society. They now regained with great delight tlieir
former position in their shires. The Whigs raised a cry that
the King was foully betrayed, and that he had been induced by
evil counsellors to put the sword into the hands of men who,
as soon as a favorable opportunity offered, would turn the edge
against himself. In a dialogue which was believed to have
been written by the newly created Earl of Warrington, and
which had a wide circulation at the time, but has long been

♦ The dedication, however, was thought too laudatory. " The only
thinp," Mr. Pope used to say, "ho could never forj^ve his philosophio
master was the dedication to the Essay." — Kuffhcad's Life of Pope.

♦ Van Citters to the States General, ^J;^^' 1690} Narcissus LuttreU'f
Diary; Treasury Letter Book, Feb. 4, leJS.

1

U3

^^^H

BISTORT OF EUaLiN-n.

hi^ QjiprL'hcD'iona that Ihe mnjoriiy of his dcputiei
□r^ ai hciu-1.* But nowhere was ihe excitement pro-

Ihe new distribuiion of power so great si:j in ihn
By a Comraiasion of Lieutenancy which had been
nediately afier the Revolution, the Imin baods of the

been put under the command of stanch Whiga.
verful and opulent citizens whose mimes were omitt^
d that the list was filled with eld.TS of Puritao con-
., with Shafiesbury'« brisk boya, with Rye House plot-
bat it was scarcely possible to find, mingled with that
of fanatics and levellers, a Biiigle man sincerely at-
rnoniucliy and lo the Church. A new Commission
ari'il, framed by Caennarthen and Nottingliam.
1 tultcn counsel with Compion, the Bishop of iho
inJ Compion was not a very discreet advi;«r. He
lally been a Higli Churchman and a Tory. The
itii which he hud been treated in the late reign had
■A him inio a Latitudlnarlan and a rebel ; and he
irom jealousy of Tillotson, turned High Churchman
again. The Whigs complained that ihej were un-
proscribed by a govemmeiil wliich owed lis exist-
?m : that some of the best friends of King William

1

■

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 487

liament came in slowly. The wants of the public service wera
pressing. In such circumstances it was to the citizens of
London that the government always looked for help ; and the
government of Wilham had hitherto looked especially to those
citizens who professed Whig o[)inioQs. Things were now
changed. A few eminent Wliigs, in their first anger, sullenly
refused to advance money. Nay, one or two unexpectedly with-
drew considerable sums from the Exchequer.* The financial
diiUculties might have been serious, had not some wetJthy
Tories, who, if Sacheverell*s clause had become law, would
have been excluded from all municipal honors, offered the
Treasury a hundred thousand pounds down, and promised to
raise a still larger sum.f

Wliile the City was thus agitated, came a day appointed by
royal proclamation for a general fast. The reasons assigned
for this solemn act of devotion were the lamentable state of
Ireland and the approaching departure of the King. Prayers
were ofiered up for the safety of His Majesty's person and for
the success of his arms. The churches of London were
crowded. The most eminent preachers of the capital, who
were, with scarcely an exception, either moderate Tories or
moderate Whigs, exerted themselves to calm the public mind,
and earnestly exhorted their flocks not to withhold, at this
great conjuncture, a hearty support from the prince, with
whose fate was bound up the fate of the whole nation. Burnet
told a large congregation from the pulpit how the Greeks,
when the Great Turk was preparing to besiege Constantinople,
could not be persuaded to contribute any part of their wealth
for the common defence, and how bitterly they repented of
their avarice when they were compelled to deliver up to the
victorious infidels the treasures which had been refused to the
supplications of the last Christian emperor. |

The Whigs, however, as a party, did not stand in need of
such an admonition. Grieved and angry as they were, they
were perfectly sensible that on the stabiUty of the throne of
William depended all that they most highly prized. What
some of them might, at this conjuncture, have been tempted to
do if they could have found another leader, if, for example,

• Treasury Minute Book, Feb. 5, 16f J.

♦ Van Cittere, Feb. |^^ Mar. H, Mar. if- 1«^0.

t Van Citters, March j^, 1690. The sermon is extant. It
preached at Bow Church before the Court of Aldonuen.

1

bfl

n^i

e£taLt Duke, their King Sfonmouth, had otill been
■ be doubted. But tlieir only choice was between tho
whom they had set up aud the Sovereign whom they
[ down. It would have been strange indeed if they

part with Jaiaea in oi'der lo punish WtUiam, when
ault which they imputed to William was tliat ho did
pale in the vindictive feeling with which they re-

the tyranny of Jamca. Much as they disliked the
iemnity, they had not forgotten the Bloody Circuit
efore, even in Uicir ill-humor, cojitinued true to
King, and, while grumbling at him, were ready to
lim against Lis adversary with their lives and foi^

irere indeed exeeptiong ; but they were very few ;
vere to he found almost exclusively in two classes,
ugh widely diBuring from each other in social j>osi- *
y resembled each other in hiKJiy of principle. All
who ai'e known to huve trafGcked with Saint Gt^r-
ingcd, not to the main body of the party, but eilLer
1 or 10 the tail. They were eillier pairi<'i(uia high in
iffice, or eaiiiffa who had long been emjilojed in thft

y. Of the latter class the most remai'kahle spcci-
tuberl Ferguson. From the day on whicli the Con-

1

■1

HISTOBT OF EKOLAND. 48$

passion. Long habits had developed in him a moral disease
from which people who make political agitation their calling
are seldom wiiollj free. He could not be quiet. Sedition^
Ti-om being his business, had become his pleasure. It was as
impossible for him to live without doing mischief as for an old
di'um drinker or an old opium eater to live without the dailj
dose of poison. The very discomforts and hazards of a law-
less life had a strange attraction for him. He could no more
be turned into a peaceable and loyal subject than the fox can
be turned into a shepherd's dog, or than the kite can be taught
the habits of the barn-door ibwL The Hed Indian prefers his
hunting-ground to cultivated fields and stately cities ; the gipsy,
sheltered by a commodious roof, and provided with meat in due
fieason, still pines for the ragged tent on the moor and the meal
of carrion ; and even so Ferguson became weary of plenty and
security, of his salary, his house, his table and his coach, and
longed to be again the president of societies where none could
enter without a pass-word, the director of secret presses, the
distributor of inflammatory pamphlets ; to see the walls pla-
carded with descriptions of his person and offers of reward for
his apprehension ; to have six or seven names, with a different
wig and cloak for each, and to change his lodgings thrice a week
at dead of night. His hostility was not to Popery or to Prot-
estantism, to monarchical government or to republican govern-
ment, to the House of Stuart or to the House of Nassau, but
to whatever was at the time established. %

By the Jacobites this new ally was eagerly welcomed.
They were at that moment busied with schemes in which the
help of a veteran plotter was much needed. There had been
a great stir among them from the day on which it had been
announced that William had determined to take the command
in Ireland ; and they were all looking forward with impatient
hope to his departure. He was not a prince against whom
men lightly venture to set up a standard of rebellion. His
courage, his sagacity, the secrecy of his counsels, the success
which had generally crowned his enterprises, overawed the
vulgar. Even his most acrimonious enemies feared him at
least as much as they hated him. While he was at Kensing-
toji, ready to take horse at a moment's notice, malecontents who
prized their heads and their estates were generally content to
vent their hatred by drinking confusion to his hooked nose, and
by squeezing with significant energy the orange which was hia
•niblem. But their courage rose when they reflected that the

msTOET OF ENGLASTJ.

«oa roll between liim and our island. Ic tltv milfc
olitical uilculaitond of that uge, thirty luuguos of

igland and Ireland. It someUmea happened iluiti

m reached Dublin. Twenty English countied might
ma long before any rumor that an iusurrectjon waa
tbended eould reach Ulster. Early in the spring
lie leading malecoiitents assembled in London for the
conceiting an extensive plan of action, and i-orre-
jiduously both with France and with Ireland.
9 the temper of the Enghsh factions when, on tho
f March, the new Parliament met. The fii-st duly
Couimoud had to perform waa that of choosing a
Trevor was proposed by Lowther, was elected wiUi-
on, and was presented and approved with the ordi-
oiiial. The King then made a speech in which b«

ant subjects, the eetthng of the revenue and tlie
an amuesty. He represented strongly the neces-
patch. Every day was precious, the season for
approaching. " Let not us," he said, " be engaged
while our enemies are in the field."*

BISTORT OF RNGLAND. 44t

The ordinary revenue hj which the government hiA beeq
supported before the Revolution had been partly htreditary,
and had been partly drawn from taxes granted to each sovereign
for life. The hereditary revenue had passed, with the crown,
to William and Mary. It was derived from the rents of the
royal domains, from iees, from fines, from wine licenses, from
the first fruits and tenths of benefices, from the receipts of th«
Post-Office, and from that part of the excise which h id, im«
mediately after the Restoration, been granted to Charles the
Second and to his successors forever in lieu of the feudal ser-
vices due to our ancient kings. The income from all these
sources was estimated at between four and five hundred thou*
sand pounds.*

Those duties of excise and customs which had been granted
to James for life had, at the close of his reign, yielded about
nine hundred thousand pounds annually. William naturally
wished to have this income on the same terms on which his
uncle had enjoyed it ; and his ministers did their best to gratify
his wishes. Lowther moved that the grant should be to the
King and Queen for their joint and separate lives, and spoke
repeatedly and earnestly in defence of this motion. He set
forth William's claims to public gratitude and confidence ; the
nation rescued from Popery and arbitrary power ; the Church
delivered from persecution ; the constitution established on a
firm basis. Would the Commons deal grudgingly with a prince
who had done more for England than had ever been done for
her by any of his predecessors in so short a time, with a prince
who was now about to expose himself to hostile weapons and
pestilential air in order to preserve the English colony in Ire-
land, with a prince who was prayed for in every comer of the
world where a congregation of Protestants could meet for the
worship of Grod ?t But on this subject Lowther harangued io
vain. Whigs and Tories were equally fixed in the opinion
that the liberality of Parliaments had been the chief cause of
the disasters of the last thirty years ; that to the liberality of
the Parliament of 1660 was to be ascribed the misgovemmeut
of the Cabal ; that to the liberality of the Parliament of 1685
was to be ascribed the Declaration of Indulgence, and that the
Parliament of 1690 would be inexcusable if it did not profit

* Commons' Journals, March 28, 1690, and March 1 and March SO
l6Sf

t Qrey'f Debates, March 27, aad 28, 1690.

lU*

eiSTOKT OF ENGLAND.

n, paitifiil an unvarying esperience After musfc
]ni[iromi8e was made. Tliat portion of the ezcba
bten settled for life on James, and wiiich waf

and Miiry for ilieir joint and separate Uvea. It
ed thai, with the hereditary revenue, and with three
ausaiid a year mot^ fi'om ihe excise, their Majesties

sif^ht hundred thousand a year. Out of this incotna
defrayed the charge both of the royal liousehold
e civil fifficee of which a list had been laid hefora

This income was, therefore, called the Ciril List,
(es of the royal household are now entirely separated
peases of the civil government ; but, ly a whimsical
the name of Civil List has remained attached to
n of the revenue which is appropriated lo the ex-
lie royal household. It is still more strange iLst
ghboring uatbiis should have thoupht this most un-

all names worth borrowing. Tliose tiulies of
ieh had been settled for life on Charles and Janiea
/, and which, in the year before the Revolution, had

a term of only tour years,*

was by no lUKO.ns well pleased with this arrange-

thought it unjust and luigi-aid'iil in a people whose

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 443

wiW be also a deliverer of future generations." William wan
not convinced ; but he bad too much wisdom and self-command
to give way to his ill-humor ; and he accepted graciously what
he could not but consider as ungraciously given.*

The Civil List was charged with an annuity of twenty thou-
sand pounds to the Princess of Denmark, in addition to an an-
nuity of thirty thousand pounds which had been settled on her
at the time of her marriage. This arrangement was the result
of a compromise which had been effected with much difficulty
and after many irritating disputes. The King and Queen had
never, since the commencement of their reign, been on very
good terms with their sister. That William should have been
disliked by a woman who had just sense enough to perceive
that his temper was sour and his manners repulsive, and who
was utterly incapable of appreciating his higher qualities, is
not extraordinary. But Mary was made to be loved. So
lively and intelligent a woman could not indeed derive much
pleasure from the society of Anne, who, when in good humor,
was meekly stupid, and, when in bad humor, was sulkily stupid.
Yet the Queen, whose kindness had endeared her to her
humblest attendants, would hardly have made an enemy of one
whom it was her duty and her interest to make a friend, had not
an influence strangely potent and strangely malignant been in-
cebsantly at work to divide the Royal House against itself. The
fondness of the Princess for Lady Marlborough was such as, in a
superstitious age, would have been ascribed to some talisman or
potion. Not only had the friends, in their confidential intercourse
wiih each other, dropped all ceremony and all titles, and become
plain Mrs. Morley and plain Mrs. Freeman ; but even Prince
George, who cared as much for the dignity of his birth as he
was capable of caring for any thing but claret and calvered
salmon, submitted to be Mr. Morley. The Countess boasted
that she had selected the name of Freeman because it wm
peculiarly suited to the frankness and boldness of her character;
and, to do her justice, it was not by the ordinary arts of cour-
tiers that she established and long maintained her despotic em-
pire over the feeblest of minds. She had little of that tact
which is the characteristic talent of her sex ; she was far too
violent to flatter or to dissemble ; but, by a rare chance, she
had fallen in with a nature on which dictation and contradictioo

* Burnet, ii. 43.

HIBTOBT OF ENOLAHD.

Bilircs. In this grotesque friendship all the \oja\ty,
!, the self-devoiioD, was on (be side of the mistress
, the faiiughty airs, the fits ui' ill temper, were oo

more curious than the relnlion in which the two
3 Mr. Freemun, a^ they called Miirlborough. In
ries people knew in geneml that Anne was yov-
8 Clmrcliills. They knew nbo that the raan who
b enjoy bo large ft share of her favor, was not only
' :r and polilician, but aUo one of the finest gentle-
time ; that his face and figure were eminently
s temper at once hland and rcijolule, hid manners
iging and noble. Nolhing could be more natural
ces and accomplish men Is like his should win a
On ihe Continent, therefore, many persons
he was Anne's favored lover; and he waa so
inlemporary French libels which have long been
J In England, this calumny never found credit even
|lgar, and U nuwhere to ho found cveo in the most
wus sung about our streets. Id truth, tho
/er to have been guilty of a thought incon-
I ber conjugal vows. To ber, Marlborough, with
' js and his valor, bis beauty and his grace, whs
the husband of her friend. Direct }iower over
lighness ha had none. lie could influence her

HISTOBT OF BNGLAKD. 445

tug to spend it.* The favor of the Princess they hoth re
garded as a valuable estate. In her father's reign, they had
begun to grow rich by means of her bounty. She was natur-
ally inclined to parsimony ; and, even when she was on the
throne, her equipages and tables were by no means sump«
tuous.f It might have been thought, therefore, that, while she
was a subject, thirty thousand a year, with a residence in the
palace, would have been more than sufficient for all her wanta.
There were probably not in the kingdom two noblemen pos-
sessed of such an income. But no income would satisfy the
greediness of those who pjvemed her. She repeatedly con-
tracted debts which Jamf repeatedly discharged, not without
expressing much surprise and displeasure.

The Revolution opened to the Churchills a new and bound-
less prospect of gain. The whole conduct of their mistress at
the great crisis, had proved that she had no will, no judgment,
no conscience, but theirs. To them she had sacrificed affec-
tions, prejudices, habits, interests. In obedience to them, she
had joined in the conspiracy against her father ; she had fled
from Whitehall in the depth of winter, through ice and mire,
to H hackney coach ; she had taken refuge in the rebel camp ;
she had consented to yield her place in the order of succession
to the Prince of Orange. They saw with pleasure that she,
over whom they possessed such boundless infiue ice, possessed
no common influence over others. Scarcely had the Revolu-
tion been accomplished, when many Tories, disliking both the
King who had been driven out, and the King who had come
in, and doubting whether their religion had more to fear from
Jesuits or from Latitudinarians, showed a strong disposition to
rally round Anne. Nature had made her a bigot. Such wai
the constitution of her mind, that to the religion of her nursery
she could not but adhere, without examination and without
doubt, till she was laid in her coffin. In the court of her father
she had been deaf to all that could be urged in favor of trail*

* In a contemporary liunpoon are these lines : —

^ Oh, happy coople I In their life
There does appear no sign of strife.
They do agree so in the main.
To sacrifice their souls for gain.

The Female Nine, 1690.

T Swift mentions the deficiency of hospitality and magnificenct in hn
houaefaold . Journal to Stella, Angnst 8, 1 7 1 1 .

HISTOKT OF ENQLAiro.

Ltion and auricular confession. In ibe court of her
I'law she wns equnlly dfaf la nil Ihat could be ui^e^
of a general union araons PfOlestanls. This slow-
sbstinacy madt; her important. It was a ^eal ihinK
; only member of the Royal Family who refrnrded
iid Presbyterians with an impartial aversion. Whila
rty was disposed to make ber an idol, she was r^ard-
two arlful servants merely as a puppet. They knew
lad it in her power lo give serious annoyance to tha
nl ; and tbey determined to use this power in order

iriborou^ih was commandii ; the £ii«li:>h forces in tha

: i and she acted, not as ho would doubtless have
h prudence and temper, but, as is plain even from
Lorrative, with odious violence and insolence. Indeed,
assions to gratify from which he was altogether free.

iia of niLinkiiid ; but mrtligniiy was in her n stronger
Lun avarice She hated easily ; elie haled heartily ;
ated impUcably Among the objeciB of her hatred
vho w re rela el o her mistress either on the pacer-
1 the naernal ad No person who had a natural
1 IhK P n e couU observe without uneasiness the
it'aiua on \il I de her the^slave of an imperious

HISTOBT OF ENOLAND. 447

friends have a mind to make me some settlement." It is said
that the Queen, greatly hurt bj an expression which seemed
to imply that she and her hu^^band were not among her sister's
friends, replied with unwonted sharpness : " Of what friends
do you speak ? What friends have you except the King and
me ? ' * The subject was never again mentioned between the
sisters. Mary was probably sensible that she had made %
mistake in addressing herself to one who was merely a passive
instrument in the hands of others. An attempt was made to
open a negotiation with the Countess. After some inferior
agetits had expostulated with her in vain, Shrewsbury waited
on hei. It might have been expected that his intervention
would have been successful ; for, if the scandalous chronicle of
those times could be trusted, he had stood high, too high, in
her favor.f He was authorized by the King to promise, that
if the Princess would desist from soliciting the members of the
House of Commons to support her cause, the income of Her
Royal Highness should be increased from thirty thousand
pounds to fifty thousand. The Countess flatly rejected this
offer. The King's word, she had the insolence to hint, was
not a sutlicient security. " I am confident,*' said Shrewsbury,
** that His Majesty will strictly fulfil his engagements. If he
breaks them I will not serve him an hour longer." '* That may
be very honorable in you," answered the pertinacious vixen,
'* but it will be very poor comfort to the Princess." Shrews-
bury, after vainly attempting to move the servant, was at length
admitted to an audience of the mistress. Anne, in language
doubtless dictated by her friend, Sarah, told him that the
business had gone too far to be stopped, and must be lefl to the
decision of the Commons.}

The truth was that the Princess's prompters hoped to obtain
from Parliament a much larger sum than was offered by the
King. Nothing less than seventy thousand a year would con-
tent them. But their cupidity overreached itself. The House

*Dachc8s of Marlboroa^h's Vindication. Bat the Duchess was to
abandoned a liar, that it is impossible to believe a word that she sajs,
Txcept when she accuses herself.

t See the Female Nine.

t The Ducness of Marlborough's Vindication. With that habitual in-
Rccuracy, which, even when she has no motive for lying, makes it necessary
to read every word written "by herwith suspicion, she creates Shrewsbury a
Duke, and represents herself as calling him '* Your Grace." He WM
not made a Duko till 1694.

long showed a great disposition to gratify Her Boja)
i. But, wiien at length lier too eager adherenta ven-
narae the sum which they wished to g^an^ the iDur-
•e loud. Seventy thousand a yejir at a time wlieu the
i^ expensea of the Slate were daily increasing, when
ipt of the customs was daily diminishing, when iradf

g from the charge of his table and Im cellur I Tb*
>pinion was that (he sum which the King wae under-
be willing to give would he amply siitiicient.' At

co[itent herself with lilYy thousand a year ; and Wil-
xd that this sum should be settled on her by Act uf
int. She rewarded the services of Lady Uarlborough
lendon of a thousand a year ; f but Ihid was in all '
ty a very small part of what the Churchills gained by
igement.

these transactions the two royal sisters continued dur-
' niontlis to live on terms of civility and even of ap-
ienilship. But Mary, though she seems to have boma

resentment as a very gentle heart is capable of feel-
ii'lborough had been out of Kngland during a great
le time which his wife hitd dpent in canvassing among

HISTOBT OF BNOLAND. 419

SQch a«t no High Churchman could well support, yet such ag
DO servant of William and Mary could well oppose. The
Tory who voted for these motions would run a great risk of
being pointed at as a turncoat by the sturdy Cavaliers of his
county. The Tory who voted against those motions would ruD
a great risk of being frowned upon at Kensington.

It was apparently in pursuance of this policy that the Whigs
laid on the table of the House of Lords a bill declaring all the
laws passed by the late Parliament to be valid laws. No
Aooner had this bill been read than the controversy of the pre-
ceding spring was renewed. The Whigs were joined on this
occasion by almost all those noblemen who were connected
with the government. The rigid Tories, with Nottingham at
their head, professed themselves willing to enact that every
statute passed in 1689 should have the same force that it
would have had if it had been passed by a parliament con-
voked in a regular manner; but nothing would induce them to
acknowledge that an assembly of lords and gentlemen, who had
come together without authority from the Great Seal, was con-
stitutionally a Parliament. Few questions seem to have ex*
cited stronger passions than the question, practically altogethei
unimportant, whether the bill should or should not be declara-
tory. Nottingham, always upright and honorable, but a bigot
and a formalist, was on this subject singularly obstinate and un-
reasonable. In one debate he lost his temper, forgot the deco-
rum which in general he strictly observed, and narrowly es*
caped being committed to the custody of the Black Rod.*
After much wrangling, the Whigs carried their point by a
majority of seven.f Many peers signed a strong protest writ-
ten by Nottingham. In this protest the bill, which was indeed
open to verbal criticism, was impolitely described as being
neither good English nor good sense. The majority passed a
resolution that the protest should be expunged ; and against
this resolution Nottingham and his followers again protested.|
The King was displeased by the pertinacity of his Secretary
of State; so much displeased, indeed, that Nottingham declared
his intention of resigning the Seals ; but the dispute was scon
lu^commodated. William was too wise not to know the value
o>f an honest man in a dishonest age. The very scrupulosity

• Van Citters, April A, 1690.

t Van Citters, April -fg ; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

* Lords' Juunials, April 8 und 1'), iri^O; Burnet. iL 4i.

HISTORT OF EKOLAND

lide Nottingliam a mutineer, was a securit; that bn

t down to the Lower House; und il was fullj

I lh.ll the contest there would be long and fierce; hul

iriecli settled the question. Somers, with a force and

which Burpriscd even an audience accustomed lo

iviih plen-sure, exposed the absurdity of the doeirine

a high Tories. "If the Convention," — it wa-^ thns

gued, — "was not a Parliamenl, how can we be a

I? Au Act of Ehzabeth provides that no person

vote in this House tilt he has taken the old oath of

. Not one of us has taken that oath. Instead of

e all taken the new oath of supremacy, which tko

ment substituted for the old oath. It is therefore a

iin to say that the Acts of the late Parliament are

I'iilid. and yet to ask ug to enact that they shall hence-

Jvalid. For either they already are so, or we never

them 90." This reasoning, which was in truth as

ihle as that of Euclid, brought the liehaie to a speedy

I'he bill passed the Commons within forty-eight boura

Had been read the fii~st lime.f

i the only victory won by the Whigs during the
on. They complained loudly in the Lnwer House
ti;>'; which liaU been made in the military govern-

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 451

been able to bring themselves to take the oath of allegiance to
him. Others were well known, in the evil days, as stanch jury-
men, who were sure to find aif Exclusionist guilty on any evi-
dence or no evidence." Nor did the Whig orators refrain from
using those topics on wiiich all factions are eloquent in the
hour of distress, and which all factions are but too ready to
treat lightly in the hour of prosperity. " Let us not," they
said, "pa<JS a vote which conveys a reflection on a large body
of our countrymen, good subjects, good Pi-otestants. The
King ought to be the head of his whole people. Let us not
make him the head of a party." This was excellent doctrine ;
but it scarcely became the lips of men who, a few weeks be-
fore, had opposed the Indemnity Bill and voted for the Sache-
verell Clause. The address was carried by a hundred and
eighty-five votes to a hundred and thirty-six.*

As soon as the numbers had been announced, the minority,
smarting from their defeat, brought forward a motion which
caused no little embarrassment to the Tory placemen. The
oath of allegiance, the Whigs said, was drawn in terms far too
lax. It might exclude from public employment a few honest
Jacobites who were generally too dull to be mischievous ; but
it was altogether inefficient as a means of binding the supple
and slippery consciences of cunning priests, who, while affect-
ing to hold the Jesuits in abhorrence, were proficients in that
immoral casuistry which was the worst part of Jesuitism.
Some grave divines had openly said, others had even dared to
write, that they had sworn fealty to William in a sense alto-
gether different from that in which they had sworn fealty to
James. To James they had plighted the entire faith which a
loyal subject owes to a rightful sovereign ; but, when they
promised to bear true allegiance to William, they meant only
that rhey would not, whilst he was able to hang them'foi
rebelling or conspiring against him, run any risk of being
hanged. None could wonder that the preoepts and example
of the malecontent clergy should have corrupted the malecon*
tent laity. When Prebendaries and Rectors were not ashamed
to avow that they had equivocated, in the very act of kissing
the New Testament, it was hardly to be expected that attor-
neys and tax-gatherers would be more scrupulous. The con-
BtMjuence was that every department swarmed with traitors ;
that men who ate the King's bread, men who were entrusted

* Commons' JouraalSp April 24. 1C90; Qrey*i Debates.

HISTOnr OF EITGLAKD.

duly of collecting and ■lisbursing his revenaea. rf
! his ships, of clolhiug Ilia soldiers, of making hU
eaJjr for llie field, were in the liabit of calling him
T, Qud of drinking to hia speedy downfall. Could
nmeat be Rafe which was hated and betrayed by iu
nls ? And was not the English government exposed
i which, even if all ita servants were true, might well
■iijus apprehensions? A disputed succession, war
ice, ivar in Scotland, war in Ireliind, was not all tbu
ilbout treachery in every arsenal and in every cuB-
!? There must be an oaih drawn in language too
be explained away, in language which no Jacobito
iiit witliuut the consciousness that he was perjuring
Though the zealots of indefeasible hereditary right
■neral no objection lo swear allegiance to William,
d probably not choose to abjure James. On bucIi
a these, an Abjuration Bill of extrerae severity was

. every person who held any office, civil, military, or

ng ; that the oath of abjuration might be tendered by
d of the peace to any subject of their Majesties ; and
were refused, tlie recusant should be sent to prison,
i lie there as long as he continued obstinate.

HT8T0RT OF KKOLAITD. 453

State, and even among the ministers of the Churcli, some per-
sons who have no sense of honor or religion, and who are
tPiady to forswear themselves for hicre. There may be ochern
who have contracted the pernicious habit of quibbling away
the most sacred obligations of morality, and who have con-
vinced themselves that they can innocently make, with a men-
tal reservation, a promise which it would be sinful to make
without such a reservation. Against these two classes of
Jacobites it is true that the present test affords no security.
But will the new test, will any test, be more eiiicacious ? Will
R person who has no conscience, or a person whose conscience
can be set at rest by immoral sophistry, hesitate to repeat any
phrase that you can dictate ? 'tjie former will kiss the book
without any scruple at all. The scruples of the latter will be
very easily removed. He now swears allegiance to one King
with a mental reservation. He will then abjure the other
King with a mental reservation. Do not flatter yourselves
that the ingenuity of lawgivers will ever devise an oath which
the ingenuity of casuists will not evade. What, indeed, ifl the
value of any oath in such a matter ? Among the many lessons
which the troubles of the last generation have left us none is
more plain than this, that no form of word.^, however precise,
no imprecation, however awful, ever saved, or ever will save,
a government from destruction. Was not the Solemn League
and Covenant burned by the common hangman amidst the
huzzas of tens of thousands who had themselves subscribed it ?
Among the statesmen and warriors who bore the chief part in
restoring Charles the Second, how many were there who had
not repeatedly abjured him ? Nay, is it not well known that
some of those persons boastfully atfirmed that, if they had not
abjured him, they never could have restored him?

The debates were sharp ; and the issue during a short time
seemed doubtful ; for some of the Tories who were in office
were unwilling to give a vote which might be thought to indi-
cate fhat they were lukewarm in the cause of the King whom
they served. William, however, took care to let it be under-
stood that he had no wish to impose a new test on his subjects.
A few words from him decided the event of the conflict. The
bill was rejected thirty-six hours afler it had been brought io
by a hundred and ninety-two votes to a hundred and sixty-
five.*

• Commons' JoiumalB, April 84, 25^ and M; Qrej's Debaletf Ihr

HISTOBT OP ENGLAND.

er lliis defeat the Vliiga peniuanously returned U
IliivJDg failed in one Hou«e lliey renewed ihs
J oilier, l-'ive dnys atier the Ahjuralion Bill bad
II out in the Cummutis, anotlier Abjuration Bill,
milder, but elill very severe, waa laid on the table
il?.* What was now (iroposed was thai no person
ill either House of FarliameDl or hold any atBce,
avy, or judii-ial, without making a declaration that
siand by William and Mary against Juines and
Idhereuia. Every male in (he kingdom who bod
u tififi of si:>teen was lo make (he same declaration
Tiuin day. If he ikili'd [o do so he was lo pay
es aud lo be ini^apatilu of exercising the elective

ay fixed for the second reading, the King cauM

t UouHe of Peel's. He gave his assent in form to

I's, uTirohed, took bis seat on a chair of state wbick

Iplaced for him, and listened wiib much interest to-

To the geneiul surprise, two noblemen who bad

iitly zi^alous lor the devolution spoke against tha

St. Lord Wbarion, a Puritan who had tuugbt for

'iu'liuitietit, liaid, with amusing simplicity, that ha

iiiiti, llial he hud lived through Irouliled limes,

m a great many outlis in his day, aud ihiil he

I that he had not heiit [hem all.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 455

in the Revolution. Macclesfield, irritated by tht charge of
inconsistency, retorted with terrible severity: "The uobK
Earl," he said, " exaggerates the share which I had in toe
deliverance of our country. I was ready, indeed, and always
shall be ready, to venture my life in defence of her laws and
liberties. But there are lengths to which, even for the stJke
of her laws and liberties, I could never go. I only rebelled
against a bad King ; there were those who did much more.'*
JVIarlborough, though not easily discomposed, could not but leel
the edge of this sarcasm ; William looked displeased ; and ihe
aspect of the whole House was troubled and gloomy. It was
resolved by fifty-one votes to forty that the bill should be
committed ; and it was committed, but never reported. Aher
many hard struggles between the Whigs headed by Shrews-
bury and the Tories headed by Caermarthen, it was so n^ach
mutilated that it retained little more than its name, and did
not seem to those who had introduced it to be worth any
further contest.*

The discomfiture of the Whigs was completed by a com-
munication from the King. Caermarthen appeared in the
House of Lords bearing in his hand a parchment signed by
William. It was an Act of Grace for political otfences.

Between an Act of Grace originating with the Sovereign
and an Act of Indemnity originating with the Estates of the
Realm there are some remarkable distinctions. An act of
Indemnity passes through all the stages through which other
Jaws pass, and may, during its progreijs, be amended by either
House. An Act of Grace is received with peculiar marks of
respect, is read only once by the Lords and once by the Com-
mons, and must be either rejected altogether or accepted an it
stands.! William had not ventured to submit such an Act to
the preceding Parliament. But in the new Parliament he
was certain of a majority. The minority gave no trouble.
Ths stubborn spirit which had, during two sessions, obstructed
the progress of the Bill of Indemnity had been at length broken
by defeats and humiliations. Both Houses stood up uncovered

* Lords* Joamals, Maj 2 and 3, 1690; Van Citters, May 2 ; Narcissof
Luttrell's Diary; Burnet ii. 44; and Lord Dartmouth'*8 note. The
changes made by the Committee may be sccd on the bill in the Archivei
of the House of Lords.

1 Tiicse distinrtioDs were macb disroMed at the time. Van CiltCTt

May 18) 1690.

m
456 HT8T0BT OF BNOLAHO.

while the Act of Grace was read, and gave their janction to St

without one dissentient voice.

There would not have been this unanimity had not a few
great criminals been excluded from the benefits of the amnestj.
Foremost among them stood the surviving members of th«
Hi<:^h Court of Justice which had sate on Charles the First.
With these ancient men were joined the two nameless execu*
tioners who had done their office, with masked faces, on the
acaffold before the Banqueting House. None knew who thej
were, or of what rank. It was probable that they had been
long dead. Yet it was thought necessary to declare that, if
even now, after the lapse of forty-one years, they should be
discovered, they would still be liable to the punishment of
their great crime. Perhaps it would hardly have been thought
necessary to mention these men, if the animosities of the pre-
ceding generation had not been rekindled by the recent appear-
ance of Ludlow in England. About thirty of the agents of
the tyranny of James were left to the law. With these excep-
tions, all poliiiail otFences, committed before the day on which
the royal signature was affixed to the Act, were covered with
a general oblivion.* Even the criminals who were by name
excluded had little to fear. Many of them were in foreign
countries ; and those who were in England were well assured
that, unless they committed some new fault, they would not be
molested.

The Act of Grace the nation owed to William alone ; and it
is one of his noblest and purest titles to renown. From the ^
commencement of the civil troubles of the seventeenth cen-
tury down to the Revolution, every victory gained by eithei
party had been followed by a sanguinary proscription. When
the Roundheads triumphed over the Cavaliers, when the Cav-
aliers triumphed over the Roundheads, when the fable of the
Popish Plot gave the ascendency to the Whigs, when the de-
tection of the Rye House Plot transferred the ascendency to
the Tories, blood, and more blood, and still more blood had
flowed. Every great explosion and every great recoil of pub-
lic feeling had been accompanied by severities which, at the
time, the predominant faction loudly applauded, but which, on
a calm "review, history and posterity have condemned. No
wise and humane man, whatever may be his political opinions,
now mentions without reprehension the death either of Laud

* Stat 2 W. & M. seu. 1, c 10.

BISTORT OF ENQLAJni. 457

or of Vane, either of Stafford or of Russell. Of the alternate
butcheries, the last and the worst is that which is inseparably
associated with the names of James and Jeffreys. But it as*
Buredly would not have been the last, perhaps it might not have
been the worst, if William had not had the virtue and the firm«
ness resolutely to withstand the importunity of his most zeal-
ous adherents. These men were bent on exacting a terrible
retribution for all they had undergone during seven disastrous
years. The scaffold of Sidney, the gibbet of Cornish, the
stake at which Elizabeth Gaunt had perished in the flames for
the crime of harboring a fugitive, the porches of the Somer-
eetshire churches surmounted by the skulls and quarters of
murdered peasants, the holds of those Jamaica ships from
which every day the carcass of some prisoner, dead of thirst
and foul air, had been flung to the sharks, all these things were
fresh in the memory of the party which the Revolution had
made, for a time, dominant in the State. Some chiefs of that
party had redeemed their necks by paying heavy ransom.
Others had languished long in Newgate. Others had starved
and shivered, winter after winter, in the garrets of Amsterdam.
It was natural that, in the day of their power and prosperity,
they should wish to inflict some part of what they had suffered.
During a whole year they pursued their scheme of revenge.
They succeeded in defeating Indemnity Bill after Indemnity
Bill. Nothing stood between them and their victims, but Wil-
liam's immutable resolution that the glory of the great deliver-
ance which he had wrought should not be sullied by cruelty.
His clemency was peculiar to himself. It was not the clem-
ency of an ostentatious man, or of a sentimental man, or of
an easy tempered man. It was cold, unconciliating, inflexible.
It produced no fine stage effects. It drew on him the savage
invectives of tiiose whose malevolent passions he refused to
satisfy. It won for him no gratitude from those who owed to
him fortune, Hberty, and life. While the violent Whigs railed
At his lenity, the agents of the fallen government, as soon as
they found themselves safe, instead of acknowledging their ob-
ligations to him, reproached him in insulting language with the
mercy which he had extended to them. His Act of Grace,
they said, had completely refuted his Declaration. Was it
possible to believe that, if there had been any truth in the
charges which he had brought against the late government, he
would have granted impunity to the guilty ? It was now uc-
kjQOwledged by himself, under his own hand, that the stories by
VOL. III. 20

lis frirnda haj deluded Uie nalion and driven

I royal ramily, were mere culumnies deviled to serve ■

L turn had been served ; and ihe accusations by wlitcb

Ifliiraed (lie public mind to mailnesd were cootlj with-

liut none oflhesB tilings moved him. He had duna

had risked his po[)u[arily with men wbo had beeo

t admirem, in order lo give repose and aecuritj u>

|liom his name was never raenlioncd without a curme.

inferred a less benefit on those whom he had dis-

I of their revenge, than on those whom he h^ pn>-

F ho had saved one faction from a proscription, he

P'the otiier Trom the reaction which such a proscrip-

ilablj' have produced. II' his people did not

kreciate his policy, so much the worse for them. He

arged his duty by them, lie feared no obloquy ; and

'enlieth of May the Act of Grace was passed.

J; (hen informed the Houses that his visit to Ireland

llDD^er be ilclityeil, thnt he had themlbre Uetermined

e them, and that, unlcis some unexpected emergi^nuy

r advice and assidlance necessary to him, he should

^liem again from their homes till the next winter.

said, " 1 hope, by the blessing of God, we shall

ly meeting."

iiiment had parsed an Act providing thai, whenever

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 459

earlier. The activity with which he had personally urged for
ward the preparations for the next campaign, dad produced an
extraordinary effect. The nerves of the government were
new strung. In every department of the military administra«
tion the influence of a vigorous mind was perceptible. Abun-
dant supplies of food, clothing, and medicine, very different in
quality from those which Shales had furnished, were sent
ncross Saint George's Channel. A thousand baggage wagons
had been made or collected with great expedition ; and, during
some weeks, the road between London and Chester was oot-
ered with them. Great numbers of recruits were sent to flQ
the chasms which pestilence had made in the English ranks.
Fresh regiments from Scotland, Cheshire, Lancashire, and
Cumberland had landed in the Bay of Belfast. The uniforms
and arms of the new comers clearly indicated the potent influ-
ence of the master's eye. With the British battalions were
interspersed several hardy bands of German and Scandinavian
mercenaries. Before the end of May the English force in
Ulster amounted to thirty thousand fighting men. A few
more troops and an immense quantity of military stores were
on board of a fleet which lay in the estuary of the Dee, and
which was ready to weigh anchor as soon as the King was on
board.*

James ought to have made an equally good use of the time
during which his army had been in winter quarters. Strict
discipline and regular drilling might, in the interval between
November and May, have turned the athletic and enthusiastio
peasants who were assembled under his standard, into good
soldiers. But the opportunity was lost. The Court of Dublin
was, during that season of inaction, busied with dice and claret«
love letters and challenges. The aspect of the capital was in-
deed not very brilliant. The whole number of coaches which
could be mustered there, those of the King and of the French
Legation included, did not amount to forty .f But though
there was little splendor there was much dissoluteness. Grave
Roman Catholics shook their heads, and said that the Castle
did not look like the palace of a king who gloried in being the'
champion of the Church.} The military administration was

■ ■ » ■■■I.I ^m ^ m I ■ ^^m^m^ i ■^^^^■^p»^^^— ^^— ^^^^^^^■^■^^■^MM — ^i^^ W^i^^— —

* Story's Impartial History ; Narcissos Lattrell's Diary.
t Avaux, Jan. ^.i, 1690.

I Maiuu-io) Exi-idiurn. Thii) most curious work has been recently
idiled witti great care and diligcoce by Mr. O'CallaghaD. I owa lo mmm

4M HI810RT OF EVOLiarD.

t» deplorallo as ever. The cavalry indeed was, bj the excfw
tions of some gallant officers, kept in a high state of effictencj.
But a regiment of infantry differed in nothing bat name from
a lai'ge gang of Rapparees. Indeed, a gang of Rappareea
gave less annoyance to peaceable citizens, and more annoyance
to the enemy, than a regiment of infantry. Avaux strongly
represented, in a memorial which he delivered to James, the
abuses which made the Irish foot a curse and a scandal to Ire-
land. Whole companies, said the ambassador, quit their colors
OD the line of march and wander to right and left pillaging and
destroying ; the soldier takes no care of his arms ; the officer
uever troubles himself to ascertain whether the arms are in
good order ; the consequence is that one man in every three
has lost his musket, and that another man in every three has
B musket that wiU not go off. Avaux adjured the King to pro-
hibit marauding, to give orders that the tixx>ps should be
regularly exercised, and to punish every officer who suffered
his men to neglect their weapons and accoutrements. If these
things were done, Ilis Majesty might hope to have, in the ap-
proaching spring, an army with which the enemy would be
unable to contend. This was good advice ; but James was so
far fix)m taking it that he would hardly listen to it with patience.
Before he had heard eight lines read he Hew into a passion and
accused the ambassador of exaggeration. *' This paper, Sir,*'
Raid Avaux, ^ is not written to be published. It is meant
solely for Your Majesty's information ; and. in a paper meant
solely for Your Majesty's information, flattery and disguise
would be out of place; but I will not persist in reading what
is so disagreeable." " Go on," said James very angrily ; ** 1
will hear the whole." He gradually became calmer, took the
memorial, and promised to adopt some of the suggestions which
it contained. But his promise was soon forgotten.*

His financial administration was of a piece with his military
administration. His one fiscal resource was robbery, direct or
indirect. £very Protestant who had remained in any part of
the three southern provinces of Ireland was robbed directly^
by the simple process of taking money out of his strong box,

to his learning and industry, that I most readily excuse the oational par-
tiality which sometimes, 1 cannot but think, perverts his judgment. Wnen
I quote the MacariiB Excidium, I always quote the Latin text. The Eog*
Uhq vcrbion is, I am convinced, merely a translatioa from the Latin, uuS
ft very careless aud imperfect trauslation.
« Avaux, Not. ^},l(>89.

HISTOBT OF EKOLAKD. 461

drink out of his cellars, fuel from his turf stack, and cWhei
from his wardrobe. He was robbed indirectly hy a new i65U«
of counters, smaller in size, and baser in material than any
which had jet borne the image and superscription of James.
Even brass had begun to be scarce at Dublin ; and it was
necessary to ask assistance from Lewis, who charitably bestowed
on his allj an old cracked piece of cannon to be coined into
crowns and shillings.*

But the French king had determined to send over saccon
of a very different kind. He proposed to take into his owq
service, and to form by the best discipline then known in the
world, four Irish regiments. They were to be commanded by
Macarthy, who had been severely wounded and taken prisoner
at Newton Butler. His wounds had been healed; and he
had regained his liberty by violating his parole. This disgrace-
ful breach of faith he had made more disgraceful by paltry
tricks and sophistical excuses which would have become a
Jesuit better than a gentleman and a soldier. Lewis was
willing that the Irish regiments should be sent to him in rag8
and unarmed, and insisted only that the men should be stout,
and that the officers should not be bankrupt traders and dis«
carded lacqueys, but, if possible, men of good family who had
seen service. In return for these troops, who were in number
not quite four thousand, he undertook to send to Ireland Uv
tween seven and eight thousand excellent French infantry,
who were likely in a day of battle to be of more use than all
the kernes of Leinster, Munster, and Connaught together.f

Dec* 9(.

* LoaToifl writes to Avanx, j^ J* '^f ^ • " Cororoe le Boy a veo per

T06 lettres que le Roy d'Angloterre crai^oit de manqaer de cnirre poor
faire do la monnoye, Sa Majesty a donne ordre qae Ton mist snr le oasti*
ment qui portera cette lettre one pi^co de canon du calibre de deux qni
est ^vent^o, do laquelle ceax qui travaillent k la monnoye du Roi
d'Angleterre pourront se servir pour continuer )t faire do la monnoye.*'
t I^uvois to Avaux, Nov. -J^.^ 1689. The force sent by Lewis to Ir»

land, appears bj the lists at the French War Office to have amounted to
seven thousand two hundred and ninety-one men of all ranks. At th«
French War Office is a letter from Marslml d^Kstrdes, who saw the four
Irish regiments soon after they had landed at Brest. He descriltes them
fts " raal chauss^s, mal v§tns, et n'ayant point d'nnifonne dans leurs
jiabits, si ce n'est qu'ils sont tons fort manvais.*' A very exact account
uf Macarthy's breach of parole will be found in Mr. O^Callaghan's His-
tory of the Irish Brigades. I am sorry that a writer to whom 1 owe so
much, should try to vindicate conduct which, as described by himself, wu
in the highest dftgree dishonorable.

aiSTORT OF EN0LAM3.

or he committeil. The army which he wai
^ssisl James, though emnll mdtveil when campnred
' of Flandera ur with the army of the Rhine,
ir a een'iee on which the fate of Europe might
lyht therefore to have benn commanded hy B
inent abiliiiea. There was no want of such
e French service. But Jamea and hia Queen
il for Lauzun, nnd carried lliis point against the
ntations of Avattx. agaitiitt the advice <if Loi>
lat the Judgment of Lewis himself.
Eun went to the cabinet of Louvois to receive
I wise minister held language which showed Low
e he fell in the vain and eccentric knight ermtil.
r Grod':< sake, Buffer yourself to be hurried away bj
f fighting. Put all your glory in tiring the Eng-
i above all things maintain ittrict disci iiline."'
8 the appointment of LauEun in itself a bad tip-
t, in onler that one man might fill u post for
M unfit, it was nece:isarj' to remove two men From
I tbej were eminently fit. Imtnunil and hard-
en and Avaux were, Kosen wa.4 nskilTu] eaptftin,
IS a skilful politician. Though it is not probalile
d have been able to avert tlie doom of Ireland, it \a
It they might hitve been able lo prulruct the contest;

HI8T0BT OF ENOLAND. 496

Dublin. At Dublin, indeed, tbej found tolerable accommoda'
tion. They were billeted on Protestants, lived at free quarter,
had plenty of bread, and threepence a day. Lauzun was
appointed Commander in Chief of the Irish army, and took
up his residence in the Castle.* His salary was the same
with that of the Lord Lieutenant, eight thousand Jacobuses,
equivalent to ten thousand pounds sterling, a year. This sum
James offered to pay, not in the brass which bore his own
effigy, but in French gold. But Lauzun, among whose faults
ai^atice had no place, refused to fill his own coffers from an al«
most empty treasury.f

On him and on the Frenchmen who accompanied him the mis*
ery of the Irish people and the imbecility of the Irish govern-
ment produced an effect which they found it difficult to describe.
Lauzun wrote to Louvois that the Court and the whole king*
dom were in a state not to be imagined by a person who had
always lived in well-governed countries. It was, he said, a chaos,
such as he had read in the book of Genesis. The whole business
of all the public functionaries was to quarrel with each other,
and to plunder the government and the people. Afler he had
bden about a month at the Castle, he declared that he would
nut go through such another month for all the world. His
ablest officers confirmed his testimony.} One of them, indeed,
was so unjust as to represent the people of Ireland not merely
as ignorant and idle, which they were, but as hopelessly stupid
and unfeeling, which they assuredly were not. The Englisli
policy, he said, had so completely brutalized them, that they
could hardly be called human beings. They were insensible
to praise and blame, to promises and threats. And yet it was
pity of them ; for they were physically the finest race of mea
in the world.§

* Story's Impartial Histoir ; Lauzan to Loavois, May f }, 1690.
t Lauzan to Louvois. ?^--f* 1690.

I Lauzun to Louvois, April f^. May i%, 1690. La Hoguette, who
held the rank of Mor^ctial de Camp, wrote to Louvois to the same effect
about the same time.

\ La politiijue dcs Anglois a ^t^ de tenir ces penples cy commo des
escluvcs, et si bus qu'il no Icur estoit pas Dermis u'apprendre k lire ct a
liciire. Cela les a rendu si besies quails n ont presque point d'hnmanit^.
Uien nc les esmcut lis sont peu serisibles )t rhonneur ; et ics menaces
ne les estonnent point. L'intercst mdme ne les peut engager au travail.
'Je sont pourtant les gens du monde les micox faits."— Desgrigny to Loa

-ois, ^^ 1690.

mSTORT or ENQLAin).

Ichomberg hnd opened tbe campaign auipfr

|le hiid wUh little difficulty taken Cliariemont, the

s which the Irish occupied in Ulster. But

irork of reconquerinE the three southern provincea of

i deferred till William should arrive. William

13 busied in racking arningenieniis for the ^vem-

I defence of England during \m absence. He well

I the Jacobit«e were on the ulert. They had not till

unilcd and organized faction. There bml

e Melfort's phrase, Diimerous gangs, which were mli

[ion with Jumts? at Dublin Casile, or with Mary

t Saint GermairiB, but which had no connectioa

lother and were unwilling to trust each other.* But

Id been known that the usurper was about to crctss

|d thai his sceptre would be left in a fetnale hand,

£ had been drawing elose together, and had begun

extensive conftidei^icy. Clarendon, who had rc-

uth^ and Ayte^bur/, who had dishonestly taken

i uniting Die diit.'f Iniitora. Dartmouth, ihougli ho

lo the f=overeigns who were in possession,

, active enemien, and undertook wlial mkj

e depai'lment of the plot. His mind waa

I occupied by schemes, disgraceful to an F.nglish sea-

n of the English fleets and arsenals. He

le naval officers, who, thougl

HI8T0RT OF BNGLAim. 463

a foreign army into the heart of his own country. He wrote
to inform James that the adherents of the Prince of Orange
dreaded nothing so much as an appeal to the sword, and thaU
if England were now invaded from France or from Ireland,
the number of Royalists would appear to be greater than ever.
Avaux thought this letter so important, that he sent a (ransUii-
tion of it to Lewis.* A good effect, the shrewd ambassador
wrote, had been produced, by this and similar communication8|
on the mind of King James. His Majesty was at last coo*
vinced that he could recover his dominions only sword in hand*
It was a curious fact that it should have been reserved for the
great preacher of peace to produce this conviction in the mind
of the old tyrantf Penn's proceedings had not escaped the
observation of the government Warrants had been out against
him ; and he had been taken into custody ; but the evidence
against him had not been such as would support a charge of
high treason ; he had, as, with all his faults, he deserved to
have, many friends m every party ; he therefore soon regained
his liberty, and returned to his plots.t

But the chief conspirator was Richard Graham, Viscount
Preston, who had, in the late reign, been Secretary of State
Though a peer in Scotland, he was only a baronet in England.
He had, indeed, received from Saint Germains an English pat«
ent in nobility ; but the patent bore a date posterior to that

* Avaax wrote thus to Lewis on the 5th of Jane, 1689 : "H nous est
vena des nouvellos assez considerables d'Anglotenre et d'Escosae. Je ma
donne Thonncar d'en envover des m^moires )t vostre Majesty, tels qae ja
Ics ay receus da Roy de la Grande Bretagno. Le commencement del
uoavelles datt^ d'An^letcrre est la copie d'une Icttre de M. Pen, qae
j'ay vcuc en original. The M^moiro des Noavclles d'Angletcrre et
d'£scosse, which was sent with this despatch, begins with the following
sentences, which mast have been part of Pcnn's letter : " Le Prince d'Oi^
■age commence d'estre fort d^goatt^ de I'bamear des Aoglois ; et U fiice
des choses change bien viste, scion la natare des insulaires ; et sa sant^
est fort mauvaise. II y a nnnaage qai commence k se former aa nord
des deux royaumes, oil le Roy a beaacoap d'amis, oe qai donne beaacoap
d'inqui^tudo aax principaax amis da Priace d'Orangc, qai, estant riches,
commeucent )t estre persuadez one ce sera I'esp^e qai d^cidera de Icar
sort, ce qa'ils ont tant tach^ d^^viter. lis appr^hendent ane invasion
d'Irlande et de France ; et en ce cas le Roy aara plas d'amis qae jamais.**

t " Le bon effet, Sire, qae ces Icttres d'Escosse et d'Angleterre ont pro*
dait, est qa'elles ont enfin persaad^ le Roy d'Angleterre qa'il ne recoar-
rera ses estats qae ies armes )t la main ; et ee n'est pas pea de I'en avoir
tonvaincu."

X Van Citters to the States General, March tVi 1^^* ^'^ Cittiri
tblls Penn " den bckondon Arcbraaker."

20*

ii the Convention httd pronounced nn abdication.
hfid, therefore, not only refused lo admit him to a
iL-ir privileges, but Imii sent lijin to prison for pr»-
»\\ himself one of their order. He had, however
g himself, and by withdrawing hia claim, obtained

)d to use on this occasion did not indicate a epirit
ir mariyrdom, be was regarded by his party, and
d in general, na a man of courage and honor. He

tfl of indefeasible hereditary right as the real Stero-
ls. He vAi in high favor with Lewis, at wltoM
,d formerly resided, and had, since the Revolution,
ted by the French government with considerable
ney for political purposen-t

reeton was consulting in the capital with the other ^
0 faction, the rustic Jacobites were Uying in arma,
iters, and forming themselves into companies, troops,
ila. Tlitre were aianning symploras in Worcisier-

ames, called themselves colonels and captains, and
>n'; lists of non-commissioned officers and privates.
u Yorkshire brought news that large bodies of men,
to have met for no good purpose, had been seen on
lear Knareaborough. Letters from Newcastle gave

HI8T0BT OF BNGLAKD. 467

Of thesfi double traitors the most remarkable was TVilliAiii
Fuller. This man has himself told us that, when he was verj
young, he fell in with a pamphlet which contained an account
of the flagitious life and horrible death of Dangerfield. The
boy's imagination was set on fire ; he devoured the book ; he
almost got it by heart ; and he was soon seized, and ever after
haunted, by a strange presentiment that his fate would resemble
that of the wretched adventurer whose history he had so eagerly
read.* It might have been supposed that the prospect of dying
in Newgate, with a back flayed and an eye knocked out, would
not have seemed very attractive. But experience proves that
there are some distempered minds for which notoriety, even
when accompanied with pain and shame, has an irresistible £e»«
eination. Animated by this loathsome ambition, Fuller equal-
led, and perliaps surpassed, his modeL He was bred a Roman .
Catholic, and was page to Lady Melfort, when Lady Melfort ^
shone at Whitehall as one of the loveliest women in the train
of Mary of Modena. After the Revolution, he followed his '
mistress to France, was repeatedly employed in delicate and
perilous commissions, and was thought at Saint Grcrmauis to be
a devoted servant of the House of Stuart. In truth, however,
he had, in one of his journeys to London, sold himself to the
new government, and had abjured the faith in which he had
been brought up. The honor, if it is to be so called, of turning
him from a worthless Papist into a worthless Protestant, he as-
cribed, with characteristic impudence, to the lucid reasoning and
blameless life of Tillotson.

In the spring of 1 690, Mary of Modena wished to send to
her correspondents in London some highly important despatches.
As these despatches were too bulky to be concealed in the
clothes of a single messenger, it was necessary to employ two
confidential persons. Fuller was one. The other was a zeal-
ous young Jacobite called Crone. Before they set out, thej
received full instructions from the Queen herself. Not a scrap
of paper was to be detected about them by an ordinary search;
but their buttons contained letters written in invisible ink.

* The Whole Life of Mr. William Fuller, being an Impartial Acooant
of his Birth, Education, Relations, and Introduction into the Senrice of
t^c late King James and his Queen, together with a True Discovery of
tie Intriirnes for which he lies now confined ; as also of the Persons that
employed and assisted him therein, with his Hearty Repentance for the
Misdemeanors he did in the late Reign, and all others whom he hath in-
jured ; impartially writ by Himself during his Confinement in the Queea'f
Beicb. 1703 Of course I shall use this oarnuiTe frith cantioB.

■ proooeded to Calais. The governor of that town
hem wiih a boat, which, under cover of the night, t^t
e Jow niarhhy coint of Kent, near the lighthouse of
Thej walked to B farai-house, and took difierenl
radon. Fuller liastened lo the pfikce at Ken^iDgton,
ed the documenis with which he wna charged into
. hand. The first letter which William unrollod
nontain only florid comprnncnlB ; but a pan of char*
jhted; a liquor well kuown to the diptomalbis of
Foj applied lo tlie paper ; an unsavory Bloam 6l]eJ

and lines full of grave meaning began to appear,
t thing to be done was to secure Crone. He Iwd
;ly had lime to deliver his letlcra before he waa
U a snare was laid Ibr him into which he eaoUy felL
le sincere -Taeobiiea were generally wretchiwl plotters.

among them un unusually large proportion of sots, -«
and babblers ; and Crone was one of these. Had ho
he would have shunned places of public resort, icepl
1 o?er his tips, and stimed himself to one bottle at «

was found hy Ihe messengers of the government at
ble in Graee-church Street, swallowing bumpers lo
of King James, and ranting about the coming reet<K

Freneb fleet, and the thousands of honest EnglLsh-
rere awaiting the signal to rise in arms for tlieir
vcreign. He was carried to the Secretary's office

HI8T0ST or ENGLAND. 439

6£ the government. The spirits of the Jacobites rose, how
ever, when it was known that Crone, though repeaf'^dly intex^
rogated by those who had him in their power, and though as-
sured that nothing but a frank confession could save his life,
had resolutely continued silent. What effect a verdict of Guilty
and the near prospect of the gallows might produce on liim re-
mained to be seen. His accomplices were by no means willing
that his fortitude should be tried by so severe a test They
therefore employed numerous artifices, legal and illegal, to avert
a conviction. A woman, named Clifford, with whom he had
lodged, and who was one of the most active and cunning agents
of the Jacobite faction, was entrusted with the duty of keeping
him steady to the cause, and of rendering to him services from
which scrupulous or timid agents might have shrunk. When
the dreaded day came. Fuller was too ill to appear in the wit-
ness box, and the trial was consequently postponed. He as-
serted that his malady was not natural, that a noxious drag had
been administered to him in a dish of porridge, that his nails
were discolored, that his hair came off, and that able phyr.icians
pronounced him poisoned. But such stories, even when they
rest on authority much better than that of Fuller, ought to be
received with very great distrust

While Crone was awaiting his trial, another agent of the
Court of Saint Grermains, named Tempest, was seized on the
road between Dover and London, and was found to be the
bearer of numerous letters addressed to malecontents in Eng-
land.* Every day it became more plain that the State was
surrounded by dangers ; and yet it was absolutely necessary
that, at this conjuncture, the able and resolute Chief of the
State should quit his post

William, with painful anxiety, such as he alone was able to
conceal under an appearance of stoical serenity, prepared to
take his departure. Mary was in agonies of grief; and her
distress affected him more than was imagined by those who
judged of his heart by his demeanor.f He knew too that h^
was about to leave her surrounded by difficulties with wbieb
her habits had not qualified her to contend. She would be ia
constant need of wise and upright counsel ; and where was suvh
counsel to be found ? There were indeed among his servant

* Clarcndoo's Diary, Biay 10, 1690.

t He wrote to Portland : ** Je plains la porre roinei qui eft en las
4bles afflictioiis.*'

BISTORT OK ESOLAHB.

: mm and a few virtuous men. Bat, even wlien ba

e both their aliilities and iheir virtues useless to him.
n»> was there Lbut the geniJe Mjiry woulrl be able to
Hill party spirit and tbat emulation wbicli had been
mperfectly kept in order by her resolute and politic

tlie interior cabinet which was to assist the Queen
TOsed exclusively either of Whigs or of Tories, half

would be disgusted. Yet. if Whigs and Tories were
was certain that there would be constant dissension.
William's situation that he ha<l only a choice of eviliL
difficulties were increased by the conduct of Shrewa- _
le character of this man is a curious study. He

be tlie petted favorite both of nature and of fortune.
birth, exalted rank, ample possessions, fine parts,

ac(|uirenientfi, an agreeable person, manners singn—
eful and engaging, combined to make him an objeet
lion and envy. But, with all these advaniages, he
moral and intylleetual peculiarities which made tim

to himself and to all connected with him. His cott-
e time of the Revolution had given the worid a high
)l merely of his patriotism, but of his courage, energy,
ion. It should seem, however, iliat youtWul enthu-

hail, on that oci-jvion. raised him above liimself.

HISTORY or ENGLAND. 471

tade, or that abject peace of mind which springs from impa«
dence and insensibili^^. Few people who have had so little
power to resist temptation have suffered so cruelly from re-
morse and shame.

To a man of this temper the situation of a minister of state
during the year which followed the Revolution must have been
constant torture. The difficulties by which the government
was beset on all sides, the malignity of its enemies, the nn«
reasonableness of its friends, the virulence with which the
hostile factions fell on each other and on every mediator who
attempted to part them, might indeed have discouraged a more
resolute spirit Before Shrewsbury had been six months in
office, he had completely lost heart and head. He began to
address to William letters which it is difficult to imagine that
a prince so strong-minded can have read without mingled com-
passion and contempt. "I am sensible," — such was the con-
stant burden of these epistles, — " that I am unfit for my place.
I cannot exert myself. I am not the same man that I was
half a year ago. My health is giving way. My mind is on
the rack. My memory is failing. Nothing but quiet and
retirement can restore me." William returned friendly and
soothing answers ; and, for a time, these answers calmed the
troubled mind of his minister.* But at length the dissolution,
the general election, the change in the Commissions of Peace
and Lieutenancy, and finally the debates on the two Abjura-
tion Bills, threw Shrewsbury into a state bordering on distrac-
tion. He was angry with the Whigs for using the King ill,
and yet was still more angry with the King for showing favor
to the Tories. At what moment and by what influence the
unhappy man was induced to commit a treason, the conscious-
ness of which threw a dark shade over all his remaining years,
is not accurately known. But it is highly probable that hia
mother, who, though the most abandoned of women, had great
power over him, took a fatal advantage of some unguarded hoar,
when he was irritated by finding his advice slighted, and that
of Danby and Nottingham preferred. She was still a member
of that Church which her son had quitted, and may have
thought that, by reclaiming him from rebellion, she might
make some atonement for the violation of her marriage vow
and the murder of her lord.t What is certain is that, before

* See the Letters of Shrewsbarj, in Coxe's Ck>rrespondence, Part L
diap. i.
1 That Ladj Shrewsbury was a Jacobite, aod did her best to mako hei

HISTOItT or KNOLiin).

kr the spring of 1 690, Shrensbur; had offered III*

lo James, and ihnt Jamea hud accepted them. Ono

Khe eincerity of tli« convuri was demanded. He must

scul^ which he had laken from the hand of ihe usur-

s probahie ihat Shrewsbury had scarcely commiited

when he began to repent of it. But ho had nut

f mind to stop short in the path of ;?il. Loathing

Biaseness, dreading a detection which must be fatal to

[, afraid to go forward, afraid lo go back, hi under-

'e.i of which it is impossible to think without com-

The true cause of h'u distress was as yel a pro-

Iret ; but his metital struggles and chatiges of pur[>oae

lerally known, and furnished the town, duritig some

^rh topics of conversation. One night, when he wni

Ketiing out in a stale of great excitement for the pnl-

1 the echIb in hja bond, he was induced by Burnet lo

;!^ignation for a few hours. Some days later, iha

B of Tillotson waa employed for the same purpose.f

f four littles the Kitrl laid the en^Jigua of hig ulficu on

I of the royal closet, and was three or four limes in-

' e kind espostulations of the mu.4tcr whom he was

I of having wronged, to take them up and carry Ih^m

us the resignation was deferred till the eve of the

il'ture. By that time agitation hiid thrown Shrews-

i low fever. Bentinuk, who made a lost effort to

BISTORT OF RWOr AN1>. 478

dllors, by whose advice he enjoinotj INIary to be guided. Four
of these, Devonshire, Dorset, Monraorth, and Edward Rassell*
were Whigs. The other five, Caermarihen, Pembroke, Not-
tingham, Marlborough, and Lowther, were Tories.*

William ordered the Nine to attend him at the office of the
Secretary of State. When they were assembled, he came
leading in the Queen, desired them to be seated, and addressed
wO them a few earnest and w^ii^hty words. '* She wants ex*
perience," he said ; ** but I hopb *hat, by choosing you to be
\it r counsellors, I have supplied that defect. I put my king-
iUm into your hands. Nothing foreign or domestic shall be
kept secret from you. I implore you to be diligent and to bo
united."t I" private, he told his wife what he thought of the
Characters of the Nine ; and it should seem, from her letters to
him, that there were few of the number for whom he expressed
any high esteem. Marlborough was to be her guide in military
affairs, and was to command the troops in England. Russell,
who was Admiral of the Blue, and had heen rewarded for the
service which he had done at the time of the Revolution with
the lucrative place of Treasurer of the Navy, was well fitted
to be her adviser on all questions relating to the fleet But
Caermarthen was designated as the person on whom, in case
of any difference of opinion in the council, she ought chiefly
to rely. Caermarthen's sagacity and experience were unques-
tionable ; his principles, indeed, were lax ; but, if there was
any person in existence to whom he was likely to be true, that
person was Mary. He had long been in a peculiar manner
her friend and servant; he had gained a high place in her
favor by bringing about her marriage; and he had, in the
Convention, carried his zeal for her interests to a length which
she had herself blamed as excessive. There was, therefore,
every reason to hope that he would serve her at this critical'
conjuncture with sincere good will.}

One of her nearest kinsmen, on the other hand, was one of

* Among the State Poems, (vol. ii. p. 21 1,) will be foand a piece whkh

some ignorant editor has entitled, "A Satyr written whco the K

went to Flanders and left nine Lords Justices.** I have a maouscript
copy of this satire, evidently contemporary, and bearing the date 1690. it
is indeed evident at a glance, that me nine persons satirized, are the nine
members of the interior council, which William appointed to assist Mary
when ho went to Ireland. Some of them never were Lords Justices.

t From a narrative written by Lowther, which is among the Biaddn
losh MSS.

t See Mary's Letters to William, pablished bv Dalrymple.

HI9T0KT OF ENQLAND.

est enemies. The evidence which was in the possea-

imment proved beyond dispute that Clarendon

:L'rned in ihe Jucobile schemes of insurrection.

was most unwilling that her kindred should be

renied ; and William, remembering through what tie«

liroken, and what reproaches she had incurred, for hu

dilj' giive her uncle'd life and liberty lo her iniercea-

ut, before ihe King set out for Irelund, he lipoke aeri-

|Rochester. " Your brother hns been plotting against

sure of it. I have ihe proo& under his own hand. I

to k-Hve him out of the Act of Grace ; but I would

It would have given so much pain fo the Queen.

ke I forgive the past ; but ray Lord Clarendon will

be cautious for the future, if not. he will find that

no jesting matters." Rochester communicated tbe

to Clarendon. Clarendon, who was in constant

ence with Dublin and Saint Germains, protested

lonly wish waji to be ([uiet, and ihiit, though lie had B

Jabout the oaths, the existing government Lad not a

ftdient subject than he purposed to be.*

! letters which the government had intercepted

James to Penn. That letter, indeed, was not

: to prove that the person to whom it wits ad-

n guilty of high treason;

BISTORT OF KXOL4ND. 475

On the day before William's departure, he called Burnet
mto his closet, and, in firm but mournful language, spoke of
the dangers which on every side menaced the realm, of the
fury of the contending factions, and of the evil spirit which
seemed to possess too many of the clergy. ^ Bui my trust is
in God. I will go through with my work or perish in it. Only
I cannot help feeling for the poor Queen ; " and twice he re*
peated with unwonted tenderness, ^ the poor Queen." ^ If yna
love me," he added, ** wait on her often, and give her what
help you can. As for me, but for one thing, I should enjoy
tho prospect of being on horseback and under canvas again.
For I am sure I am fitter to direct a campaign than to manago
your Houses of Lords and Commons. But, though I know
that I am in the path of duty, it is hard on my wife that her
father and I must be opposed to each other in the field. God
send that no harm may happen to him. Let me have yoar
prayers, Doctor." Burnet retired greatly moved, and doubt-^
less put up, with no common fervor, those prayers for which
his master had asked.*

On the following day, the fourth of June, the Ejng set out
for Ireland. Prince George had ofifered his services, had
equipped himself at great charge, and fully expected to be
complimented with a seat in the royal couch. But William,
who promised himself little pleasure or advantage from His
Royal Highness's conversation, and who seldom stood on cere-
mony, took Portland for a travelling companion, and never once,
during the whole of that eventful campaign, seemed to be
aware of the Prince's existence.f Greorge, if left to himself,
would hardly have noticed the affront. But, though he was
too dull to feel, his wife felt for him ; and her resentment was
Btudiously kept alive by mischief-makers of no common dex-
terity. On this, as on many other occasions, the infirmities of
William's temper proved seriously detrimental to the great
intei'ests of which he was the guardian. His reign would have
been far more prosperous if, with his own courage, capacity,
%nd elevation of mind, he had had a little of the easy good-
.lumor and politeness of his uncle Charles.

In four days the King arrived at Chester, where a fleet of

-vansports was awaiting the signal for sailing. He embarked

a the eleventh of June, and was convoyed across Saint

« Burnet, ii. 46.

t The DocbeM of Marlbc rongfa'f Vindication

BISTORT OF ENGLAND.

nd of 8ir Cloudesley Sliovel."

month which followed Willinm's dcparlure rrom I/Oiidon
e or the most eventful and HnKtoii:^ montki in the whola
of England. A few hours after he had «et out, CrOM
Dught to the bar of the OM Bailey. A Rreal iirrft_T of
was on tlie Bench. Fuller had recovered sufficiently
a his appearance in court ; and the trial proceeded. Tba
es had heen indefaligiible in their efforts to a.icertain the
1 opinions of the persons whose names were on the jnry
io many were challenged that there was some difficnltj
.ing up the number of twelve { and among the twelve
le on whom the malecontenia thought that they couW
. Nor were they altogether mistukon ; for this man
It against his eleven companions all night and half the
ly ; and he would probably hove starved them into sub-
1 had not Mrs. Clifford, who was in league with him,
luglit throwing sweetraeata to him through the window.
:>pliea having bean cut off, he yielded ; niid a verdict of
. which, it was said cost two of the jurymen their lives,
.umed. A motion in arrest of judgment was instantly
m the ground that a Latin word indorsed on the back

itedly frivolous. .Jeifreys would hnve at ontc oveiTuled

HI8T0BT OF EKOUUffD. 477

two roigns.** After a full hearing, the Bench anan.moasl/
pronounced the error to be immaterial ; and the prisoner was
condemned to death. He owned that his trial had been fair,
thanked the judges for their patience, and besought them to
intercede for him with the Queen.*

He was soon informed that his fate was in his own hands.
The government was willing to spare him if he would earn his
pardon bj a full confession. The struggle in his mind was
terrible and doubtful At one time Mrs. Clifibrd, who had
access to bis cell, reported to the Jacobite chiefs that he was in
a great agony. He could not die, he said ; he was too young
to be a martyr.f The next morning she found him cheerful
and resolute, t He held out till the eve of the day fixed for his
execution. Then he sent to ask for an interview with the
Secretary of State. Nottingham went to Newgate ; but, before
he arrived, Crone had changed his mind and wa<3 determined
to say nothing. '* Then," said Nottingham, '* I shall see you
no more ; for to-morrow will assuredly be your last day." But,
afler Nottingham had departed, Monmouth repaired to the
jail, and flattered himself that he hud shaken the prisoner's
resolution. At a very late hour that night came a respite for
a week.§ The week however passed away without any dis-
closure ; the gallows and quartering-block were ready at
Tyburn ; the sledge and axe were at the door of Newgate ;
the crowd was thick all up Holbom Hill and along the Oxford
Road ; when a messenger brought another respite, and Crone^
instead of being dragged to the place of execution, was con-
ducted to the Council chamber at Whitehall. His fortitude
had been at last overcome by the near prospect of death ; and
on this occasion he gave important information. |

Such information as he had it in his power to give was in*
deed at that moment much needed. Both an invasion and an
insurrection were hourly expected.1[ Scarcely had William
set out from London when a great French fleet commanded by

* Clarendon*8 Diary, Jane 7 and 12, 1690: Narcissus Lnttreirs Diary;
Baden, the Datch Secretary of Legation, to Van Citters, June 1 J ; Ful*

|er*H Life of himself; Wei wood's Mcrcnrius Reformatns, June 11, 1690
t Clanmdon's Diary, June 8, 1690.
I Clarendon's Diary, June 10.
\ Baden to Van Citters, June |0y 1690; Clarendon's Diary, June 19

(Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.
il Clarendon's Diary, June 25.
^ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary

HISTORT OF ENQLAMD.

int of Tourrille Itft the port of Brest and cnlei-.!*! the
ChanneL Tourville was the ablest inaritune eoni-
ihat hid counlrj then jwasessed. lie bail 9tu<lied

mrt ol' hi!) profession. It was said of him ihat he was

that of ailniiral. It was said of liim. also, tliat lo the
BS courage of a seaman he uniled the suavity aiiiJ
Y of an accomplished genilem&n.' He now slood orer

le plainly descriiid from the ramparts of Plymouth.
'lymouth he proceeded elonly along the coast of Dev-
and Dorselahire. There was grt^t reason \ip appre-
at Yiis movemcula had been coiicurted with the Knglisb

eiice of the country against boih foreign and domestio
i. Torrinftton look the command of the EnglUti tieet
ay in the Downs, and swlcd lo Saint Helen's. He was
oined by a Duteh squadron under the command of
;». It seemed tliat llie cliffs of the Isle ef Wij^t
vilness one of the greatest naval conflici^ recorded in
A hundred and Ully sliips of the line couid b^ counted
from the waichtower of Saint Catharine's. On the
the huge jirecipic-e of Bbick Gang Chine, and in foU

HISTORY or ENGLAND. 479

the Queen'E kinsman in the Queen's presence. Mary ha^
wiarcely evei opened her lips at Council ; but now, being pos-
sessed of clear proofs of her uncle's treason in his own huni-
writing, and knowing that respect for her prevented her advisei^s
from proposing what the public safety required, she broke
silence. " Sir Henry," she said, " I know, and everybody
here knows as well as I, that there is too much against my
Lord Clarendon to leave him out." The warrant was drawn
up ; and Capel signed it with the rest. ^^ I am more sorry for
Lord Clarendon," Mary wrote to her husband, ^ than, may be^
will be believed." That evening Clarendon and several other
noted Jacobites were lodged in the Tower.*

When the Privy Council had risen, the Queen and the
interior Council of Nine had to consider a question of the
gravest importance. What orders were to be sent to Torring-
ton ? The safety of the State might depend on his judgment
and presence of mind ; and some of Mary's advisers appre-
hended that he would not be found equal to the occasion.
Their anxiety increased when news came that he had aban-
doned the coast of the Isle of Wight to the French, and was
retreating before them towards the Straits of Dover. The
sagacious Caermarthen and the enterprising Monmouth agreed
in blaming these cautious tactics. It was true that Torrington
had not so many vessels as Tourville ; but Caermarthen thought
that, at such a time, it was advisable to fight, although against
odds ; and Monmouth was, through life, for fighting at all
times and against all odds. Russell, who was indisputably one
of the best seamen of the age, held thatf the disparity of num-
bers was not such as ought to cause any uneasiness to an
officer who commanded English and Dutch sailors. He there-
fore proposed to send to the Admiral a reprimand couched in
terms so severe that the Queen did not like to sign it The
language was much soflened ; but, in the main, Russell's advice
was followed. Torrington was positively ordered to retreat no
further, and to give battle immediately. Devonshire, however,
was still unsatisfied. *^ It is my duty. Madam," he said, ^ to
tell Your Majesty exactly what I think on a matter of this
im]X)rtance ; and I think that my Lord Torrington is not a
man to be trusted with the fate of three kingdoms." Devon*
fihire was right ; but his colleagues were unanimously of opinion

* Mary to William, June 26, 1690; CUrendoa'f Diary of tbo iMM
oate ; Narci<u>tis Luttreirs Diary.

HI9T0RT OF ENOLASD-

i a general action, would be a cour.se full oi' Uaoger ;
, difficult ,to say tliat they were wrong, " You must
aid Russell, leave liim where he is, or send for him
toner." Several expedients were suggested. Caer-
proposetl that Russell should be sent to a^ist Tor-

Montnouth pa^siouaicly implored permission to join
in any capacity, as a captain or as a volunteer. " Only

once on board, and I pl^e my life that there shaU
tie." After mucli discussion and hesitation, it was
that both Russell and Monmouth should go down to
.• Thpy set out, but loo late. The despatch wliich
Toiringlon lo fight had preceded them. It reaehed
1 he W.1S off Beacby Heiid. He read i^ and was iu a
ait. Not to give battle wii3 to be guilty of direct
iiee. To give battle was, in his judgment, lo incur
isk of defeat. He probably suspected,— for he wu
iou3 and jealous temper, — that the iustructious whidi
m in 30 puinlUl a dilemma had been frumed by ene-

FLVala with a design unfriendly lo his fortune and bis
le was exasperated by the thought that he was ordered
a overruled by Russell, who, though his inferior in
iia! rank, exercised, as one of the Council of Nme, k
eoiilrol overall the departments of the public service.
?ems lo be do ground for charging Torrington with

mstOftr Of KMOLAKB. 481

to lay tils plans in such a manned that the danger and Ioa*
roi^ht fall almost exclnsively to the share of the Dutch. He
bore them no love ; and in England they were po nnpopala?
that the destniction of their whole squadron was likely to cause
fewer munnurs than the capture of one of our own frigates.

It was on the twenty-ninth of June that the Admiral received
the order to fi«rht. The next day, at four in the mominjr, he
bore down on the French fleet and formed his vessels in order
of hattle. He had not sixty sail of the line, and the French
had at least eij^hty ; but his ships were more stronjrly manned
than thDse of the enemy. He placed the Dutch in the van and
gave them the signal to engage. That signal was promptly
obeyed. Evertsen and his countrymen fought with a coui-age
to which both their English allies an'' their French enemies, in
spite of national prejudices, did full justice. In none of Van
Tromp's or De Ruy ten's battles had the honor of the Ratavian
flag Ijeen more gallantly upheld. During many hours the van
maintained the unequal contest with very little assistance from
any other part' of the fleet At length the Dutch Admiral
drew off, leaving one shattered and dismayed hull to the enemy.
His second in command and several officers of high rank had
fallen. To keep the sea against the French after this disastrous
and ignominious action was impossible. The Dutch ships
which had come out of the fight were in lamentable condition.
Torrington ordered some of them to be destroyed ; the rest he
took in tow ; he then fled along the coast of Kent, and sought
a refuge in the Thames. As soon as he was in the river, ha
ordered all the buoys to be pulled up, and thus made the
navigation so dangerous, that the pursuers could not venture to
follow him.*

* Report of the Commissioners of the Admiralty to the Queen, dated
8hccTncs8, July 18, 1690 ; Evidence of Captains Cornwall, Jones, Martin,
and Hubbard, and of Vice Admiral DeUval ; Burnet, ii. 52, and Speaker
Onslo\?'9 Note ; M^moiros du Mar^chal de Tourville ; Memoirs of Trans-
actions ht Sea by Josiah Burchett, Esq , Secretary to the Admiralty,
1703; London Giuette, Tuly S; Historical and Political Mercury for
July, 1690 ; Mary to William, July 2 ; Torrington to Cucrmarthen, July I.
The account of ^hu battle in the t'aris Gazette of July 15, 1690, is not to
be read without shame: "On a s^ea que les Uoltandols s'estoicnt tris
blen battas, et qu'ils s'estoient oomportea en cette occasion en braves geos,
m&is que les An^^lois n'en avoient pas agi de mdmc." In the French oiB-
da! I elation of the battle ofT Cape Bev^ier,— an odd cormption of Pe-
Tensey, — are some passages to the same effect: *' Les HoUandoia oobi-
battirent avec beaacoup de courage et de fimneU ; matt ils oe fsfonlpM
VOL. III. 21

1

U3

^■^H

HMTORT or ElTOLAJtD.

howpTer. tboueht by mnny, and especially by tha
nisters, thnt, if Tourville haJ been more enterprising,
leet misht hftve been deslroyed. He Beems to hava

Though a brave man, he was a timid rommnnder.

exposed with cnreless f^nyety; but it waa said that
I'toiisly anxious and pufillanimously caulioua when
ional reputation wag in danffer. Ho was eo mucfa
f these censures that he soon became, unlbrtunalely
ntry, bold even to temerity.*

as fcareely ever been eo mri a day in London as
ich the news of the 3al(le of Beachy Head arrived.
■ wai insupportable : the peril was imminent, Wbat
nous enemy siinuM do what De Ruyier had done •
e dockyards of Chatham should asnin be destroyed ?
e Tower itself should be bombarded ? What if tb«
of masts and yardarms below London Bridge shouW
r.e? Nor was this all. Evii tidings had just arrived
Low Cdiintriea. The allied forces unr'er WaUleck

neishiiorhood of Fleurus, encounter<^d the French
i bylhe Duke of Luxemburg. The day lind been
trcfly disputed. At length the skill of the French
d the impetuous valor of the French cavalrj' had
' Thus at the same moment the army of Lewis
0U3 in Flund^rs, and his navy waa in undisputed

1

1

HTSTOKT OF ENGL AND. 495

few hour?!. A few hours more might suffice for the voyajp^
At any moment London mi^ht be appalled by the news that
thirty thousand French veterans were in Kent, and that the
Jacobites of half the counties of the kinjydom were in arms.
All the rejrular troops who could be assembled for the defence
of the island did not amount to more than ten thousand men.
It may be doubted whether our country has ever passed throu(;li
a more alarminj? crisis than that of the first week of July 1690.
But the evil brought with it its own remedy. Those little
knew Enp:land who imn^ned that she could be in danger at
once of rebellion and invasion ; for in truth the danger of m*
vasion was the best security against the danger of rebellion.
The cause of James was the cause of France ; and, though to
superficial observers, the French alliance seemed to be his
chief support, it really was the obstacle which made his resto-
ration impossible. In the patriotism, the too often unamiabie
and unsocial patriotism of our forefathers, lay the secret at
once of William's weakness and of his strength. They were
jealous of his love for Holland ; but they cordially sympathized
with his hatred of Lewis. To their strong sentiment of nation-
ality are to be ascribed almost all those petty annoyances which
made the throne of the Deliverer, from his accession to bis
death, so uneasy a seat. But to the same sentiment it is to be
ascribed that his throne, constantly menaced and frequently
shaken, was never subverted. For, much as hid people de>
tested his foreign favorites, they detested his foreign ad«
versaries i-.till more. The Dutch were Protestants ; the French
were Papists. The Dutch were regarded as 8clf>seeking«
grasping, overreaching allies ; the French were mortal enemies.
The worst that could be apprehended from the Dutch was
that they might obtain too large a share of the patronage
of the Crown, that they might throw on us too large a part
of the burdens of the war, that they might obtain com-
mercial advantages at our expense. But the French would
conquer us ; the French would enslave us ; the French would
inHict on us calamities such as those which had turned the
fair fields and cities of the Palatinate into a desert. The
hop-grounds of Kent would be as the vineyards of the Neckar.
The High Street of Oxford and the close of Salisbury would
be piled with ruins such as those which covered the sDots
wlHire the palaces and churches of Heidelberg and MAoheim
bad once i^tood. The parsonage overshadowed by the old Meepiiw
the farm-house peeping from among bee-hives and npii^

ould be gi-rVB
pity oil! men
word:;, "Th«

HisToar or EitaLAs

I tlie mnnorial hall embosomed ir

nldiery which knew not what it

e women or sucking children,

e coming." like a spell, qiielied

;3 Hnd abuaes, about William's

■luid's lucr~,iLive placci, and raised a spirit as high and

frfible as iiad pervaded, a himdred jcara before, the

ich Klizabtith i-evicwed at Tilbury. Had the army

I landed, it would a.ssut%dly have been wiibgEood

I every male capable of bearing arms. Not only tha

Itnd [likKs but the scyihes and jiiichforks would have

Bew for the hundreds of thou.^ands who, forgetting all

r faction, would have risen up like one man

J ibe Engli^li Eoil.

(mediate effect therefore of the disasters in the Channel

jidera was to unite for a moment the great body of the

lational antipaiby to the Dutch si^med lo be sus-

r gallant conduct in the fight off Beachy Head

y applauded. The inaction of TofringlOn rtflj loudly

London Bet the e\iim])le of concert and of ex-

; irritation produced by the late election at on»w

All distinctions, of party disappeared. The Lord

i sitmmoued lo attend the Queen. She requested

* possible what the capital would

V abould venture lo make a deacent.

mSTOKT OF BKGLAim. 485

was gone, now that a French invasion was liourly expected^
burned their commissions signed by James, and hid their armd
behind wainscots or in hajstacks. The Jacobites in the towns
were insulted wherever thej appeared, and were forced to shut
themselves up in their houises from the exasperated populace.*

Nothing is more interesting to those who love to study the
intricacies of the human heart than the effect which the public
danger produced on Shrewsbury. For a moment he was again
the Shrewsbury of 1688. His nature, lamentably unstablei,
was not ignoble ; and the thought, that, by standing foremost
in the defence of his country at so perilous a crisis, he might
repair his great &ult and regain his own esteem, gave new
energy to his body and his mind. He had I'etired to Epsom,
in the hope that quiet and pure air would produce a salutary
effect on his shattered frame and wounded spirit. But a few
hours after the news of the Battle of Beachy Head had ar-
rived, he was at Whitehall, and had offered his purse and
sword to the Queen. It had been in contemplation to put the
fleet under the command of some great nobleman, with two
experienced naval officers to advise him. Shrewsbury begged
that, if such an arrangement were made, he might be appointed.
It concerned, he said, the interest and the honor of every man
in the kingdom, not to let the enemy ride victorious in the
Channel ; and he would gladly risk his life to retrieve the lost
fame of the English flag.f

His offer was not accepted. Indeed, the plan of dividing
the naval command between a man of quality who did nol
Know the points of the compass, and two weather-beaten old
seamen who had risen from being cabin-boys to be Admirals,
was very wisely laid aside. Active exertions were made to
prepare the allied squadrons for service. Nothing was omitted
which could assuage the natural resentment of the Dutch. The
Queen sent a Privy Councillor, charged with a special mission
to the States Greneral. He was the bearer of a letter to them
in which she extolled the valor of Evertsen's gallant squadron.
She assured them that their ships should be repaired in the
English dockyards, and that the wounded Dutchmen should
be as carefully tended as wounded Englishmen. It was an-

* Barnet, ii. 53, 54; Narcissus Lattrell'a Diary, July 7, 11, 16M);
London Gazette, July 14, 1690.

t Mary to William, July % 10, 1690; Shrewsbury to CaermarthiMi
Jsly 15.

HISTOnr OF ESOLANO.

lat a strict inquiry would be inBtiliited into the cnu»ei
; disiL*ter ; and Torriiigtoii, wtio indeed could not rI
ml liave afipeared in public witiiout risk of being lorn
was sent to ihe Tower.*

the three days which followed the nrrival of the dia-
ings from Beachy Head, the aspect of London Wiis
d agiifttcd. But on the fourth day all was clianged.
i pealing ; flags were flying ; candles were aimn-fd
dowa for an illumination ; men were eagerly shaking
h each other in the streets. A courier had thai
rrived at Whitehall with great news from Ireland.

0 the Stnles GGnoral, July 19 ; Bnrehetl'a Memoin ; An !»■
ciua- of soma romuk&ble PuaagH in tha Life of Arthn.
linr'n, )B9I.

HI8T0BT OF BNOLAVD. 487

CHAPTER XVI.

William had been, during the whole spring, iinpatientlj
expected in Ulster. The Protestant settlements along the
coast of that province had, in the course of tlic month of May,
beeu repeatedly agitated by false reports of his arrivaL It
was not, however, till the iJtemoon of the fourteenth of Juno
that he landed at Carrickfergus. The inhabitants of the town
crowded the main street and greeted him with loud acclama-
tions ; but they caught only a glimpse of him. As soon as he
was on dry ground he mounted and set off for Belfast. On
the road he was met by Schomberg. The meeting took place
close to a white house, the only human dwelling then visible,
in the space of many miles, on the dreary strand of the estuary
of the Laggan. A village and a cotton-mill now rise where
the white house then stood alone ; and all the shore is adorned
by a gay succession of country houses, shrubberies and flower-
beds. Belfast has become one of the greatest and most flour-
ishing seats of industry in the British isles. A busy popula-
tion of eighty thousand souls is collected there. The duties
annually paid at the Custom House exceed the duties annually
paid at the Custom House of London in the most prosperous
years of the reign of Charles the Second. Other Irish towns
may present more picturesque forms to the eye. But Belfast
is the only large Irish town in which the traveller is not dis-
gusted by the loathsome aspect and odor of long lines of
human dens far inferior in comfort and cleanliness to the dwell-
ings which, in happier countries, are provided for cattle. No
other large Irish town is so well cleaned, so well paved, so
brilliantly lighted. The place of domes and spires is supplied
by edifices, less pleasing to the taste, but not less indicative of
prosperity, huge factories, towering many stories above the
chimneys of the houses, and resounding with the roar of ma-
chinery. The Belfast which William entered was a small
English settlement of about three hundred houses, commanded
by a stately castle which has long disappeared, the seat of the
noble family of Chichester. In this mansion, which is said to
have borne some resemblance to the palace of Whitehall^ and

HiaTOBT or ENQLAICD.

k L'elcbratBil for ita terraces and orchanis stretehing
' ' rer side, prepfunLions hod been nmde for iba
He wua welcomed at the Nortbem Gate bj
luid burgessea in their robes of office, llie
I pre.ised on bis carriage with sihouU of " God save
Ltant King." For the town was one of the strony
Itlie Beformed Faith; and, when, two generation*
|inhabitantd were, for the &Kt time, numbered, it \raa
t the lioman Catholies were not more than one ii>

. came ; but the Protestant couDties were awats
rojal salute bad been fired from tbe castle of Bel-
Bad been echoed and reechoed by guns which Scliont-
llaced at wide intervals for tbe purpose of conveying
I po:<t to post. "Wlierever tbe peal was heanl, it
I that King William was come. Before midnight
■gbls of Antrim and Down were blazing with boit-
; light was seen across the bays of Carlingford and
md gave notice lo the outposts of the enemy that
e hour was at hand. Within forty-eigbt hours alter
pad landed, James set out from Dublin for tbe Irish
i pitched near the northern frontier of Leiit-

n tbe.

HISTORT OF RVQhkXD. 4M

their hoases from nightfall to dawn, and prohibiting them, on
pain of death, from assembling in anj place or for anj par
pose to the number of more than five. No indulgenoe wai
grant dd even to those divines of the Elstablished Church who
had never ceased to teach the doctrine of nonresistance. Doc-
tor William King, who had, afler long holding out, lately bo-
gun to waver in his political creed, was committed to custody.
There was no jail large enough to hold one half of those
whom the governor suspected of evil designs. The Cdlege
and several parish churches were used as prisons ; and into
those buildings men accused of no crime but their re-
ligion were crowded in such numbers that thej could hardly
breathe.*

The two rival princes meanwhile were busied in collecting
their forces. Loughbrickland was the place appomted by Wil-
liam for the rendezvous of the scattered divisions of his army*
While his troops were assembling, he exerted himself inde-
fatigably to improve their discipline and to provide for their
subsistence. lie had brought from England two hundrnd
thousand pounds in money and a great quantity c£ ammunitipn
and provisions. Pillaging was prohibited under severe penal-
ties. At the same time supplies were liberally dispensed ; and
all the paymasters of regiments were directed to send in their
accounts without delay, in order that there might be no ar-
rears.! Thomas Coningsby, Member of Parliament for Leom-
inster, a busy and unscrupulous Whig, accompanied the King,
and acted as Paymaster-GeneraL It deserves to be mention^
that William, at this time, authorised the Collector of Customa
at Belfast to pay every year twelve hundred pounds into the
hands of some of the principal dissenting ministers of Down
and Antrim, who were to be trustees for their brethren. The
King declared that he bestowed this sum on the noncofi-
formist divines, partly as a reward for their eminent loyalty
lo him, and partly as a compensation for their recent losses.
Such was the origin of that donation which is still anna-
ally bestowed by the government on the Presbyterian clergy
of Ulster.^

* A True and Perfect Joornal of the Affain of Ireland, by a Person of
Qpalitj, 1690 ; King, iii. 18. Lattreira proclamation wlU be found is
Killers Appendix.

t Villare HibemicmB, ISM.

t The Older addressed to the Collector of CiitoaM will U io«»d is
Or. Rbid*8 History of the Presbyterian Chorch in IrelaaA.

21 •

HI8TOBT OF ENOLiiro.

fras all Limself again. His epirita, deprawed bf
lonilii passed iii dull state, amidst factions and in-
ch be but Imlf understooi], ruse bigli as sood an be
inJed by leiits and sljindarJs.* It was strange to
apidly lliis man, so unpopulnr at Westminster, ob*
nplele mastery over the bearts of lib brethren in
ley observed with dtliglil that, inJirm as he »*im
lis Bliare of every liardship which they undex-

he (bought more of their comfort llian of his otvu j
arply reprimanded some offleer?, who were 80 aox-
;urc luxuries Ibr his lAble as to ibrget tJio naoEs of
a soldiers ; tliat he never once, from the day on
103k [he Held, lodged in a house, bul, even m the
uod of cities and pidaces, slept in his snudl mova-
wood ; that no solicitations could induce him, on ■
1 ill a high wind, to move out of the ehoking cloud
ich overhung the line of march, and which severely

less delicBle than bis. Kvery man under his com-
me familiar nith his looks luid with his toIix ; for
lot a regiment which he did not inspect with minute

His pleasant looks and sayings were long reraem-
le hruve soldier has recorded in Lis journal the
)urieou8 manner in which a basket of (lie first cher-

.3 with which His Majesty conversed at supper with

HIBTOBT OF ENGLAND. 49J

defeat could scarcely be more injurioas to his fame and to hif
Interests than a languid and indecisive campaign.

The country through which he advanced had, during eigh*
teen months, been fearfully wasted both by soldiers and by
Rapparees. The cattle had been slaughtered ; the plantations
hml been cut down ; the fences and houses were in ruins.
Nof a human being was to be found near the road except a
few naked and meagre wretches who had no food but the
husks of oats, and who were seen picking those husks, like
chickens, from amidst dust and cinders.* Yet even under such
disadvantages, the natural fertility of the country, the rich
green of the earth, the bays and rivers so admirably fitted for
trade, could not but strike the Bang's observant eye. Per-
haps he thought how different an aspect that unhappy region
would have presented if it had been blessed with such a gov-
ernment and such a religion as had made his native Holland
the wonder of the world ; how endless a succession of pleasure
houses, tulip gardens, and dairy farms would have lined the
road from Lisbum to Belfast ; how many hundreds of barges
would have been constantly passing up and down the Laggan :
what a forest of masts would have bristled in the desolate
port of Newry ; and what vast warehouses and stately man-
sions would have covered the space occupied by the noisome
alleys of Dundalk. " The country," he was heard to say, ** la
worth fifljhtinn: for."

The original intention of James seems to have been to try
the chjuices of a pitched field on the border between Leinster
and Ulster. But this design was abandoned, in consequence,
apparently, of the representations of Lauzun, who, though
very little disposed and very little qualified to conduct a cam-
paign on the Fabian system, had the admonitions of Louvois
still in his ears.t James, though resolved not to give up Dub-
lin without a battle, consented to retreat till he should reach
some spot where he might have the vanti^ of ground. When
therefore William's advanced guard reached Dundalk, nothing
was to be seen of the Irish army, except a great cloud of dust
which was slowly rolling southwards towards Ardee. The
English halted one night near the ground on which School-
berg's camp had been pitched in the preceding year; and

* Story's Impartial Acconn^.

f Laazan to Loavoi% 7—^, 1690 ; Life of Jumefl, ik S9Z, Orig. M^

aibTosr or aMaLi.MD.

recollectiwia were awakened b; the i^ght of that
irsh. the sepulchre of thoutumda of brave men."
iilinm continiied to push forward, surf still ihe Irish
>efore him. till, on Ihe morning of Monday tlie (htr-

a rising ground near the Routhern frontier of tho
Louth. Beneath laj a valley, now so riL'li and so
that the Englishman who gazes on it may imsfrice
> be in one of the most highly favored pans of bis

bright with daisies and iilover, slope gently down to
if the Boyne. That briglit and tranquil stream, the

of Louth and Meath, having flowed many miles hi>-
*dant banks crowned by modem palaees, and by tbs
:eps of old Nonnan barons of the pale, is here about
1 with Ihe sea. Five miles to the nest of the place
jh William looked down on the river, now stands, on

Marquess of Conyngham. Two miles to the east, a
moke from fuclories and steam vessels overhangs the
1 aT)d port of Drogheda. On the Menih side of the
le ground, still all com, gnusa, Howera, and foliage,
1 a penile swell lo an eminence surmounted by a
us tull of ash trees which overshades the ruined
111 desolate graveyard of Donore.t

HI8T0BT OF BVOLAVD. 198

When William caught sight of the yallej of the Bojoe, h^
could not suppress an exclamation and a gesturei^of delight
He had been apprehensive that the enemj would avoid a dt?-
cisive action, and would protract the war till the autupinal
rains should return with pestilence in their train. He was
DOW at ease. It was pbiin that the contest would be sharp and
short. The pavilion of James was pitched on the eminence of
Donore. The flags of the House of Stuart and of the House
of Bourbon waved togetlier in defiance on the walls of Drog-
heda. All the southern bank of the river was lined by the
camp and batteries of the hostile army. Thousands of armed
men were moving about among the tents ; and every onttf
hoi*se soldier or foot soldier, French or Irish, had a white
badge in his hat. That color had been chosen in compliment
to the House of Bourbon. ^* I am glad to see you, gentlemen,**
said the King, as his keen eye surveyed the Irish lines. ^ If
you escape me now, the fault will be mine." *

Each of the contending princes had some advantages over
his rival. James, standing on the defensive, behind iatronch-
raents with a river before him, had the stronger position ; f hut
his troops were inferior both in number and in quality to those
which were opposed to him. He probably had thirty thousand
men. About a third part of this force consisted of excellent
French infantry and exceUent Irish cavalry. But the rest of
his army was the scoff of all Europe. The Irish dragoons
were bad ; the Irish infantry worse. It was said that their or*
dinary way of fighting was to discharge their pieces once, and
then to run away bawling ** Quarter " and ^ Murder." Their
inefficiency was, in that age, commonly imputed, both by their
enemies and by their allies, to natural poltroonery. How little
ground there was for such an imputation has since been sig-

* Memorandum in the handwriting of Alexander, £arl of Marchmont.
He derived hii informatioii from Lord Selkirk, who was in William's
array.

t James says, (Life, ii. 393, Orig. Mem.,) that the country afforded no
better position. King, in a thanksgiving sermon which he preached at
Dablin after the close of the campaign, told hiti hearers that *' the advan*
t<ige of the post of the Irish was, by all intelligent men, reckoned abovo
tfircc to one." See King's Thanksgiving Sermon, preached on Nov. 16,
1690, before Lords Justices. This is, no doobt, an absurd exaggeration.
Bat M. da la Ho^ette, one of the principal French officers who was
present at the batue of the Bo^e, iotormed Lonvois that the Irish army
occnpied a good defensive position. Latter of La Hcgoette from Limflv*

BISTORT OF KKQLAltD.

It ought, indeed, even in ibe seventeenth centnry,
:iirri^<l to reasonable men, tliut a ruce wliich furnished
e iiesi Jiorse soldiers in the world would cerlainlj
ious training, furnish good fool soldier*. Uut iha
;oldier8 had not merely not been w«ll trained; Ihey
■laboralely ill trained. The greatest of our generato

Toulouse, would, if be had suffered it to contract
tillage, liavb become, in a few weeks, unfit for aU
irposea. What then was likely to be the chanict«r
Fbo, from the day on which they enlisted, were not
-milted, but invited, to supgily the deficiencies of pa;
i[ig ? Tliey were, as might have been expected, ■

furious indeed and clamorous in their zeal for tha
h they had espoused, but incapable of opposing a
sifltance to a well-ordered force. Jn truth, all that
ne, if it is to be so ciiUed. of James's army had
e Celtic keme had been lo debase and enervate him.

B being a soldier than on the day on which he quitted

had under his command near thirty-six thousand
in many lands, and speaking many longuea. Scarce-

HTSTOBT OF KHGLAND. 496

States General, and had often looked death in the face under
William's leading, followed him in this campaign, not only Mr
their preneml, but as their native King. They now rank, afl
the fifth and sixth of the line. The former was led by an
otiicer who had no skill in the higher parts of military science,
but whom the whole army allowed to be the bravest of all the
brave, John Cutts. Conspicuous among the Dutch troopfl
were Portland's and GinkelFs Horse, and Solmes's Blue regi-
ment, consisting of two thousand of the finest infantry in
Europe. Grermany had sent to the field some warriors, sprang
from her noblest houses. Prince George of Hesse Darmstadt,
a gallant youth who was serving his apprenticeship in the mil-
itary art, rode near the King. A strong brigade of Danish
mercenaries was commanded by Duke Charles Frederic of
Wirtemberg, a near kinsman of the head of his illustrious
family. It was reported that of all the soldiers of William
these were most dreaded by the Irish. For centuries of
Saxon domination had not effaced the recollection of the
violence and cruelty of the Scandinavian sea-kings; and an
ancient prophecy that the Danes would one day destroy the
children of the soil was still repeated with superstitious hor-
ror.* Among the foreign auxiliaries were a Brandenburg reg-
iment and a Finland regiment. But in that great array, vo
variously composed, were two bodies of men animated by a
spirit peculiarly fierce and inplacable, the Huguenots of France
thirsting for the blood of the French, and the £nglishry of
Ireland impatient to trample down the Irish. The ranks of
the refugees had been effectually purged of spies and traitors,
and were made up of men such as had contended in the pre-
ceding century against the power of the House of Valois and
the genius of the House of Lorraine. All the boldest spirits
of the unconquerable colony had repaired to William's camp.
Mitchelbume was there with the stubborn defenders of Lon-
donderry, and Wolseley with the warriors who had raised the
unanimous shout of ^ Advance " on the day of Newton But-
ler. Sir Albert Conyngham, the ancestor of the noble family
whose seat now overlooks the Boyne, had brought from the
neighborhood of Lough £me a gallant regiment of dragoons
which still glories in the name of £nniskillen, and which has
proved on the shores of the £uxine that it has not degenerated
lince the day of the Boyncf

• Narci!»u9 Luttrell's Diarj, March, ICM.

* bcc the Histitrioil recoi-ii:* of tlic Ucgiuients of thio Brittth arflB|f jM

niBTORI OW ENGL4ND.

tliuir zeal by exhortaLion and by example. He ww
eat prelate. Ezekicl Hopkins hod laken refuge from
lersecutors and P'esbyterian rebeU in the dCy of Loo-
brought bimdd' to swear allugiance to the eorem-
il obtained a ca^-o, aiid liad died id the performaDce at
jle duties of a paridh {iriesU* WiUJam, on his marcli
Louth, learniid tliat tlit; rich see of Dertj waa at his
He instantly made choice of Walker to be the new
Tlie brave old man, during the few hours of life which
1 la him, wiia oTurwIiclmed with salaiaiions and con-
0U3. Unhappily he had, during tlie siege in niiich h«
ligLly diiitinguished himself, contracted a passion for
d he easily persuaded himself that, in indulging this
Le was discharging a duty to his country and his

:es whicli liad justified him in becoming a combatant
cd (0 txi^L, aud tluit, in a diisciplined anny, led by
of lung experience and great fame, a (ighling divine was
give less help than scandal. The Bishop elect was
ed to be wherever danger was ; aud the way in which
'Kii himself excited the extreme disgu^^t of his royal
vho bated a meddler almost as much as a coward. A
slio ran away from a battle, and a gownsman who

HISTORY OF ENGLAKD. 497

liam, ^bat, weak or strong, I will soon know all about
them."*

At length he alighted at a spot nearly opposite to Oldbridge
sate down on the turf to rest liimself, and called for breakfast.
The sumpter horses were unloaded ; the canteens were opened ;
and a tablecloth was spread on the grass. The place is marked
by an obelisk, built while many veterans who could well rfr*
member the events of that day were still living.

While William was at his repast, a group of horsemen ap-
peared close to the water on the opposite shore. Among then
his attendants could discern some who had once been conspicu-
ous at reviews in Hyde Park, and at balls in the gallery of
Whitehall, the youthful Berwick, the small, fairhaired Lauzun,
Tyrconnel, once admired by maids of honor as the model of
manly vigor and beauty, but now bent down by years and
crippled by gout, and, overtopping all, the stately head of
Sarsfield.

The chiefs of the Irish army soon discovered that the per^
son who, surrounded by a splendid circle, was breakfasting on
the opposite bank, was the Prince of Orange. They sent for
ftrtiUery. Two field pieces, screened from view by a troop of
cavalry, were brought down almost to the brink of the river, and
placed behind a hedge. William, who had just risen from his
meal, and was again in the saddle, was the mark of both guns*
The first shot struck one of the holsters of Prince George of
Hesse, and brought his horse to the ground. ^ Ah ! " cried the
King, " the poor Prince is killed." As the words passed his
lips, he was himself hit by a second ball, a sixpounder. It
merely tore his coat, grazed his shoulder, and drew two or three
ounces of blood. Both armies saw that the shot had taken
effect ; for the King sank down for a moment on his horse's
neck. A#yell of exultation rose from the Irish camp. The
English and their allies were in dismay. Solmes fiung himself
prostrate on the earth, and burst into tears. But William's
deportment soon reassured his friends ^ There is no harm
done," he said, '' But the bullet came quite near enough."
Coningsby put his handkerchief to the wound ; a surgeon was
sent for ; a plaster was applied ; and the King, as soon as the
dressing was finished, rode round all the posts of his arm^
amidst loud acclamations. Such was the energy of his spirit

* Stury's Impartial ffistory; Hiftoiy of the ^ an in Ireland bj Mi
Officer of tbe BrTal Army ; Hop to the Statei General. ^^KM.

HISTORT OF ESGLAND.

pile of his feeble health, in spile of his recent hurt.
at d:ij nineteen hours on horseback.*
lonade was kept up on both aidea till the evening.
]bsened with especial attention the efTeet produced
ish shots on the English regiments which had never
etion, and declared himself satlsRed with the result,
■ight," he said, " lliey stand fire well.' Long after

made a final inspection of bis forces bj torelilighl,
orders tliat every thing should be ready for forcing

across live river on the morrow. Every soldier wm
;reen bough in his hat. The baggage and great coaii
e lefl under a guiird. The word was Westminster.
ing's resolulion to attack the Irish was not approved
1 liouteniints. Seliomberg, in particuhir, pronounced
iment too hazardous, and, when his opinion was over-
ired to his tent in no very good humor. "Wlien the
tiallle wa.? delivered to him, lie muttered that he had
e used lo give such orders tlian to receive them. For

Gl of sullenness, very pardonable in a genenil who
great vicloriiis when his m.ister was still a child, ibe
ci-an made, on the following momiug, a noble atone-

St of July dawned, a day which has never since re-

llioiit fxciiing strong emotions of very different kinds

BISTORT OF ENGLAND. 49!>

four rnOes south of the Boyne was a place called Duleek, when
the it>ad to Dublin was so narrow that twq cars could not pass
eacli other, and where on both sides of the road lay a morass
which afforded no firm footing. If Meinhart Schomberg should
occupy this spot, it would be impossible for the Iri»h to retreat.
They must either conquer, or be cut off to a man. Disturbed
by this apprehens1l)n, the French general marched with his
countrymen and with Sarsfield's horse in the direction of Slane
Dridge. Thus the fords near Oldbridge were lefl to be de-
fended by the Irish alone.

It was now near ten o'clock. William put himself at the
head of his left wing, which was composed exclusively of
cavalry, and prepared to pass the river not far above Drogheda.
The centre of his army, which consisted almost exclusively €t
foot^ was entrusted to the command of Schomberg, and waa
marslialled opposite to Oldbridge. At Oldbridge, the whole
Irish infantry had been collected. The Meath bank bristled
with pikes and bayonets. A fortification had been made by
French engineers out of the hedges and buildings ; and a
breastwork had been thrown up close to the water side.* Tyr-
connel was there ; and under him were Richard Hamilton and
Antrim.

Schomberg gave the word. Solmes's Blues were the first to
move. They marched gallantly, with drums beating, to the
brink of the Boyne. Then the drums stopped ; and the men,
ten abreast, descended into the water. Next plunged London-
derry and Enniskillen. A little to the left of Londonderry and
Enniskillen, Caillemot crossed, at the head of a long column of
French refugees. A little to the lefl of Caillemot and his refu-
gees, the main body of the English infantry struggled through
the river, up to their armpits in water. Still further down the
stream tlie Danes found another ford. In a few minutes the
Boyne, for a quarter of a mile, was alive with muskets and
green boughs.

It was not till the assailants had reached the middle of the
channel that they became aware of the whole difficulty and
danger of the service in which they were engaged. They had
as yet seen little more than half the hostile army. Now
whole regiments of foot and horse seemed to start out from the
earth. A wild shout of defiance rose from the whole shore ;

• La Hogoctte to lA>avois, ^^^ l«9a

; moment the event seemed doobtful ; bat the Pr(*
essed resolurely forward; and in another miimenl
IriBh line "rkve way. Tyrcoiinel lookt-d on in betp-

iv»s so sniHll that be liai-dly ever reviewed his regiment
enis Park wilhout cuiumitting some blunder i and to
rankd wbidi were breaking all ^und him was no
, general wlio had Burvived the energy of his bodj
\ mind, and yet hud still the rudiments of his profes-
arn. Several of bia best officera fell while vainly
ng to prevail ou their eoldiers lo loo!( the Dulcb
the fiice. Ridiard Hamilton ordered a body of fool
the Frunch refugees, who were still deep in water.
3 way, and, accompanied by several coui-agoous gen-
Ivaneed, sword in hand, into the river. IJut neither
inds nor bi» example could infuse courage into that
iw-el^ulera. lla wad left almost alone, and retinrd
>aiik in despair. Further down ihc river Antriin'a
m like sheep at llie uppruach of the English column.
giinents fluiig away arms, colors and cloaks, and
1 off to the hills without striking a. blow or tiring a

have dona no injiiE>t[co lo the Irish iDfantry will npppor from

It required many years and many heroic exploits to tak6
away the reproach which that ignominioas rout left on the
Irish name. Yet, even before the day closed, it was abundant-
ly proved that the reproach was unjust. Richard Hamilton
put himself at the head of the cavalry, and, under his com-
mand, they made a gallant, though an unsuccessful attempt to
retrieve the day. They maintained a desperate fight in the
bed of the river with Solmes's Blues. They drove the Dan-
ish brigade back into the stream. They fell impetuously on
the Huguenot regiments, which, not being provided with pikes,
then ordinarily used by foot to repel horse, began to glva
ground. Calliemot, while encouraging his fellow exiles, re*
ceived a mortal wound in the thigh. Four of his men carried
him back across the ford to his tent As he passed, he con-
tinued to urge forward the rear ranks which were still up to
the breast in the water. ^ On ; on ; my lads ; to glory ; to
glory." Schomberg, who had remained on the northern bank,
and who had thence watched the progress of his troops with
the eye of a general, now thought that the emergency required
from him the personal exertion of a soldier. Those who stood
about him besought him in vain to put on his cuirass. With-
out defensive armor he rode through the river, and rallied the
refugees whom the fall of Caillemot had dismayed. ^ Gome
on," he cried in French, pointing to the Popish squadrons ;
'^come on, gentlemen; there are your persecutors." Those
were his last words. As he spoke, a band of Irish horsemen
rushed upon him and encircled him for a moment When
they retired, he was on the ground. His friends raised him ;
but he was already a corpse. Two sabre wounds were on his
bead ; and a bullet from a carbine was lodged in his neck. Al-
most at the same moment Walker, while exhorting the colo-
nists of Ulster to play the men, was shot dead. During near
half an hour the battle continued to rage along the southern
shore of the river. All was smoke, dust, and din. Old sol-
diers were heard to say that they had seldom seen sharper
work in the Low Countries. But, just at this conjuncturCi
William came up with the left wing. He had found much dif-
ficulty in crossing. The tide was running fast His charger

dtfaite sans avoir tir^ T^p^e et an seal conp do moasqnet. II y a eo tel
regiment tout en tier qui a iaiss^ ses habits, ses armcs, et ses dmpeanz
•or lo champ de bataillc, et a gagn^ les montognes avec ses ofHciers."

I looked m vain for the despatch in which Laazan most hare ghreD
UMiToi^ a detailed %r<oimt of the battle^

HIBTOKT OP GNOLlNn.

forced to awlm, and hud been almost ^Mt in tht
1 soon R=> the King was on lirm j^round he took hii
hisli-ft liniid, — Tor hi? Hjjht arm was silfT wiih hi*

ivas ihe holiest. Ilia Hrrivul decided ihe fate of the
t ihe Irish horse retired Rgh ling obstinately. It wm
mheie'l amon-i the ProteBtsnts of Ubter that, in tbfl
he lumuU, William rode to the head of rlie Ennis-
■■ Whril will you do for meP " he eried. He wm
liately recognized; and one trooper lakin;; him fof
, was about to lire. William genlly |iul aside the lair*
■V'lial," said he, "do you not know your friends?"
; Jliijesty," said the Colonel. The ranks of sturdy
t yeomen set up a shout of joy, " Gentlemen,"
:im, " 3-ou shall be my guards to day. ] have heard

re.'^ervcd, was that danger acted on him like wine,
i htart, loosened hia longtte, and took away all ap-
jf cousiraini from hia manner. On this memorable
US seen wherever the peril was gniatest. One ball
Ciip of his pistol ; another carried off the heel of his
but bis lieutenanla in vain implored him to retire to
on from which he could give his oi'ders without ex-

HI8T0RT OP ENGLAITD 508

Wily revenge whiqh he condescended to take for an injary for
which many sovereigns, far more affable and gracious in theii
ordinary deportment, would have exacted a terrible retributioii.
Then, restraining himself, he ordere(l his own surgeon to look
to the hurts of the captive.*

And now the battle was over. Hamilton was mistaken in
thinking that his horse would continue to fight. Whole trocps
had been cut to pieces. One fine regiment had only thirty on-
wounded men left. It was enough that these gallant soldiers
had disputed the field till they were left without support, or hope,
or guidance, till their bravest leader was a captive, and till
their king had fied.

Whether James had owed his early reputation for valor to
accident and flattery^ or whether, as he advanced in life, hia
character underwent a change, may be doubted. But it is cer-
tain that, in his youth, he was generally believed to possess, not
merely that average measure of fortitude which qualifies a sol-
dier to go through a campaign without disgrace, but that high
and serene intrepidity which is the virtue of great commanders.f
It is equally certain that, in his later years, he repeatedly, at
conjunctures such as have oAen inspired timorous and delicate
women with heroic courage, showed a pusillanimous anxiety

♦ My chief materials for the history of this battle are Story's Iropartia{
Account and Continuation ; the Historj of the War in Ireland by an
Officer of the Royal Annv ; the despatches in the French War Office ;
The Life of James, Orig. Mem. ; Burnet, ii. 50, 60 ; Narcissus LuttrelFt
Diarv; the London Gazette of July 10, 1690; the Despatches of Hop
and ^adcn ; a narrative probahly drawn up by Portland, which William
i»ent to the States General ; Portland's private'lettcr to Melville ; Captain
Richardson's Narrative and map of the battle ; the Dumont MS.» and the
Bcllin^^ham MS. I have also seen an account of the battle in a Diary
kept in bad Latin and in an almost undecipherable hand by one of the
beaten army who seems to have been a hedge schoolmaster turned Cap-
tain. This Dtary was kindly lent to me by Mr. Walker, to whom it bo-
longa. The writer relates the misfonunes of his country in a stylo of.
which a short 8pecimen may suffice: " 1 Julv, 1690. O diem ilium in*
fandum, cum inimici potiti sunt pass apud Oldbridge et mis circumdede-
runt et fregerunt prope Plottln. Hinc omnes fugimqs Dublin vermis
Ego mecnm tuli Cap Moore et Georgium Ogle, et venimua hac nocte
Dub."

t See Pepys's Diary, Juno 4, 1664. '*He tells me above all of the
Duke of York, that he is more himself, and more of judgment is at haml
in him, in the middle of a desperate service than at other times." Clar-
endon repeatedly says the same. Swift wrote on the margin of his copy
uf Clarendon, in one place, **■ How old was he (James) when he tnmca
Pf^iatand a coward ?"^in another, "He proved a cowardly Popisli
kiijg."

HISTOKT OF KMOlAim.

piTi=t>nfll safety. Of ihe moat powerful moUrea wfiidi
e human bpinga to encounter peril none waa wanting

die day of the Boyne, The eves of his cootempo-
i of iMWterily, of friends devoted lo his cause and of
■ager to witness liis humiliation, were filed opon him.
n his own opinion, sacred righta to mainlain and cniel
i revenge. He was a King come to fi^ht for ihree
. He was a father come to fifiht for Ihe birthright of

He was a zealous Roman Catholie, come to fight in
t of crusades. If all this was not enough, he saw, from
» position which ha occupied on the height of Donore,
hich, it mipht have been thought, would have rouged
torpid of mankind lo emulation. He saw his rival,

Ica'iiiig the charge, stopping the flight, grasping the

It none of these things moved that sluggish and ignoble
Hi' watcheit, from a safe distance, the beginning of the
whlHi his fate and the fate of his race dwpemJtHL
became clear thai the day was going against Ireland,
;izeJ wiih an apprehension that his flight might be in-
, and gHllopod towards Dublin. He waa escorted by

no opportunity of displaying the skill and courage
4 enemies allowed that he possessed.* The French

RI8TORT OF ENGLANT». 90i

even the admirers of William owned that he did not shew in
the pursuit the energy which even his detractors acknowledged
that he had shown in the battle. Perhaps his physical infirm-
ities, his hurt, and the fatigue which he had undergone, had
made him incapable of bodily or mental exertion. Of the last
forty hours he had passed tliirty-five on horseback. Schom^
beig, who might have supplied his place, was no more. It was
Aaid in the camp that the King could not do e^ery thing, and
(bat what was not done by him was not done at all.

The slaughter had been less than on any battle-field of equal
importance and celebrity. Of the Irish only about fifteen hun-
dred had fallen ; but they were almost all cavalry, the flower of
the army, brave and well disciplined men, whose place could
not easily be supplied. William gave strict orders that there
should be no unnecessary bloodshed, and enforced those orders
by an act of laudable severity. One of his soldiers, after the
light was over, butchered three defenceless Irishmen who asked
for quarter. The King ordered the murderer to be hanged on
the spot.*

The loss of the conquerors did not exceed five hundred men ;
but among them was the first captain in Europe. To his
corpse e\iiry honor was paid. The only cemetery in which so
illustrious a warrior, slain in arms for the liberties and religion
of England, could properly be laid was that venerable Abbey,
hallowed by the dust of many generations of princes, heroes, and
poets. It was announced that the brave veteran should have a
public funeral at Westminster. In the mean time his corpse
was embalmed with such skill as could be found in the camp,
and was deposited in a leaden coffin.f

Walker was treated less respectfully. William thought him
a busybody, who had been properly punished for running into .
danger without any call of duty, and expressed that feeling, with
characteristic bluntness, on the field of battle. ** Sir," said an
attendant, ^ the Bishop of Derry has been killed by a shot at
Uie ford." " What took him there ? *' growled the King.

The victorious army advanced that day to Duleek, and
passed the warm summer night there under the open sky. The
tents and the baggage wagons were still on the north of the riv-
er. William's coach had been brought over; and he slept in it
surrounded by his soldiers. On the following day, Draghean

* Baden to Van Cittera, July ^, 1690.
t New and Perfect Journal. 1690 ; Narrissus LnttreU's Diarv.
TOL. lU. 22

HISI'OItT or KNGLAND.

red without a blow, and the g&rrison, lUirteen hondred
lanshed out unarmed.*

ivIiilB Dublin had heen in violent commoiion. On tbe
of June it wiis known that the iinuies were face to
li the Boynu Letvreen them, and that a bailie wm
levitjible. The news that William had Leeu wuunded
Lit evening. The firet re|X)rt was that the wound wa*

was no more ; and couriers started bearing the glad
f his death to ihe French ships which lay in th-: ports
.ter. From duybre^k on the first of July the nrevta
n were filled with pL-rsoDS eagurij' asking and telling
i thousand wild rumors wandered io and fro among
rd. A fleet of men-of-war under tlie wiiite flag had
n from the hill of Howth. An army poniinimded by
il of France had landed in Kenu Th^re had been
Hing at the llojne ; but the Irish had won the day ;
ish right wing had been routed ; the Prince of Onuige
isoner. While l!ie Romiin Catholics heard and re-
lieve stories in all the places of pubhc resort, the few
i>t» who were still out of prison, afraid of bein; lorn to
lui themselves up in Iheir inner chambers. Hut, lo-
ve in the afternoon, a few runawaya on tired horses
■agnling in with evil lidings. By sii it was known
WHS lost. Soon after sunset, James, escorted by two

HI8T0BT OF ENOLAinK M)

later LaTizun's drums were heard; and the French regimentfli
m unbroken array, marched into the city.* Many thought
that, with such a force, a stand might still be made. But, be-
fore six o'clock, the Lord Mayor and some of the principal
Roman Catholic citizens were summoned in haste to the Castlo.
James took leave of them with a speech which did him little
honor. He had oAen, he said, been warned that Irishmen,
however well they might look, would never acquit themselves
well on a field of battle; and he had now found that the
warning was but too true. He had been so unfortunate as to
see himself in less than two years abandoned by two armies.
His English troops had not wanted courage ; but they had
wanted loyalty. His Irish troops were, no doubt, attached to
his cause, which was their own. But as soon as they were
brought front to front with an enemy, they ran away. The
loss, indeed, had been little. More shame for those who had
fled with so little loss. ^ I will never command an Irish army
again. I must shift for myself; and so must you." ASiex
thus reviling his soldiers for being the rabble which his own
mismanagement had made them, and for following the example
of cowardice which he had himself set them, he uttered a few
words more worthy of a King. He knew, he said, that some
of his adherents had declared that they would bum Dublin
down rather than suffer it to fall into the hands of the English.
Such an act would disgrace him in the eyes of all mankind ;
for nobody woukl believe that his friends would venture so &r
without his sanction. Such an act would also draw on those
who oommitted it severities which otherwise they had no cause
to apprehend ; for inhumanity to vanquished enemies was not
among the faults of the Prince of Orange. For these reasons
James charged his hearers on their allegiance neither to sack
nor to destroy the city.f He then took his departure, crossed
the Wicklow hills with all speed, and never stopped till he was
fifly miles from Dublin. Scarcely had he alighted to take
some refreshment when he was scared by an absurd report
that the pursuers were close upon him. He started again, rode
hard all night, and gave orders that the bridges should be
pulled down behind him. At sunrise on the third of July he

* Trae an^ Perfect Journal; Villare Hibemicom; Story*? LnpartiaJ
History

t Storjr; Trae and Perfect Joamal; Loadon Qaxette, July iO^ IflelO;
Buraet, u 51 ; Leslie's Answer to King.

BtSTORT or ENaLAND

llie liarhiir of Walerford. Thence he went by nea to
wliere lie embarked on board of a French t'rigala,
J for Bre,=i.*

lis departure the ponfuaion in Dublin increased liourlj,
he whole of ihe day which followed the balllt, flying

n. Roman Catholic citizena, wilh their wives ibetr

parts of Ihe capital there was still ati appearance of
rder and preparedness. Guards were pvstcd at the
le Cattle was occupied hy a strong body of troops;
us generally supposed that the enemy would not bo
without a. Btniggle. Indeed, Mitae awagst-rera, who
ir hours before, run from the brttastwork at Oldbridge
Irawing a trigger, now swore that they would lay iho
ashes rather than leave it to the Prince of Orange.
rds the evening Tyrconnel and Lauzuo collected all
cs, aod marched out of the city by the road leading to
fiheep-walk which extends over the table land of KiU
islanrly the face of things in Dublin was changed,
■teslanis everywhere came forth from their hiding-
Some of ihem entered the houses of iheir pereecuiora
inded arms. The doors of the prisons were opened.
.opj of Mealh and Limerick, Doctor King, and otlit^rs,
long held ihu doctrine of passive obedience, but who

BISTORT OP ENGLUm. 509

Enniskilleners had taken not less than three hundred cars, and
had found among the booty ten thousand pounds in money,
much plate, many valuable trinkets, and all the rich camp
equipage of Tyrconnel and Lauzun.*

William fixed his head quarters at Ferns, about two miles
from Dublin. Thence, on the morning of Sunday, the sixth
of July, he rode in great state to the cathedral, and there, with
the crown on his head, returned public thanks to Gk)d in the
choir which is now hung with the banners of the Knights of
Saint Patrick. King preached, with all the fervor of a neo-
phyte, on the great deliverance which God had wrought for
the Church. The Protestant magistrates of the city appeared
again, afler a long interval, in the pomp of office. William
could not be persuaded to repose himself at the Castle, but in
the evening returned to his camp, and slept there in his wooden
cabin.f

The fame of these great events flew fast, and excited strong
emotions all over Europe. The news of William's wound every
where preceded by a few hours the news of his victory. Paris
was roused at dead of night by the arrival of a courier who
brought the joyful intelligence that the heretic, the parricide,
the mortal enemy of the greatness of France, had been struck
dead by a cannon-ball in the sight of the two armies. The com-
missaries of police ran about the city, knocked at the doors, and
called the people up to illuminate. In an hour streets, quays,
and bridges were in a blaze ; drums were beating and trumpets
sounding ; the bells of Notre Dame were ringing ; peals of

* Trae and Perfect Journal; London Gazette, July 10 and 14, 1690;
Karcissus LuttrcU's Diary. In the Life of James Bonncll, Accountant-
Qcncral of Ireland, (1703 J is a remarkable religious meditation, fW>m
which I will Quote a short passage. ** How did we see the Protestants
on the great day of our Revolution, Thursday the third of July, a day
ever to be remembered by us with the greatest thankfulness, conjntitulato
and embrace one another as they met, like persons alive from me dead,
like brothers and sisters meeting after a long absence, and going about
from house to house to give each other joy of &od*8 great mercy, inquiring
of one another how they parsed the late days of distress and terror, what
apprehensions they had, what fears or dangers they were under ; those that
were prisoners, how they got their liberty, how they were treated, and what»
from time to time, they thought of things."

t London Ghiasctte, Jnl^ 14, 1690; Story; True and Perfect Journal,
Duniont MS. Dumont is the only person who mentions the crown. An
he was present, he could not be mistaken. It was probably the crown
whicn James had been in the habit of wearing when he appeared on tfat
throne at the Kinj^^f Inns.

HiaToar of knolavd.

ire resounrling from the batteries of the BasUlflk
re set out in the streets ; and wine was Kerved to *fl
i. A Prince of Orange, made of straw, was trailed
e mud, and at last committed to the tiaines. He wan
ly a liideous ef&gy of the deviU carrying a «croU on
written, " I have been waiting for Ihee these two
riie shops of several HugnenoW who had benn drar
I) calling themselves Catholics, but were suspected ot
horeties at heart, were saeitpd by the rabble. It was
■ to question tlie tnilh of the report which had been

d people ventured to rentark ihat the fact of liie
'.ilh van not quite so certain as might be wi-<hed.
.e a vehement conlroveri^y about the effect of such

.1 on the Bhoulikr eould recover. The di.ipuianto
0 medical authority ; and the doora of the great sui^
physicians were thronged, it was joeosely said, as if
been a pestilence in Paris, The qiie.ition was SDon
a letter from James, which announced his defeat anil
at BrusL'

cnt kind. There loo (he re[>on of William's dealh
g a short time, credited. At ihe French embassy all
id triumph; hut the AralMWiwulors of the lIoM?e of

HT8TOBT OP ENGLAND. 6lJ

ff«»dnded. The authors of the Revolution must be punished
witli merciless severity. " If," the cruel apostate wrote, ** if
the King is forced to pardon, let it be as few rogues as hn
can."* A^r the lapse of some anxious hours, a messenger
bearing later and more authentic intelligence alighted at the
palace occupied bj the representative of the Catholic King.
In a moment all was changed. The enemies of France,—
and all the population, except Frenchmen and British Jaco-
bites, were her enemies, — eagerlj felicitated one another. All
the derkfl of the Spanish legation were too few to make tran-
scripts of the despatches for the Cardinals and Biiihops who
were impatient to know the details of the victory. The first
copy was sent to the Pope, and was doubtless welcome to

him.f

The good news from Ireland reached London at a moment
when good news was needed. The English flag had been dis*
graced in the English seas. A foreign enemy threatened the
coa3t. Traitors were at work within the realm. Maiy had
exerted herself beyond her strength. Her gentle nature was
unequal to the cruel anxieties of her position ; and she com-
plained that she could scarcely snatch a moment from business
to calm herself by prayer. Her distress rose to the highest
point when she learned that the camps of her father and her
husband were pitched near to each other, and that tidings of a
battle might be hourly expected. She stole time for a visit to
Kensington, and had three hours of quiet in the garden, then a
rural solitudc.| But the recollection of days passed there with
him whom she might never see again overpowered her.
*^ The place," she wrote to him, ** made me think how happy I
was there when I had your dear company. But now I wUl say
r<o more ; for I shall hurt my ovni eyes, which I want now more
than ever. Adieu. Think of me, and love me as much as I
shall you, whom I love more than my life." §

Early on the morning afler these tender lines had been de>

* Original Letters, published by Sir Heniy Ellis.

t " Del 8ncefl8o dc Irlanda doj a v. Exca la enorabnena, y le ascgnro no
ha bastado ca««i la gente que tengo on la Secretaria para rcpartir coptas dello^
pacs Ic he enibiudo a todo el lugar, y la primora al Papa.** CogoUado to
Ronquillo, postscript to the letter or Aug. 2.^GogoUudo, of it>iirBe. vsw
the new style The tidings of the battle, therefore, had been three weeks
io getting to Rome.

I Evelyn (Feb. 25, 16|{), calls it '*a tweet villa."

4 Mary to William, July 5, 1690.

BISTORT OP EN0L4MO.

WTLil.-ha!l was roused by the arrival of a post fhtta
Nollingliftin was ciUI<;d ciui of bed. Tlie Que?n,
Hit going to Ihc chapel where she daily attended di-
ce, wjis informed that William hiid been wounded.
vc\>t much ; but till that moment she had wept olone^

t and Council. But when Xottingham put her
letler into her hands, she burst into teans. She waa
sling witli the violence of her emotions, and had
nished a letler to William, in which she poured out
ler fears, and her thank f'uliiess, with the sweet natii>
nee of her aex, when another measenger arrived wiih
;hal the English army had forced a passage acron
:, that the IrLh were flying in confuj^ion, and that th«
well. Yet she wa^ visibly uneasy till Nottingham
:il hor that James vfoa safe. The grave Seeretary,
i to have really esteemed and loved her, aflerwarda
with much feeling that struggle of fili^ duty with
ffeclion. On tlie snme day she wrote to adjure her
) see that no harm hefeU her father. " I know," she
leed not beg j'ou to let him he taken care of; for I
!nt you will lor your own sake ; yet add that to all
ness : and, for ray sake, let people know you would
iirt hu|)pen to his person."* This solicitude, though
\Aii sup(;rfluous. llcr father was perfectly competent
rj^Hiirasel^I^ia^icvei^urin^h^jatd^^

HI8TOBT OF SNQLAKD. 5lS

houses, and was received with transports of joy. For those
Englishmen who wished to see an English army heaten and rai
English colony extirpated by the French and Irish were a
minority even of the Jacobite party.

On the ninth day afler the battle of the Boyne James
landed at Brest, with an excellent appetite, in high spirits, and
in a talkative humor. He told the history of his defeat to
everybody who would listen to him. But French officers
who understood war, and who compared his story with other
accounts, pronounced that, though His Majesty had witnessed
the t)attle, he knew nothing about it, except that his army had
been routed.* From Brest he proceeded to Saint Grermainsy
where, a few hours after his arrival, he was visited by Lewis.
Thi French King had too much delicacy and generosity tc
utter a word which could sound like reproach. Nothing, he
declared, that could conduce to the comfort of the royal family
of England should be wanting, as far as his power extended.
But he was by no means disposed to listen to the political and
military projects of his unlucky guest. James recommended
an immediate descent on England. That kingdom, he said,
had been drained of troops by the demands of Ireland. The
seven or eight thousand regular soldiers who were left would
be unable to withstand a great French army. The people
were ashamed of their error and impatient to repair it. As
soon as their rightful King showed himself, they would rally
round him in mnltitudes.t Lewis was too polite and good*
natured to express what he must have felt. He contented
himself with answering coldly that he could not decide upon
any plan about the British islands till he had heard from his
generals in Ireland. James was importunate, and seemed to
think himself ill used, because, a fortnight after he had run
away from one army, he was not entrusted with another.

* See two letters annexed to the Memoirs of the Intendant Fonciiilt»
and printed in the work of M. do Sirtema des Orovestins. In the archives
of the War Office at Paris is a letter written from Brest bj the Count of

Bonridal on Jnly H, 1690. The Connt says : "• Par la relation da com-
bat que j* ay entcndii faire an Roy d'Angleterre ct )t plusienrs de sa suite
en particulier, il ne me paroit pas qa'il soit bien inform^ de tout ce qui
s'est pass^ dans cette action, et qu'il ne S9ait que la d^route de se.f
troupes."

t It was not only on this occasion that James held this Iangaag«. From
one of the loters quoted in the last note it appears that on his road froni
Brest to Paris he told everyl>ody the English were impatiently exp^^^ting
Vim. "Cc panrre prince cp>it quo ses sajcts raiment encore.

22*

1 nU w be provoked inlo uttering an unkind or m^
word ; but ha waa rt^solate ; and, in order to KToid
IS which gave him pain, he pretended to be un-
liiig some time, wlienever James came lo V'ersaillea
«peciruUj informed that His Alost Chrialian MajesI;

nitlfid nobles who daily crowded the antuchambers,
help sneering while they bowed low to the roymJ
ose polLroocery and stupidity had a seccnd tim«
an exile and a mendicant. They even whispered
^ra.s loud enough to call up the haughty blood of tha
1 the cheeks of Mary of Modciia. But Uie insensi-
amea was of no common kind. It had long been
■( againi^t reason and ^aiii^t pity. It now auat^ned
rder trial, and waa found proof even against ooa-

le waa enduring with ignominious fortitude the polita

le French ariatoeracy, and doing his best to weary
snffacior'6 patience and good-breeding, by repeating
'as the very moment for an invasion of England, and
hole island waa impatiently expecting its torei;^ d»-
venta were pa.ssing which signally proved how littla
ed oppressor understood the diaraclerof his couniry-

ie had, since the baltle of Beachy Head, ranged tha

BISTORT or EHOLAND. 6iA

who had been jastlj condemned to a life of hardship and
danger ; a few had been guilty only of adhering obstinately to
the Huguenot worship ; the great majority were purchased
bondsmen, generally Turks and Moors. They were, of course,
always forming plans for massacring their tyrants, and escaping
from servitude, and could be kept in order only by constant
stripes, and by the frequent infliction of death in horrible
forms. An Englishman, who happened to fall in with about
twelve hundred of these most miserable and most desperate of
human beings, on their road from Marseilles to join Tourville's
squadron, heard them vowing, that if they came near a man-of-
war bearing the cross of Saint G^rge, they would never again
roe a French dockyard.*

In the Mediterranean, galleys were in ordinary use ; bat
none had ever before been seen on the stormy ocean which
roars round our island. The flatterers of Lewis said that the
appearance of such a squadron on the Atlantic was one of those
wonders which were reserved for his reign ; and a medal was
struck at Paris to commemorate this bold experiment in
maritime war.f English sailors, with more reason, predicted
that the first gale would send the whole of this fairweather
armament to the bottom of the Channel. Indeed, the galley,
like the ancient trireme, generally kept close to the shore, and
ventured out of sight of* land only when the water was unruf-
fled, and the sky serene. But the qualities which made this
sort of ship unfit to brave tempests and billows, made it pecu-
liarly fit for the purpose of landing soldiers. Tourville deter-
mined to try what effect would be produced by a disembarka-
tion. The English Jacobites who bad taken refuge in France
were all confident that the whole population of the island was
ready to rally round an invading army ; and he probably gave
them credit for understanding the temper of their countrymen.

Never was there a greater error. Indeed, the French adrni*
ral is said by tradition to have received, while he was still out
at sea, a lesson which might have taught him not to rely on
the assurances of exiles. He picked up a fishing boat, and
interrogated the owner, a plain Sussex man, about the senti*

* See the articles Galore and GkHriea, in the Enc^clop^die, with tb«
pUtM ; A Trae Relation of the CraeUien and Barbanties of the Frenck
■pon the English Prisonere of War, by B. Hatton, licensed June S7
U90.

* See tlie Collection of Medals o^ Lewis the Fourteenth.

HISTORf or ENGLAND.

ihe nation. "Are you," be said, "for King James ?'

know much aboul such maltere," answered Ihe fiah-
' I have nothing to SBj" against King James. He b
irthy gentleman, I believe. God blew him I " "A
w 1 " said Tourville ; " iheu I am sure joa will hava
on lo lake siTvice with us," "What!" cried ths

" go wiih the French to fight against the English I
lor must excuse me; I could not do it to 9ave my
rhia poor fisherman, whether he was a real or on
' person, spoke the sense of the nation. The beacon
d<;e overlooking Teignmouth wr.s kindled; the High
DiLUsland made answer; and soon all the hill tops of
were on fire. Messengers were riding hard ali
n Deputy Lieutenant to Deputy LieutenaiiL Enrlj

morning, without chief, without summons, five hnn-
lemon and yeomen, armed and mounted, had asaem-
le summit of Haldon Hill. In twenty-four houre all
re was up. Every road in the county from sea to
□vered by multitudes of Bghting men, all with their

towards Torbay, The lords of a hundred manors,
!heir long pedigrees and old coats of arms, took the
he head of their tenantry, Drakes, Prideauxeg and
Divell of Fowelscombe and Fulford of Fulford, Sir
r Wray of Tawstoek Park and Sir William Courienay,
rliani Castle. Letters written by several of the Dep-
lenants who were most active during ibis anxious

HISTORY OF BNOLAKD. 517

forty cottages. The inhabitants had fled. Their di^ellings
were burned ; the venerable parish church was sacited, the
pulpit and the communion table demolished, the Bibles and
Prayer Books torn and scattered about the roads ; the cattle
and pigs were slaughtered ; and a few small vessels which were
employed in fishing or in the coasting trade, were destroyed.
By this time sixteen or seventeen thousand Devonshire men
had encamped close to the shore, and all the neighboring coan*
ties had risen. The tin mines of Cornwall had sent forth a
great multitude of rude and hardy men mortally hostile to
Popery. Ten thousand of them had just signed an address to
the Queen, in which they had promised to stand by her againsi
every enemy ; and they now kept their word.* In truth, the
whole nation was stirred. Two and twenty troops of cavalry
furnished by Suffolk, Essex, Hertfordshire, and Buckingham-
shire, were reviewed by Mary at Hounslow, and were com-
plimented by Marlborough on their martial appearance. The
militia of Kent and Surrey encamped on Blackheath.f Van
Citters informed the States General that all England was up
in arms, on foot or on horseback, that the disastrous event of
the battle of Beachy Head had not cowed, but exasperated the
people, and that every company of soldiers which be passed on
the road was shouting with one voice, ^ Grod bless King Wil-
liam and Queen Mary." J

Charles Granville, Lord Landsdowne, eldest son of the Earl
of Bath, came with some troops from the garrison of Plymouth
to take the command of the tumultuary army which had
assembled round the basin of Torbay. Lansdowne was no
novice. He had served several hard campaigns against the
common enemy of Christendom, and had been created a Count
of the Roman Empire, in reward of the valor which he had
displayed on that memorable day, sung by Filicaja and by
Waller, when the infidels retired from the walls of Vienna
He made preparations for action; but the French did not

* London Gazette, July 7, 1690.

t Narcissus LattrelPs Diary.

I I give this interesting passage in Van Cittcra's own words: " Door
gfheel het ryk alles te voet en te paarde in de wapenen op was ; en' t gene
•sen seer groote gcmstheyt gaf was dat alle en een yder even seer tegen da
Franse door de laatste voor^vallen bataille verbittert en geanimeert wa-
•^n. Gelyk door de troupes, dewclke ik op de weg alomme gepasaeert
9en, niet anders hcb konnea hoorun als cen eenpaarig en gcner al gelaydl

ran God bless King WUliam en Queen Uary. '^^ 1690

BISTORT OF ENOLAim.

laltaiJi him, end were indeed impatient to depart.

1! diiHcuhj in getting away. One day tbe

« lo the sailing vessels. Atiollii^r day liie

igh for the gallejB. At lengtli the fleet stood

As the line of ^hip^ turned the lofty cape wbiub

iTorijuay, an inaident happened whii:h, though slight

iatly interested the thousands who lined the coast.

thed slaves dbengaged theniselves from ao oar, and

lerboard. One of them perished. The other, after

lure than an hour in the water, came safe to English

wikt cordially welcomeit by a population to which

e of the galleys was a thing strange an<l shocking.

to be B Turk, and was hnmanely stmt buck to hia

us deiicription of the expedition appeared in the

le. But in truth, Tourville's exploiti> hod been in-

I yet less inglorious tiian impolitic The injury

nail dgne Iwire no proportion lo tlie reAenlmeTit whtdi

':. Hitherto, the Jaeubttea had tried lo persuade

t tlic French would come as friends and deliv-

Bld observe strict discipline, would respect the t«mple«

Iremunies of the established religion, and would de-

n as the Dutch oppresaora had been ex[jelled and

if the realm ru><tored. The short visit

St had shown liow little reason there

t such moileration from the soldiers of Lewis.

HI8TOBT OF EKOLAND. 61d

The outcrj against those who were, with good reason, sua*
peeled of having invited the enemy to make a descent on our
chores was vehement and general, and was swollen bj manj
voices which had recently been loud in clamor against the
government of William. The question had ceased to be a
question between two dynasties, and had become a question be*
tween England and France. So strong was the national senti*
ment that nonjurors and Papists shared, or affected to share it.
Dryden, not long afler the burning of Teignmouth, laid a plaj
at the feet of Halifax, with a dedication eminently ingenious,
ailful, and eloquent The dramatist congratulated his patron
on having taken shelter in a calm haven from the storms of
public life, and, with great force and beauty of diction, magni-
fied the fehcity of the statesman who exchanges the bustle of
office and the fame of oratory for philosophic studies and do-
mestic endearments. England could not complain that she was
defrauded of the service to which she had a right Even the
severe discipline of ancient Rome permitted a soldier, aflei
many campaigns, to claim his dismission ; and Halifax had
surely done enough for his country to be entitled to the same
privilege. But the poet added that there was one case in
which the Roman veteran, even after his discharge, was re-
quired to resume his shield and his pilum ; and that one case
was an invasion of the Gkuils. That a writer who had pur-
chased the smiles of James by apostasy, who had been driven
in disgrace from the court of William, and who had a deeper
interest in the restoration of the exiled House than any man
who made letters his calling, should have used, whether sin-
cerely or insincerely, such language as this, is a fact which may
convince us that the determination never to be subjugated by
foreigners was fixed in the hearts of the people.*

carios Reformatns, Sept. 5 ; the Gazette de Paris ; a letter from Mr. Dako,
a Deputy Lieutenant of Devonshire, to Hampden, dated Jaly 25 ; a letter
from Mr. Fulford of Fnlford to Lord Nottingham, dated July S6 ; a letter
of the same date from the Deputy Lieutenants of Devonshire to the Earl
of Bath ; a letter of the same date from Lord Lansdo-me to the Earl of
Bath. These four letters are among the MSS. of the Royal Irish Acad*
eray. Extracts from the brief are given in Lyson^s Britannia. Dangcaa
inserted in his Journal, August 16, a scries of extravagant lies. Tourville
had routed the militia, token their cannon and colors, burned men-of-war.
raptured richly laden merchant-ships, and was going to destroy Plymouth.
This is a fair specimen of Dangeau's English news. Indeed, he comi-'laint
Ihat it was harlly possible to get at true information about England.
* Dfitcation of Arthur.

HISTOBT OF l^NOLAND.

las, indeed, a Jacobite literature in which no Imea
riotic spirit cun be detected, a literature, thi remaine

English flag dishonored, the English soil inradei
h capital sacked, the English crown worn by a vadsal
if only they might avenge themselves on ilieir ena-

a work of darkness. The law by which the Parli»-
jnes had subjected the press to the control of censors
1 force ; and, though the officers whose businciis it
vent the infraction of that law were nol extreme to
y irregularity committed by a bookseller who under-
irt of conveying a guinea in a squeeze of the hand,
not wink at the open vending of unlicensed pam-
:d with ribald insults lo the Sovereign, and wilb direct
1 to rebellion. But there had long lurked in the
London a class of printers who worked steadily at

i forgera. Women were on the watch to give the
heir xcreama if an officer appeared near the work-
lie lypej- were flung into the coal-hole, and covered
rs . '.lie compositor disa|>pearcd through a Irnp-iloor

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 52)

Of the nuraeroua performances which were ushered into tb«
world bj such shiAs as these, none produced a greater sensa*
tion than a little book which purported to be a form of prayer
and humiliation for the use of the persecuted Church. It was
impossible to doubt that a considerable sum had been expended
on this work. Ten thousand copies were, by various means,
scattered over the kingdom. No more mendacious, more ma-
lignant, or more impious lampoon was ever penned. Though
the government had as yet treated its enemies with a lenitj
unprecedented in the history of our country, though not a sin*
gle person had, since the Revolution, suffered death for any po-
litical offence, the authors of this liturgy were not ashamed to
pray that God would assuage their enemy's insatiable thirst for
blood, or would, if any more of them were to be brought
through the Red Sea to the Land of Promise, prepare them
foi the passage.* They complained that the Church of Eng-
land, once the perfection of beauty, had become a scorn and
derision, a heap of ruins, a vineyard of wild grapes ; that her
services had ceased to deserve the name of public worship ;
that the bread and wine which she dispensed had no longer any
sacramental virtue ; that her priests, in the act of swearing
fealty to the usurper, had lost the sacred character which had
been conferred on them by their ordination.f James was pro-
fanely described as the stone which foolish builders had reject-
ed ; and a fervent petition was put up that Providence would
again make him the head of the comer. The blessings which
were called down on our country were of a singular description*
There was something very like a prayer for another Bloody
Circuit ; ** Give the King the necks of his enemies ; ** there
was something very like a prayer for a French invasion ;
** Raise him up friends abroad ; " and there was a more myste-
rious prayer, the best comment on which was afterwards fur-
nished by the Assassination Plot ; ^ Do some great thing for him,
which we in particular know not how to pray for." |

* This was the ordinary cant of the Jacobites. A Whig writer hft4
jnstlj said, in the preceding year : " They scarriloosly call our David a
man of blood, though, to this day, he has not suffered a drop to be spilt."
.— Mcphiboshoth and Ziba, licensed Aug. 30, 1689.

t " Restore unto us again the public worship of thy name, the reverent
administration of thy sacraments. Raise up the former government both
in church and state, that we may be no longer without King, without
priest, without Qod in the world.'*

I A Form of Prayer and Humiliation for God's Blessing upon Hif
Majesty and his Dominions, and for Removing and Averting of Qod'to
ladgments from this Chtu^h and State^ 1690.

an HISTORY OF EHGLAHD.

This Htargy was composed, circalated, and read, it is said^
ill some congregations of Jacobite schismatics, before William
Bet out for Ireland, but did not attract general notice till the
appearance of a foreign armament on our coast had rouj^ed
the national spirit. Then ro<^e a roar of indignation against
the Englishmen who had dared, under the hypocritical pretence
of devotion, to imprecate curses on England. The deprived
Prelates were suspected, and not without some show of reason.
For the nonjurors were, to a man, zealous Episcopalians. Theiv
doctrine was that, in ecclesiastical matters of grave moment,
notlnng could be well done without the sanction of the Bishop.
And could it be believed that any w1h> held this doctrine
would compare a service, print it, circulate it, and actually use
it in public woi'ship, without the approbation of Sancroft, whom
the whole party revered, not only. as the true Primate of all
England, but also as a Saint and a Confessor ? It was known
that the Prelates who had refused the oaths had lately held
several consultations al Lambeth. The subject of those con-
sultations, it was now said, might easily be guessed. The holy
fathers had been engaged in framing prayers for the destruc-
tion of the Protestant colony in Ireland, for the defeat of the
English fleet in the Channel, and for the speedy arrival of a
French array in Kent The extreme section of the Whig
party pressed this accusation with vindictive eagemCv'^s. This
then, said those implacable politicians, was the fruit of King
William's merciful policy. Never had he committed a greater
error than when he had conceived the hope that the hearts of
the clergy were to be won by clemency and moderation. He
had not chosen to give credit to men who had learned by a
long and bitter experience that no kindness will tame the sullen
ferocity of a priesthood. He had stroked and pampered when
he should have tried the effect of chains and hunger. He had
hazarded the good-will of his best friends by protecting his
worst enemies. Those Bishops who had publicly refused to
acknowledge him as their Sovereign, and who, by that refusal,
had forfeited their dignities and revenues, still continued to live
unmolested in palaces which ought to be occupied by better
men ; and for this indulgence, an indulgence unexampled in the
history of revolutions, what return had been made to him ?
Even this, that the men whom he had, with so much tender-
ness, screened from just punishment, had the insolence to de«
icribe him in their prayers as a persecutor defiled with the
blood of the righteous ; they asked for grace to endure witb

mSTORT or EMGLAKD 529

fortitude bis sanguinary tyranny ; they cried to neaven for a
foreign fleet and army to deliver them from his yoke ; nay, they
hinted at a wish so odious that even they had not the front to
6peak it plainly. One writer, in a pamphlet which produced
A great sensation, expressed his wonder that the people had
not, when Tourville was riding yictorious in the Channel,
Dewitted the nonjuring Prelates. Excited as the public mind
then was, there was some danger that this suggestion might
bring a furious mob to Lambeth. At Norwich, indeed, tht.
|ieopIe actually rose, attacked the palace which the Bishop wa&
itill suffered to occupy, and would have pulled it down but for
the timely arrival of the trainbands.* The government very
properly instituted cnminal proceedings against the publisher
of the work which had produced this alarming breach of the
peaoe.t The deprived Prelates meanwhile put forth a defence
of their conduct. In this document they declared, with all
solemnity and as in the presence of God, that they had no hand
in the new liturgy, that they knew not who had framed it, that
tht* y had never used it, that they had never held any correspond-
ence directly or indirectly with the French court, that they were
engaged in no plot against the existing government, and that
they would willingly shed their blood rather than see England
subjugated by a foreign prince, who had, in his own kingdom,
cruelly persecuted their Protestant brethren. As to the writer
who had marked them out to the public vengeance by a fearful
word, but too well undei*stood, they commended him to the
Divine mercy, and heartily prayed that his great sin might be
forgiven him. Most of those who signed this paper did so
doubtless with perfect sincerity ; but it soon appeared that one
At least of the subscribers had added to the crime of betraying
his country the crime of calling his Grod to witness a false-
hood.}

The events which were passing in the Channel and on the
Continent compelled William to make repeated changes in his
plans. During the week which followed his triumphal entry
into Dublin, messengers charged with evil tidings arrived fiom

* Letter of Lbyd, Binhop of Norwich, to Sancroft, in the Tanner MSS.

t Narcissus Luttreirs Diary.

I A Modest Inquiry into the Causes of the present Disasters in Eng*
land, and who they are tliat brought the French into the English Channel
described, 1690 ; Uetlections upon a Form of Prayer lately set out for the
Jacobites, 1690; A Midnight Touch of an Unlicensed Pamphlet, 1690
The jHi|ier signed by the nonjuring Bishops baa often been reprinted.

'n rapid succession. First came the account of Wal-
"Vftt nt Fleurus. The King was mudi disturbfid- All
lure, lie .=fiid, wliith his own victory had given him
n enil. Yet, wiih that generosity wliich wns hidden
. austere aspetil, he siilo down, even in ihe moraent of
'C):ation, to nrite a kind and encouraging letter to th^

rming still. Tlie allied Heet had been ignomiaiousij
The sea. from the Downi^ to the Liind's Knd was ia
1 of the enemy. The nest post might bring neica
t was invaded. A French squadron might appear in
orge's Channel, and might without difficulty bum all
iportB which were anchored in (he Bay of Dublin,
determined to return to England ; but he wishwl to
:rore he went, the commaud of a ^afe haven on the
oast of Ireland. Waterfurd was the place best suited
irpose ; and towards Waterford he immediately pro-
Clonmel and Kilkenny were abandoned by the Irish
soon SB it was known that he was approaching- At
he was entertained, on the nineteenth of July, by the
Ormond in the ancient castle of the Butlers, which
long before been occupied hy Lauzun, and which
, in the midst of the general devastation, still had
d chairs, hangings on the walls, and claret in the
On the Iwenly-tirst two regiments which garrisoned

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 525

James as odious for a time to Tories as to Whigs. William
therefore again changed his plans, and hastened back to his
army, which, during his absence, had moved westward, and
which he rejoined in the neighborhood of Cashel.*

About this time he received from Mary a letter requesting
him to decide an important question on which the Council of
Nine was divided. Marlborough was of opinion that all danger
of invasion was over for that year. The sea, he said, was open ;
for the French ships had returned into port, and were refitting.
Now was the time to send an English fleet, with five thousand
troops on board, to the southern extremity of Ireland. Such
a force might easily reduce Cork and Kinsale, two of the most
important strongholds still occupied by the forces of James.
Marlborough was strenuously supported by Nottingham, and as
strenuously opposed by the other members of the interior coun-
cil, with Caermarthen at their head. Th** Queen ^Xiferred the
matter to her husband. He highly approved of the plan, and
gave orders that it should be executed by the General who had
formed it. CaermartKen submitted, though with a bad grace,
and with some murmurs at the extraordinary partiality of His
Majesty for JVIarlborough.f

William meanwhile was advancnig towards Limerick. In
that city the army which he had put to rout at the Boyne had
taken refuge, discomfited, indeed, and disgraced, but very little
diminished. He would not have had the trouble of besieging
the place, if the advice of Lauzun and of Lauzun's country-
men had been followed. They laughed at the thought of de-
fending such fortifications, and indeed would not admit that the
name of fortifications could properly be given to heaps of dirt,
which certainly bore little resemblance to the works of Valen*
ciennes and Philipsburg. ^* It is unnecessary," said I/auzan,
with an oath, ^ for the English to bring cannon against such a
place as this. What you call your ramparts might be battered
down with roasted apples." He therefore gave his voice for
evacuating Limerick, and declared that, at all events, he was
determined not to throw away in a hopeless resistance the lives
of the brave men who had been entrusted to his care by his
master.t The truth is, that the judgment of the brilliant and

♦ Story; William to Uiensius, '^^^ 1690; Load. QtO. Aug. 11.
t Mary to William, Aug. ,>' ^^ J^ti^l690.

I MacariiB Exci<lium ; Mac Gcogbegan ; Ijife of James, ii. 430 ; IrfWr
ioQ Gaaettc, Aug. 14. 1690.

^H

d-1

|H|^H

1

HlSTOltT OF ESGLAND.

us Frenchman was biftspd by hi» inclinfuions. He
m|MinioM9 were sick of Ireland. They were ready to
1 with courage, rwy, with giiiely, on a. field of batile.
ull, squalid, barlmrous life, which rhey had now been
iring ai^veral nionllis, was more ihnn they could boar.
s as much out of the pale of tha civiiiaed world as if

9'ecled iheir he&lih and npiriiB. In that nnhapp/
roaled by yuan of predatory war, hospiiality could
more than a couch of straw, a trencher of meat half
Hlf bumiid, and a drau<;ht of sour milk. A crust tf
int of wine, could hardly be purchased for money. A
uch hardships i=ceaied a century to men who had al-
1 accualomed to carry with them to the camp the lux-
'aris, soft bedding, rich ta|ieatry, sideboards of plate,
)f Champagne, opera-dancers, cooks, and muaicians.
lie a prisoner in the Ba^tile, belter to he a recluse at
e, than to be gunei-atissirao of the half-nuked savage*
well ill ihe dreary swampa of Munster. Any plea
ime which would serve aa an excuse for returning
miserable exile to the land of cornfields and vine-
gilded coaches and laced cravats, of ballrooms and

.tferent was tho feeling of the children of Ihe soiL
1, which to French coortiera was a discuii^olale place

1

■

HI8T0RT OF ENOLAKD. ftil

ons ; and all hope that hi? country would be freed from the
tyranny of the Saxons must be abandoned if Limerick were
surrendered.

The conduct of the Irish during the last two months had
sunk their military reputation to the lowest point. They had,
with the exception of some gallant regiments of cavalry, 6ed
disgracefully at the Boyne, and had thus incurred the bitter
contempt both of their enemies and of the allies. The En|^
ish who were at Saint Grerinains never spoke of the Irish
but as a people of dastards and traitors.* - The French were
BO much exasperated against the unfortunate nation, that
Irish merchants, who had been many years settled at Parisy
durst not walk the streets for fear of being insulted by the
populace.f So strong was the prejudice, that absurd stories
were invented to explain the intrepidity with which the horse
bad fought. It was said that the troopers were not men of
Celtic blood, but descendants of the old English of the pale.)
It was also said that they had been intoxicated with brandy
just before the battle.§ Yet nothing can be more certain than
that they must have been generally of Irish race ; nor did the
steady valor which they displayed in a long and almost hope-
less conflict against great odds bear any resemblance to the
fury of a coward maddened by strong drink into momentary
haixlihood. Even in the infantry, undisciplined and disorgan-
ised as it was, there was much spirit, though little firmness.
Fits of enthusiasm and fits of faint-heartedness succeeded each
other. The same battalion, which at one time threw away its
arms in a panic and shrieked for quarter, would on another
occasion fight valiantly. On the day of the Boyne the cour-
age of the ill-trained and ill-commanded kernes had ebbed to

* ** Paaci ilii ex Cilicibus aulices, qui cam regina in Syria commonnta
remanserant, . . . non cessabant aniversam natioiiem foedo tradacera^
et ingentis iusaper convitiis lacerare, pavidos et malctidos proditores ae
monalium conscclcratissimos pablice appellando.** — Macari« Excidiom
The Cilicians arc the Engish. Syria is France.

t *' Tanta infamia tarn operoso artificio et sabtili commento in mlgns
sparsa, tarn constantibus de Cypriomm perfidia atqae opprobrio mmori*
bus, totara, qua lata est, Synam ita porvasit, at mercatores Cyprii, . . -
propter iiinstum gc*nti dedccus, intra domorum septa claasi nanquam
prodire audurcnt ; tanto eorum odio populus in aniversam oxarsenu."-'
alacarife Excidium.

' 1 1 have seen this assertion ic a contemporary pamphlet of which I
«auot recollect the title

i Scmy } Uamoia M8.

IflBTOKT OF ENOLAKD.

point. Wl.en ihey had rallied at Limerick, ihA
up. Patriotism, funalioisra, sh^rae, revenge, despair,
them above ibemselvej. With one voice officers

the licad or Ibode who were foe resisting, vras the
ilield ; and bis exlioriations difTused througli all ranks
lumbling his own. To save bid counlry was beyond
All that be could do was to prolong her b^t agonj
le bloody and dipaslroua year.*
lel waa altogether incompetent lo decide the quealion
he French and the Irish differed. The only mili-
iea Ihftl he had ever pos=e3aed were personal brave*
11 in the use of the sivord. These qualities had onoB
in to frighten away rivals from the doors of hia mia-
d lo play the Hector lo cockpits and liasard tables,
was necessary to enable him lo form an opinion as
libility of defending Limerick. He would probably,
mper been as hot as in the days when he diced
imoiit BEid threatened to cut the old Duke of Or-
roal, have voted for running any risk however des-
It age, pain, and sickness had led little of [he cantio^
gli[ing Dick Talbot of the Restoration. He had
leep despondency. He was incapable of elrenuous
The French officers pronounced him utterly igno-
; art of war. They had observed tl.al at the Boyne

HI8T0BT OF ENOLAND. 539

ample fortune ; his own wish was to follow her thither ; bb
voice was therefore given for abandoning the city.

At last a compromise was made. Lauzun and Tjroonnel,
with the French troops, retired to Galway. The great body
of the native army, about twenty thousand strong, remained
at Limerick. The chief command there was entrusted to
Boisseleau, who understood the character of the Irish better,
and consequently judged them more favorably, than any of his
countrymen. In general, the French captains spoke of their
nofortunate allies with boundless contempt and abhorrence, and
thus made themselves as hateful as the English.*

Lauzun and Tyrconnel had scarcely departed when the ad-
vanced guard of William's army came in sight. Soon the
King himself, accompanied by Auverquerque and Ginkell, and
escorted by three hundred horse, rode forward to examine the
fortifications. The city, then the second in Ireland, though
.'tsB altered since that time than most large cities in the British
isles, has undergone a great change. The new town did not
then exist. The ground now covered by those smooth and
broad pavements, those neat gardens, those stately shops fiaro-
ing with red brick, and gay with shawls and china, was then^
an open meadow lying without the walls. The city consisted
of two parts, which had been designated during several cen-
turies as the English and the Irish town. The English towi
stands on an island surrounded by the Shannon, and oonsista
of a knot of antique houses with gable ends, crowding thick
round a venerable cathedral. The aspect of the streets is such
that a traveller who wanders through them may easily fancy
himself in Normandy or Flanders. Not far from the cathe*
dral, an ancient castle overgrown with weeds and ivy looks
down on the river. A narrow and rapid stream, over which,
in 1 690, there was only a single bridge, divides the English
town from the quarter anciently occupied by the hovels of the
native population. The view from the top of the cathedral
now extends many miles over a level expanse of rich mould,
through which the greatest of Irish rivers winds between arti-
ficial banks. But in the seventeenth century those banks had
not been constructed ; and that wide plain, of which the grass,
verdant even beyond the verdure of Munster, now feeds some

* Des^gn^ says of the Irish: "lU sent tQajoars pr^ts denoiis teomr
oar Tantipathie qu'iU ont poor noas. C'est la nation da moode » pmi

brutale, et qai a le moins d'hamanit^." Aug. ^, 1690.
VOL. III. 23

^^^^H

msTOnT OF ESOLAXT*.

.t oallle in Europe, was Ihen almost always a manh
1 lake.'

t na^ known that the French trt>ops had quitted
ind tliiii the Irish only remained, the genemi eypec-
le Englif^li camp was. that the ciiy would be an easy
Nor wiw that expectation unrea^oniible ; for even
lespondod. One ehatice, in his opinion, there si III
liHin had brought wtih him none hot small giins.

nmuniiion, and a bridge of tin boats, whieh in (ba
lin of the .Shannon whs frequently needed, were
owing from Ca<hel. If the guns and gunpowder
terc^pted and destroyed, there might be some hope.
was lost; and the best thing that a brave aud high-
sh ^nilemnn could do was lo forget the country
had in vain tried to defend, and to seek in some
d a home or a grave.

lOurs, therefore, after the Engli.sh tents had been
ore Limerick, tSflrafldd set funh, under cover of tlie
a strong body of borate and dragoons. He took
Killaloe, and crossed the Shannon there. During
0 lurki^d with his band in a wild mountain tract
n the silver mines which it conlaini*. Those mines
years before, been worked by English proprietors,
lelp of engineers nnd laborers im|H>rted from the

1

HisTonr OF ENOLA.in». 581

eort lay sleepinji; round the guns. The surprise wm complete.
Some of the English sprang to their arms and made an at-
tempt to resist, but in vain. About sixty fell. One only was
taken alive. The rest fled. The victorious Irish made a hu^
pile of wagons and pieces of cannon. Every gun was stuffed
with powder, and fixed with its mouth in the ground ; and the
whole ma^s was blown up. The solitary prisoner, a lieutenant,
was treated with great civility by Sarsfield. ^ If I had failed
In this attempt," said the gallant Irishman, **I should have
been off to France." *

Intelligence had been carried to William's head-quarten
that Sarsfield had stolen out of Limerick, and was ranging the
country The King guessed the design of his brave enemy^
and sent five hundred horse to protect the guns. Unhappily
there was some delay, which the English, always disposed to
believe the worst of the Dutch courtiers, attributed to the neg^
ligence or perverseness of Portland. At one in the morning
the detachment set out, but had scarcely lefl the camp when a
blaze like lightning and a crash like thunder announced to the
wide plain of the Shannon that all was over.f

Sarsfield had long been the favorite of his countrymen ; and
this most seasonable exploit, judiciously planned and vigorously
executed, raised him still higher in their estimation. Their
spirits rose ; and the besiegers began to lose heart. William
did his best to repair his loss. Two of the guns which had
been blown up were found to be still serviceable. Two more
were sent for from Waterford. Batteries were constructed of
small Held pieces, which, though they might have been useless
against one of the fortresses of Hainault or Brabant, made
some impression on the feeble defences of Limerick. Several
outworks were carried by storm ; and a breach in the rampart
of the city began to appear.

During these operations, the English army was astonished
and amused by an incident, which produced indeed no very
important consequences, but which illustrates in the most strik*
ing manner the real nature of Irish Jacobitism. In the t^rst
rank of those great Celtic houses, which, down to the close of
the i-eign of Elizabeth, bore rule in Ulster, were the O'Don-
Dels. The head of that house had yielded to tbe skill and
raergy of Mountjoy, had kissed the hand of James the FiiBl*

* Story ; James, ii. 416; Bnroet, ii. 58 ; Domont MS.
T Story ; Damont MS

eiSTORY OF KNGLAKD.

ice Tor an emincoily boiiorable plaor among British
During a Kliort time the vanquished chief helil the
n Earl, and whs ihe landlord of an immense dorauin
be had once been the sovereign. But soon he begna
t ihe government of plotting against him. and, in
or in self-defence, plotted Hgaiiiat Ibe government.
aes faiied ; he fled to the Continent ; his title and hU
;re forfeited ; and an Anglo-sakon colony was planted
ritory which he had governed. He meanwhile look
the court of Spain. Between that cuurt and the
1 Irish there had, during the long contest belweea

was welcomed at Madrid as a good Catholic flying
tical persecutors. His illustrious descant and priniiely
hich to the English were subjects of ridicule, secured
s ra-pectofthe Casiilian grandees. His honor* were
by a succession of bauished men who lived and died
he land where the memory of their family was fondly
by a rude peasantry, and was kepi fresh by lb«
ninstreli and the tales of begging friai-s. At length,
hty-third year of the exile of this ancient dynasty, it
u over all Europe lliat the Irish were again in arms
idepeudence. Baldearg O'Dorinel, who called him-
I'Duniiel, a title far prouder, in the estimation of his

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 681

Bight thousand Rapparees, or, to use the name peculiar to
Ulster, Creaghts; and his followers adhered to him with a
loyaltj very different from the languid sentiment which the
Saxon James had been able to inspire. Priests and even
Bishops swelled the train of the adventurer. He was so much
elated by his reception that he sent agents to France, who
assured the ministers of Lewis that the O'Donnel would, if
furnished with arms and ammunition, bring into the field thirty-
thousand Celts from Ulster, and that the Celts of Ulster would
be found far superior in every military quality to tha«)e of
Leinster, Munster, and Connaught. No expression used by
Baldearg indicated that he considered himself as a subject.
His notion evidently was that the House of O'Donnel was as
truly and as indefeasibly royal as the House of Stuart ; and
not a few of his countrymen were of the same mind. He made
a pompous entrance into Limerick ; and his appearance there
raised the hopes of the garrison to a strange pitch. Numerous
prophecies were recollected or invented. An O'Donnel with
a red mark was to be the deliverer of his country ; and Bald-
earg meant a red mark. An O'Donnel was to gain a great
battle over the English near Limerick ; and at Limerick the
O'Donnel and the English were now brought face to face.*

While these predictions were eagerly repeated by the
defenders of the city, evil presages, grounded not on barbarous
oracles, but on grave military reasons, began to disturb William
and his most experienced officers. The blow struck by Sars-
tield had told; the artillery had been long in doing its wori^;
that work was even now very imperfectly done ; the stock of
powder bad begun to run low ; the autumnal rain had begun
to fall. The soldiers in the trenches were up to their knees
in mire. No precaution was neglected ; but, though draioa
were dug to carry off the water, and though pewter basins of
usquebaugh and brandy blazed all night in the tents, cases of
fever had already occurred ; and it might well be apprehended
that, if the army remained but a few days longer on that
swampy soil, there would be a pestilence more terrible than

* See the account of the O'Donnels in Sir William Betham's Irish
Antiquarian Researches. It is strange that he makes no mention of Bal
iearg, whose appearance in Ireland is the mo«t extraordinary event in the
irhoie history or the race. Sec also Story'8 Impartial History ; Macarisi
li^xcidium, and Mr. 0'Callaghan*s note ; Life of James, ii. 434 ; the Lettef
fi O'Donnel to Avaux, and the Memorial entitled, *^ M^moire dona^
oar un homme dn Comte O'Donnel k M. D'Avaux."

HIBTOar OF ENOLAMU.

Ii had rased twelve montlis before linder the walli of

■ A coundl of war was held. It w&s detemiiDH
ne gniat efTurt, and, if that effort failed, to rause th<

(wen ty-se Tenth of August, at three in llie afternoon,
w*fl given. Five hundred grenadiers rushed from
ish trenches to I he counterscnrp, fired their pieces,

■ their grenades. The Irish fled into the town, and
jwed by the Bsaailiuita, who, in tlie excitement of
\i not wait for orders. Then bef^an a terrible Btrtiet
ifi Irish, as soon ad they had reojvered from tbei*

rnhehned by numbers, were, with great loss, driven

When indeed wa^ the Roman Calhohe Celt u
I did not fight on that diiy ? Tbe very women of
mingled in tiie combat, stood firmly under the hottenl
;ung slonea »nd broken bottles at the enemy. In llie
fhen the conllict was fli;rcest a mine exiiioded, and

cnmage and uproar continued. The tliiek cloud
; from the breiich streamed out on the wind for many

disagipenred behind the hills of Clare. Late in the
le besiegers retired alowly and sullenly to Iheir camp.
le was tliat a second attack would be made on the

aiSTOBT OF ENGLAND. 6SA

The history of the first siege of Limerick bears, at some
respects, a remarkable analogy to the history of the siege or
Londonderry. The southern city was, like the northern city,
the last asylum of a Church and of a nation. Both places
were crowded by fugitives from all parts of Ireland. Both
places appeared to men who had made a regular study of the
art of war incapable of resisting an enemy. Both were, in the
moment of extreme danger, abandoned by those commanders
who should have defended them. Lauzun and Tyrconncl de
sorted Limerick as Cunningham and Luudy had deserted Lon-
donderry. In both cases, religious and patriotic enthusiasm
struggled unassisted against great odds ; and* in both cases,
religious and patriotic enthusiasm did what veteran warriors
had pronounced it absurd to attempt.

It was with no pleasurable emotions that Lauzun and Tyr-
connel learned at Gal way the fortunate Issue of the conflict in
which they had refused to take a part. They were weary
of Ireland ; they were apprehensive that their conduct might
be unfavorably represented in France ; they therefore deter-
mined to be beforehand with their accusers, and took ship to-
gether for the Continent.

Tyrconnel, before he departed, delegated his civil authority
io one council, and his military authority to another. The
young Duke of Berwick was declared Commander in Chief;
but this dignity was merely nominal. Sarsfield, undoubtedly
the first of Irish soldiers, was placed last in the list of the
councilbrs to whom the conduct of the war was entrusted ;
and some believed that he would not have been iii the list at
all, had not the Viceroy feared that the omission of so popular
a name might produce a mutiny.

William meanwhile had reached Waterford, and had sailed
thence for Enghind. Before he embarked, be entrusted the
government of Ireland to three Lords Justices. Henry Sid«

bad fallen during a month, that none fell daring tho following three
weeks, and that William pretended that the weather was wet merely to
hide the shame of his defeat. Story, who was on the spot, says, '* It was
cloudy all about, and rained very fast, so that everyboaj began to dread
the consequences of it ; " and a^n, *' The rain which had already fallen
had joftetied the ways. . . . This was one main reason for raising th€
Bieg( for, if we had not, granting the weather to continue bud, vre must
either have taken the -town, or of necessity have lost our cannon." Dn-
mont, another eyewitness, says that before the sic^i^o was raised the rains
lad been most violent ; limt tlie Shannon was swollen; that tUecurtli wtut
«oakod ; that the horses could uot keep their feet.

HIBTORT OF ENQLAHD.

I'^Ucount Sidney, stood first in the .•ommisaior. j and

werft joined Coninj^by and Sir Ciiorles Porler.
i formerly held the Great Seal of the Kingdom, had,
ause he was a Pnxeslnnt, been deprived of it b;

hod nonr received it ng.iin from the himd of William.

sixth of Sepieraber the King, after a voyage of
r fiours, ttimied at Bristol. Theni» ho travelled ta
oppingby the road at ihe mansions of some great

it was remarked that all those who were thus hon-
Tories. He was entertained one day at Badmia-
a Duke of Beaufort, who was supposed U> har*
mself with great difficulty to lake Ihe oaths, and on
jnt day at a large house near Marlborough, which

renowned as one of the best inna in Englimd, but
,he seventeenth ci>ntury, was a seat of the Duke of
William was everywhere received witL marks of
d joy. Hia campaign indeed had no', ended quits
lusly OS it had begun ; but on the wh'jle his succeaa
great beyond expectation, and had fully vindicated
1 of his resolution lo commRnd bU army in person,
of Teignmoulh loo was fresh i-i ihe minds of Eng-
id had for a time reconciled all but the most fanati-
68 to each other and lo the throne. The magistracy

of the capital repuired lo Kensington with thanks

HT8T0RT OF ENOLAMO. 687

iooompanied by Graflon. This yoang man had been, imme-
diately afler the departure of James, and while the throne wad
still vacant, named by William Colonel of the First Regiment
of Foot Guards. The Revolution had scarcely been consume
mated, when signs of disaffection began to appear in that regi*
ment, the most important, both because of its peculiar duties
and because of its numerical strength, of all the regiments in
tiie army. It was thought that the Colonel had not put thin
bad spirit down with a sufficiently firm hand. He was known
not to be perfectly satisfied with the new arrangement ; he had
voted for a Regency; and it was rumored, perhaps withoat
reason, that be had dealings with Saint Germains. The hon"
orable and lucrative command to which he had just been ap-
pointed was taken from him.* Though severely mortified, be
behaved like a man of sense and spirit. Bent on proving that
he had been wrongfully suspected, and animated by an honor-
able ambition to distinguish himself in his profession, he ob-
tained permission to serve as a volunteer under Marlborough
in Ireland.

At length, on the eighteenth of September, the wind changed.
The fleet stood out to sea, and on the twenty-first appeared be-
fore the harbor of Cork. The troops landed, and were speedily
joined by the Duke of Wirtemberg, w^th several regiments,
Dutch, Danish, and French, detached from the army which
had lately besieged Limerick. Tl,e Duke immediately put
forward a claim which, if the English general had not been a
man of excellent judgment and temper, might have been fatal
to the expedition. His Highness contended that, as a prince
of a sovereign house, he was entitled to command in chie£
Marlborough calmly and politely showed that the pretence was
unreasonable. A dispute followed, in which it is said that the
Crerman behaved with rudeness, and the Englishman with that
gentle firmness to which, more perhaps than even to his great
abilities, he owed his success in life. At length a Huguenot
officer suggested a compromise. Marlborough consented to
waive part of his rights, and to allow precedence to the Duke
on the alternate days. The first morning on which Marlbo-
rough had the command, he gave the word ^ Wirtemb^rg."
The Duke's heart was won by thb compliment; and o» the
next day he gave the word ^ Marlborough."

But, whoever might give the word, genius asserted its IMs-

• Vfui Citten to the States Ooneral, March j^fy 16S9.
23 •

HIBTOHT OF ENGLAKD.

periurity. Marlborough was on every day tlia roal
Cork was vigorously attacked. Outwork after out-
rapid'y carried. In forty-eiglil hours hH was over.
) of the shon slrugirle mny Btill be i^tten. The old
i the Irish made ilie hnrdest light, lied in ruins. Tin
ledral, so unfErarafutly joined Id tlte ancient tower,
the site of a Gothic edifice which was ehaliered by
rh cannon. In tlie neighboring cliurchyard is atiU
spot where stood, duriug maiiy ages, one of thosfl

ment shared the fate of the neifrhboiing church. On
ot, which U now called the Moll, and b lined hy ifaa

companies, but which was then a bog known by (he

in wftter, advanced gtillantly lo the ossaulL GraAoo,
ost in danger, whilo BlrugfHing through the quagmire,
by a shot from the nuuparla, and was carried back
lie place where iie fell, ilien about a hundred yarda
i ciiy, but now situated in the very centre of busiiiesa
mion, Ik still called Gral'ion Street. The assailants
their way through the swamp, and the close lighting
ibout to begin, when a parley wan beaten. Articles
iiion were speedily adjusted. The garrison, between
ve tliousand lighting men, became prisoners. Marl-

mast^rd of the oouuteracarp ; and all was ready for fttumiing
when the i^ovemor offered to capitulate. The garrison^ twelve
huridred 8ti*ong, was suffered to retire to Limerick ; but the
conquerors took possession of the stores, which were of eon-
fidemble value. Of all the Irish ports Kinsale was the best
situated for intercourse with France. Here, therefore, was a
plenty unknown in any other part of Munster. At Limerick
bread and wine were luxuries which generals and privy coun-
cillors were not always able tQ procure. But in the New Fort
of Kinsale Marlborough found a thousand barrels of wheat
and eighty pipes of claret.

Uis success had been complete and rapid ; and indeed, had
it not been rapid, it would not have been complete. Hifi
campaign, short as it was, had been long enough to allow time
for the deadly work which, in tliat age, the moist earth and air
of Ireland seldom failed, in the autumnal season, to perform
on £nglish soldiers. The malady which had thinned the ranks
of Schomberg's army at Dundalk, and which had compelled
William to make a hasty retreat from the estuary of the ^haa-
non, had begun to appear at Kinsale. Quick and vigorous as
Marlborough's operations were, he lost a much gi*eater number
of men by disease than by the lire of the enemy. He pre-
sented himself at Kensington only five weeks after he had
sailed from Portsmouth, and was most graciously received.
^ No officer living," said William, ** who has seen so little ser^
vice as my Lord Marlborough, is so fit for great commands."^

In Scotland, as in Ireland, the aspect of things had, during
this memorable summer, changed greatly for the better. That
club of discontented Whigs which had, in the preceding year,
ruled the Parliament, brow-beaten the ministers, refused the
supplies, and stopped the signet, had sunk under general coo*
tempt, and had at length ceased to exist. There was har-
mony between the Sovereign and the Estates ; and the long
contest between two. forms of ecclesiastical government had
been terminated ia the only way compatible with the peace
and prosperity of the country.

This hiappy turn in afiairs is to be ehiefly inscribed to the er-
lors of the perfidious, turbulent and revengeful Montgomery.

* As to Marlborough's expedition, see Storr'a Impartial History; tbe
Life of James, ii. 419, 420; London Gasette, Oct. 6, 13, ts, 27, 30, 1690;
lionchly Mercury for Nov. 1690; History of King WiUiam, 17JS; Bof
•e;, ti. 6^i tie Life of Joseph Pike, a Qwkv of Cork.

aiBTOBT or znohiHti.

ta &fter the close of Ifaat session during nhich he kdd
1 boandlesa authority over the Scottish Parliamtm^
a Lunilon with his two principal coiifederatea, ib«
naandiilo and the Lord Bocw. The three had aa
f Williiini, and presented to him a manifeelo setting
they demanded for ilie public. Tliey would Tery
changed their lone if he would have granted what
nded for iheraselvea. But, he relented their condiicl

ion which he gave tliem convinced them that they had
3 expect. Montgomery's paiii^ ions were fierce; hii
s pressing ; he was miserably poor ; and, if be could
ly force himself into a lucrative office, he would be in
rotting in a jail. Since his services were nut likely
jht by William, they must be offered to James. A
i easily found. Montgomery was an old acquaintance
an. The two traitors soon understood each other
■e kindred spirits, dilTcring widely in intellectual
. equally vain, restless, fnlse, and malevolenL Mont>
la introduced lo Neville PH}[ne, one of the most adroit
lie agents of the exije^l family. Payne hud been
:iiowji about town as a dabbler in poetry and |)olitics.
eea an intimate friend of the indiscreet and unforiu-
uan, and had been commitled lo Newj^aie aa an ac-
n the Popish plot. His moral character hod not
; but he soon had an opportunity of proving that ha

HI8T0BT OF BNOLAim. fiil

The Scottish oppositidD, strangelj made ap of two factlonp,
one zealous for bishops, the other zealous for synods, one
hostile to all liberty, the other impatient of all government,
flattered itself during a short time with hopes that the civil
war would break out in the Highlands with redoubled fury.
But those hopes were disappointed. In the spring of 1690 an
officer named Buchan arrived in Lochaber from Ireland. He
bore a commission which appointed him general in chief of all
the forces which were in arms for King James throughout the
kingdom of Scotland. Cannon, who had, since the death of
Dundee, held the first post and had proved himself unfit for it,
became second in command. Little however was gained by
the change. It was no easy matter to induce the Graelio
princes to renew the war. . Indeed, but for the influence and
elx^uence of Lochiel, not a swprd would have been drawn for
the House of Stuart. He, with some difficulty, persuaded the
chieflains, who had, in the preceding year, fought at Killic-
crankie, to come to a resolution that, before the end of the
summer, they would muster all their followers and march into
the Lowlands, In the mean time twelve hundred mountain-
eers of diflerent tribes were placed under the orders of Buchan,
who undertook, with this force, to keep the English garrisons
in constant alarm by feints and incursions, till the season for
more important operations should arrive. He accordingly
marched into Strathspey. But all his plans were speedily
disconcerted by the boldness and dexterity of Sir Thomas
Livingstone, who held Inverness for King William. Livings
stone, guided and assisted by the Grants, who were firmly
attached to the new government, came, with a strong body of
cavalry and dragoons, by forced marches and through arduous
defiles, to the place where the Jacobites had taken up their
quarters. He reached the camp fires at dead of night. The
first alarm was given by the rush of the horses over the (erri«
fled seutinels into the midst of the crowd of Celts who lay
sleeping in their plaids. Buchan escaped bareheaded and
without his sword. Cannon ran away in his shirt. The con-
querors lost not a man. Four hundred Highlanders were
killed or taken. The rest fled to their hills and mists.*

pen ; Burnet, ii. 35. As to Payne, see the Second Modest Inquiiy into
the Caase of the present Disasters, 1690.

* Balcarras ; Mackaj's Memoirs ; History of the Isle Rerolittion ia
Scotland, 1690; Liyingstone's Report, dated May I ; London QaiKle
May 12, 1690.

BISTORT or ENOLAXI}.

venl pat an end to all thoughts of civil wsr. Tha

which hild been planned for ihe suniroer never todi

locliiel. even if he liud been willincr. was not nble to

J longer Ihe. falling cause. He liad been laid on hii

BiishHp which would &lone suffice lo show Itow little

lefiected hj a confederacy of the petiy kin^s of the

a consultation of the Jacobiie leadersi, a gen

a ihe Lowlands spoke with seTcrity of those syco

lad changed their religion to curry favor with

Glengarry wiia one of those people who think

o suppose that everyhody is always insuliins

□k it into his head that some allusioo to hitnHen

" I am as good a Proieslunt as you ;" he cried,

a word not lo be palienlly borne by a man of ipirib

nt both Bwords were out Lochiel ibrust himself

|lie c»nibalants, and, while forcing ihem asund^

id which was at first believed to he mortal.*

pually had the spirit of the disatfecled clans been

Mitckay marched unresisted from Perth into

L fixed his head quarters at Inverluchy, and on}'

te bis favorite design of erecting at that place

I which might overawe the mutinous Cameronm and

[ii a few dayK the walls wei'e rai^^ed ; ihe ditcbei

'. palii^ades were fixed ; demieulverinfl from ■

re run^'ed along the i>arapets ; and the general

mSTORT OV SNQLAMD. 643

temper, Yet they had granted him millions, and had nevei
asked from him sach concessions as had been imperiously
demanded by the Scottish legislature, which could give biro
little and had given him nothing. The English statesmen
with whom he had to deal did not generally stand or deserve
to stand high in his esteem. Tet few of them were so utterly
false and shameless as the leading Scottish politicians. Hamil-
ton was, in morality and honor, rather above than below his
fellows ; and even Hamilton was fickle, false, and greedy. ^ 1
wish to heaven," William was once provoked into exclaiming,
^ that Scotland were a thousand miles off, and that the Duke
of Hamilton were King of it. Then I should be rid of them
both."

After much deliberation William determined to send Mel-
ville down to Edinburgh as Lord High Commissioner. Mel-
ville was not a great statesman ; he was not a great orator ; he
did not look or move like the representative of royalty ; hia
character was not of more than standard purity; and the
standard of purity amon<r Scottish Senators was not high ; bat
he was by no means deficient in prudence or temper ; and he
succeeded, on the whole, better than a man of much higher
qualities might have done.

During the first days of the Session, the friends of the
government desponded, and the chiefs of the opposition were
sanguine. Montgomery's head, though by no means a weak
one, had been turned by the triumphs of the preceding year.
He believed that his intrigues and his rhetoric had completely
subjugated the Estates. It seemed to him impossible that,
having exercised a boundless empire in the Parliament House
when the Jacobites were absent, he should be defeated when
they were present, and ready to support whatever he proposed.
He had not indeed found it easy to prevail on them to attend t
for they could not take their seats without taking the oaths.
A few of them had some slight scruple of conscience aboot
forswearing themselves ; and many, who did not know what
a scruple of conscience meant, were apprehensive that they
might offend the rightful King by vowing fealty to the actual
King. Some Lords, however, who were supposed to be in
the confidence of James, asserted that, to their knowledge, he
wished his friends to perjure themselves ; and this asserti3b
bduced most of the Jacobites, with Balcarras at their heal to
be guilty of perfidy aggravated by impiety.*

* BalcAiTM

aittTOKT OF ESOLAIfD.

reinforcement, was no longer a. majorilj of the legia*
For every supporter that he had gaiiic'd he had loal
: had committed an error which has more than once,
1 history, been fatal to great parliamentary leadeK.
imagined that, as soon as he chose to coalesce with
fhom he had recently been opposed, all his followeri
iiale his example. He soon found that it was much
inflame animosities tlmn to appease them. The great
iVliigs and Freshyteriuns shrank from the fellowship
cobiles. Some waverers were purchased by the gov-
iior was the purchase expensive ; for a sum which
rdly be miised in the English Treasury was immenite
timation ot the needy barons of the Nortlu* Thua
was turned ; and, in the Scottish Parliaments of that
tunj of the scale was every tiing ; the tendency of
1 was always lo increase, the tendency of minorities

■st queelion on which a vote was taken related to the
jf a borough. The mbistcre carried their point by
i.f In an instant every thing was dinnged ; the spell
^n ; tlie Club, from being a bugbear, became a laugh-
Ibe timid and the venal passed over in crowds from
jr 10 the sli-oiiger side. It Has in vain that the op
iltcmpted to revive the disputes of the preceding

318T0RT OF ENGLAND. 545

parts and fluency, but all decorum and self-command, scolded
like a waterman on the Thames^ and was answered with
equal asperity and even more than equal ability by Sir John
Dalrymple.*

The most important acts of this Session were those which
fixed the ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland. By the Claim
ni Right it had been declared that the authority of Bishops
was an insupportable grievance ; and William, by accepting
the Crown, had bound himself not to uphold an institution con-
demued by the very instrument on which his title to the Crown
depended. But the Claim of Right had not defined the form
of Church government which was to be substituted for episco-
pacy ; and, during the stormy Session held in the summer of
1 689, the violence of the Club had made legislation impossible*
During many months therefore every thing had been in con-
fusion. One polity had been pulled down ; and no other polity
had been set up. In the Western Lowlands, the beneficed
clergy had been so effectually rabbled, that scarcely one of
them had remained at his post. In Berwickshire, the three
Lothians and Sterlingshire, most i>f the curates had been re-
moved by the Privy Council for not obeying that vote of the
Convention which had directed all ministers of parishes, on
pain of deprivation, to proclaim Willam imd Mary King and
Queen of Scotland. Thui^, throughout a great part of the
realm, there was no public worship except what was performed
by Presbyterian divines, who sometimes officiated in tents, and
sometimes, without any legal right, took possession of the
churches. But there were large districts, especiaUy on the north
of the Tay, where the people had no strong feeling against
episcopacy ; and there were many priests who were not dis-
posed to lose their manses and stipends for the sake of King
James. Hundreds of the old curates, therefore, having been
neither hunted by the populace nor deposed by the Council,
still performed their spiritual functions. Every minister was,
during this time of transition, free to conduct the service and
to administer the sacraments as he thought fit. There was do
controlling authority. The legislature had taken away the juris-
diction of Bishops, and had not established the jurisdiction ol
Synods.t

* Balcarras.

t Faithfal Contending Displayea ; Gate of the present Vfflicted Epif'
fOfMu Clergy in Scotland, 1690.

HlBTOBt OF ENGLAND.

an end to this anarchy was one of the first dntioa of
iment. Melville had, with the powerful assi^tanct: of
obtdnid, io spite of the rcmoaet ranees of English

thorily to assent to sucli ecclesiastical arraiigemeats
satiafy the Scottish nation. One of tiie first laws

f Supremacy. He next )^ve (he royal assent lu a

parishes in the days of iho Covenant, and luid, after
)ration, been ejected for refiuing to acknowled^
authority, should be restored. The number of those
id originally been about three hundred and Ghj ; but
than sijtty were still living."

itatea then proceeded to fix the national creed. Th«
1 of Faith drawn up by the Assembly of Divines at
ter, the Longer and Shorter Cmechism, and the
, were considered by every good Presbyterian as the

of orthodoxy ; and it was hoped that the legis^lature
agnize tliem as sucb-t This hope, however, was in
pointed. The C'-iifession was read at great length,
ueh yawning, and adopted without alteration. But,
as proposed that the Caleclusms and the Directoiy

)ke forth into murmurs. For that love of long sei^

BISTORT OF KXQhJkXD. 647

Ikn of Scotland was brought in by the Esrl of Sutherland.
By this law the synodical polity was reestablished. The rul«
of the Church was entrusted to the sixty ejected ministers who
had just been restored, and to such other peraons, whether min*
isters or elders, as the Sixty should think fit to admit to a par-
ticipation of power. The Sixty and their nominees were au-
thorized to vic»it all the parishes in the kingdom, and to turn
out all ministers who were deficient in abilitiei, scandalous in
morals, or unsound in faith. Those parishes which had, during,
the interregnum, been deserted by their pastors, or, in plain
words, those parishes of which the pastors had been rabbled,
were declared vacant,*

To the clause which reestablished synodical goyemmeBt no
serious opposition appears to have been made. But three days
were spent in discussing the question whether the Sovereign
should have power to convoke and to dissolve ecclesiastical as-*
semblies ; and the point was at last left in dangerous ambiguity.
Some other clauses were long and vehemently debated. It was
said that the immense power given to the Sixty was incompat-
ible with the fundamental principle of the polity which the £s«
tates were about to set up. That principle was that all pres-
byters were equal, and that there ought to be no order of
ministers of religion superior to the order of presbyters.
What did it matter whether the Sixty were calleid prelates
or not, if they were to lord it with more than prelatical author-
ity over GU>d's heritage? To the argument that the pro-
posed arrangement was, in the very peculiar circumstances of
the Church, the most convenient that oould be made, the ob-
jectors replied that such reasoning might suit the mouth of an
£rastian, but that all orthodox Presbyterians held the parity
of ministers to be ordained by Christ, and that, where Christ
had spoken. Christians were not at liberty to consider what was
eonvenient.

With much greater warmth and much stronger reason th«
minority attacked the clause which sanctioned the lawless acta
of the Western fanatics. Surely, it was said, a rabbled curate
might well be lefl to the severe scrutiny of the sixty Inquisitors.
If he was deficient in parts or learning, if he was loose in life,
if he was heterodox in doctrine, those stem judges would not
fc III ^^— ■

• Act Pari. Jano 7, 1690.

1 An Historical Relation of the late Presbnerian General Asiemblv in
% Letter fh>ra a Person in EUinboigh to his Vriend in London. XiOudoiv
bcensed Aoril 20, 1691.

HlaTORT OF ENQLiMD.

ect and to depoee him. They would prolably think

bowLs, a prayer borrowed from the English Liturgy,
in in which the sligbteat laint of Arminianism could

/fas it not monstroua, fifler coDstituting a tribunal
li he could auircel/ hope for bare justice, to <»ndenui
lit allowing liim to appear even berore that tribunal,
1 hira without a trial, to eondcmn him without an ao-
Did ever any geare senai«, since the beginning oT
treat a man ad a criminal merely because ha had
^d, pelted, hustled, dragged through snow and mire,
ened with death if he relumed to the house which
law ? The Duke of Hamilton, ghid to have wo good
iiity of attacking the new Lord Commissioner, spoke
vehemence ag^nst this odious clause. We are told
tempt was made no answer him ; and, though those
IS so were eealous Episcopalians, we may easily bo-
report ; lor what answer was it possible to return ?
a whom the chief respou sib ility lay, sate on the throne
1 sileuco through tlie whole of this tempeatuoua de-
is probable that his conduct was determined by con-
which prudence and aliame prevented liim from ex-
The state of the southwestern shires was such tliat
ive been impossible to put the nibbled ministers in
of their dweUinga and eliurches without eraployinga

HI8T0BT OF SNOLAKD. 549

member that it is the nature of injustice to generate injustice.
There are wrongs which it is ahnost impossible to repair with-
oat committing other wrongs ; and such a wrong had been dona
to the people of Scotland in the preceding generation. It was
because the Parliament of the Restoration had legislated in in-
solent defiance of the sense of the nation that the Parliament
of the Revolution had to abase itself before the mob.

When Hamilton and his adherents had retired, one of the
preachers who had been admitted to the hall called out to the
members who were near him ; " Fie ! Fie ! Do not lose time.
Make haste, and get all over before he comes back." This
advice was taken. Four or five sturdy Prelatists staid to giva
a last vote against Presbytery. Four or five equally sturdy
Covenanters staid to mark their dislike of what seemed to them
a compromise between the Lord and BaaL But the Act was
passed by an overwhehning majority.*

Two supplementary Acts speedily followed. One of them,
now happily repealed, required every office-bearer in every
University of Scotland to sign the Confession of Faith and to
give in his adhesion to the new form of Church govemmentt
The other settled the important and delicate question of patron-
age. Knox had, in the First Book of Discipline, asserted the
right of every Christian congregation to choose its own pastor.
Melville had not, in the Second Book of Discipline, gone quite
so far ; but he had declared that no pastor could lawfully be
forced on an unwilling congregation. Patronage had been
abolished by a Covenanted Parliament in 1649, and restorer
by a Royalist Parliament in 1661. What ought to be done in
1690, it was no easy matter to decide. Scarcely any question
seems to have caused so much anxiety to William. He had,
in his private instructions, given the Lord Commissioner author-
ity to assent to the abolition of patronage, if nothing else would
iaiisfy the Estates. But this authority was most unwillingly
given ; and the King hoped that it would not be used. *^ It
is," he said, " the taking of men's property." Melville suc-
ceeded in effecting a compromise. Patronage was abolished ;
but it was enacted that every patron should receive six hundred
marks Scots, equivalent to about thirty-five pounds sterling, as
a compensation for his rights. The sum seems ludicrously
smalL Yet, when the nature of the property and the poverty

* Accoant of the Into Establishment of the Presbyterian Govemmeni
of the Parliament of Scotland, 1690.
^ Act Pari. Jal J 4, 1690

HISTOUT Of ENOLAKD.

ntry are considered, it may be doubted wbcfliep ■
Id hnve raftde much more by soing into the miirket.

t sum thnt any memljpr ventured to propose was
•d marks, little more thrtn tiftypounda sterling. The

Ti might object (o the penton praposi:d ; and the
W!W to .judge of the objections. This arnkngemem
fe lo the pe0|ile all the power to wliich even th«
)k of Discipline had deckred that they were ei>-
t the odions name of paironaga was raken away; it
ily thought tlittt the eld«rs and land-owner* of «
Id seldom persist in nominaiing a person to whom
y of the congregation had strong objections; and in-
s not appear that, wliile the Act of 16JK) continued
he i>ea(re of the Church was ever broken by dis-
iw produced the schisms of 1732, of 1756. and of

lery had done aU in his power lo prevent the F.s-
let tling Ihe ecclesinstical polity of the realm. He hod
cealou.s Covenanters to dcinnnd what he knew
■vernment would never grant. He had prolfsted
Erasiianism, acainst all compromise, Dutch Pres-
1, he said, would not do for Scotland. Slie must
1 Ihe system of Ui49. That system was deduced

BISTORT OF EHOLAND. 551

friends. The three chiefs of the Clab« rebels and Puritans tm
they were, had become his favorites. Annandale was to be a
Marquess, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, and Lord High
Commissioner. Montgomery was to be Enrl of Ayr and Seo*
retary of State. Ross was to be an Earl and to command the
f^uards. An unprincipled lawyer named James Stewart, who
had been deeply concerned in Argyle's insurrection, who had
changed sides and supported the dispensing power, who had
then changed sides a second time and concurred in the Revolu*
tion, and who had now changed sides a third time, and was
scheming to bring about a Restoration, was to be Liord Advo-
cate. The Privy Council, the Court of Session, the army*
were to be filled with Whigs. A Council of Five was ap«
pointed, which all loyal subjects were to obey ; and in this
Council Annandale, Ross, and Montgomery formed the major*
ity. Mary of Modena informed Montgomery that five thou-
sand pounds sterling had been remitted to his order, and that
five thousand more would soon follow. It was impossible that
Balcarras and tha-^e who had acted with him should not bitterly
resent the manner in which they were treated. Their names
were not even mentioned. All that they had done and suffered
seemed to have faded from their master*s mind. He had now
given them fair notice that, if they should, at the hazard of
their lands and lives, succeed in restoring him, all that be had
to give would be given to those who had deposed him. They,
too, when they read his letters, knew, what he did not know
when the letters were written, that he had been duped by the
confident boasts and promises of the apostate Whigs. He im*
agined that the Club was omnipotent at Edinburgh ; and, in
truth, the Club had become a mere byword of contempt. The
Tory Jacobites easily found pretexts for refusing to obey the
Presbyterian Jacobites to whom the banished King had dele-
gated his authority. They complained that Montgomery hiad not
shown them all the despatches which he had received. They
affected to suspect that he had tampered with the seals* Ue
called God Almighty to witness that the suspicion was un-
founded. But oaths were very naturally regarded as insuffi-
cient guarantees by men who had just been swearing allegiance
(O a King against whom they were conspiring. There was a
violent outbreak of passion on both sides ; the coalition was
dissolved ; the papers were flung into the fire ; and, in a few
days, the infamous triumvirs who hiid been, in the short space
jf a year, violent Williamitos and violent Jacobites, became

ee again, and altempled to make iLeir peace wiib the
nt by accusing each other."

as the firsi who lurned informer. After the fasbioit
hool in which he had been bred, he comtiiitierl thij
n with all the forma of sanctity. He pretended to be
oubled in mind, sent for a celebrated Presbyterian
named Dunlop, and bemoaned himself pileously ;
i a loait on my conscience ; there is a secret which I
: I ought to disclose ; but I cannot bring myself lo do
lion prayed long and fervently ; Ross groaned and
last it seemed that heaven had been slormed by ihe

The divine and the penitent then returned thanki^ to-
Dunlop went with the news to Melville. Ross set off
itid to make his peace at court, and performed his
n safely, though eome of bis accomplices, w bo had
his repentance, but had been little edi6ed by it, had
for cutting his throat by ibc way. At London lie
on his honor and on Ihe word of a gentleman, that he
drawn in, that he had always disliked the plot, and
gomery and Ferguson were the real ci'iminals.t
< was, in the mean time, magnifying, wherever ha

imself, brought a nobie pi^rson back to the rijibt path.
ary no sooner beard of this wonderful work ofgmee

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 558

trast and abhorrence with which William regarded Mcntgom-
ery were net to be overcome.*

Before the traitor had been admitted to Mary's presence, he
had obtained a promise that he should be allowed to depart in
safety. The promise was kepU During some months he lay
hid in London, and contrived to carry on a negotiation with
Ihe government. He offered to be a witness against his accom-
plices on condition of having a good place. William would bid
no higher than a pardon. At length the communications were
broken off. Montgomery retired for a time to France. He
soon returned to Lcndon, and passed the miserable remnant
cf his life in forming plots which came to nothing, and in writ-
ing libels which are distinguished by the grace and vigor of
their style from most of the productions of the Jacobite press. f

Annandale, when he learned that his two accomplices had
turned approvers, retired to Bath, and pretended to drink the
waters. Thence he was soon brought up to London by a war-
rant. He acknowledged that he had been seduced into treason ;
but he declared that he had only said Amen to the plans of
others, and that his childlike simplicity had been imposed on
by Montgomery, that worst, that falsest, that most unquiet of
human beings. The noble penitent then proceeded to make
atonement for his own crime by criminating other people, Eng-
lish and Scotch, Whig and Tory, guilty and innocent. Some
he accused on his own knowledge, and some on mere hearsay.
Among those whom he accused on his own knowledge was
Neville Payne, who had not, it should seem, been mentioned
either by Bosfi or by Montgomery.}

Payne, pursued by messengers and warrants, was so ill ad
advised as to take refuge in Scotland. Had he remained in
England he would have been safe ; for, though the moral
proofs of his guilt were complete, there was not such legal
evidence as would have satisfied a jury that he had committed
high treason ; he could not be subjected to torture in order to
force him to furnish evidence against himself; nor could he be
long confined without being brought to triaL But the moment
that he passed the border he was at the mercy of the govem-

* Balcami ; Mary's accoant of her intenriew with Montgomerj, printed
among the Leven and Melyille Papers.

t Compare Balcarras with Burnet, ii. 62. The pamphlet entitled Great
Britain's Just Complaint is a good specimen of Montgomery's nuuuMr

I Balcarras ; Ami«indale*s (^nfessioo.
VOL. lU. 24

hicli he was the deadly foe. TIiE aaira of RigM
lized torture aa, in ea-ses like his. a legitimalu inorl<!
ig iriformnlioii ; and no Habeus Coipus Act secured
■t a long detention. The unhappy man was arrestod,
Edinburgh, and brought before the Privy CounciL
ra! notion was ihat be wm a knave and a (.-oward,
he first flight of the bcwls and thumbscrewa would
nil the guilty secnila with which he had been en-
But Payne bad a far braver spirit than those hjgb-
:rs with whom it was his misfortune to have been

ous Crawford presidipd. He was not mucb troubled
veaknesa of compassion where an Amalekite waa
and forced the execurionor to haramer in wedga
e between the kneee of the prboner till the pain waa

1 the human frame can sustain without dissolution.
5 then carried lo Ihe Castle of Kdinburgh, where ha
ined. utterly forgotten, as he louchingly complained,
Dr whose sake he had endured more than the bitler-
»th, Yet no ingratitude could damp the ardor of
al loyally ; and he continued, year atler year, in hii
n insurreclions and invasion?.*
Payne's urreitt the Estates hud been ailjoumed atler

HISTOBT OF ENGLAND. 55A

rebuild, thoagb imperfectly, the House of God on the old
foundations ; nor could it misbecome them to feel for the lata*
tudinarian William a grateful affection such as the restored
Jews had felt for the heathen Cyrus.

There were however two parties which regarded the settle*
ment of 1690 with implacable detestation. Those Scotchmen
who were Episcopalians on conviction and with fervor appear
to have been few ; but among them were some persons superior,
not perhaps in natural parts, but in learning, in taste, and io
ihe art of composition, to the theologians of the sect which had
now become dominant. It might not have been safe for the
ejected Curates and Professors to give vent in their own coun*
try to the anger which they felt. But the English press was
open to them ; and they were sure of the approbation of a
large part of the English people. During several years they
continued to torment their enemies and to amuse the public
with a succession of ingenious and spirited pamphlets. In
some of these works the hardships suffered by the rabbled
priests of the western shires are set forth with a skill which
irresistibly moves pity and indignation. In others, the cruelty
with which the Covenanters had been treated during the reigns
of the last two kings of the House of Stuart is extenuated by
every artifice of sophistry. There is much joking on the bad
Latin which some Presbyterian teachers had uttered while
seated in academic chairs lately occupied by great scholars.
Much was said about the ignorant contempt which the victorious
barbarians professed for science and literature. They were
accused of anathematizing the modem systems of natural phi-
losophy as damnable heresies, of condemning geometry as a
soul-destroying pursuit, t>f discouraging even the study of
those tongues in which the sacred books were written. Learn-
ing, it was said, would soon be extinct in Scotland. The
Universities, under their new rulers, were languishing and must
soon perish. The booksellers had been half ruined ; they found
that the whole profit of their business would not pay the rent
of their shops, and were preparing to emigrate to some coun*
try where letters were held in esteem by those whose office was
to instruct the public Among the ministers of religion no
purchaser of books was lefL The Episcopalian divine was
glad to sell for a morsel of bread whatever part of his library
had not been torn to pieces or burned by the Christmas mobs •
and the only library ot a Presbyterian divine consisted of an
explanation of the Apocalypse and a commentary on the Song

mSTOBT OF EMOLAMD.

* The pulpit omlorj of the Iriumphnnl party wu

lustiUle subject of mirth. One Iictle vohime. emitted
ich Pi-esbyterian Eloqtienco Displayed, had bh im-
cccsa in the Souih draong boib Hij;h Churchmen and
md is not jet quite forgollen. It was indeed a hook
1 to lie on the hall table of a Squire whme religion

y day, when it whs iinpu^-iible to hunt or shoot, neither
table nor the bnckgammoD hottrd wonid have been, in
vnla of the flugon and the [lasty, so ngreeable a
Nowhere else, perhaps, can be found, in so small a
»o large a collection of IndiiTous quotations and
1. Some grave men, howerer, who bore no love to
nisiic doctrine or discipline, shuok their heads over
7 jest book, and hinted their opinion that the writer,
3ing up to deri^iion the abpuT^ rhetoric by which coar»e-
nd ignorant men tried to illustrate dark questioiw of
and to excite devotional feeling among the populace,
Jlitnes forgotten the reverence due to sacred thiags,
n which IracLs of this sort produced on the public
England could not be fully discerned while England
land were independent of each other, but manifested
ry soon after the union of the kingdoms, in a way
: still have rea^ion, ana which our posterity will prol>-
; have reason, to lament.

BISTORT OP ENGLAND. 557

ibrank ^m the frightful consequences to which his theory led.
To all objections both had one answer, — Thus saith the Lord
Both agreed in boasting that the arguments which to atheis*
tical politicians seemed unanswerable presented no difficulty to
the Saint. It might be perfectly true that, by relaxing the
rigor of his principles, he might save his country from slavery,
anarchy, universal ruin. But his business was not to save
his country, but to save his soul. He obeyed the commands
of Grod, and left the event to Grod. One of the two fanatical
sects held that, to the end of time, the nation would be bound
to obey the heir of the Stuarts ; the other held that, to the end
of time, the nation would be bound by the Solemn League and
Covenant ; and thus both agreed in regarding the new Sover-
eigns as usurpers.

The Presbyterian nonjurors have scarcely been heard of out
of Scotland ; and perhaps it may not now be generally known,
even in Scotland, how long they continued to form a distinct
class. They held that their country was under a precontract
to the Most High, and could never, while the world lasted,
enter into any engagement inconsistent with that precontract.
An Erastian, a latitudinarian, a man who knelt to receive the
bread and wine from the hands of bishops, and who bore,
thougb not very patiently, to hear anthems chanted by chor-
isters in white vestments, could not be King of a covenante4
kingdom. William had, moreover, forfeited all claim to the
crown by committing that sin for which, in the old time, a
dynasty preternatu rally appointed had been pretematu rally
deposed. He had connived at the escape of his father-in-law,
that idolater, that murderer, that man of Belial, who ought to
have been hewn in pieces before the Lord, like Agag. Nay,
the crime of William had exceeded that of Saul. Saul had
spared only one Amalekite, and had smitten the rest. What
Amalekite had William smitten ? The pure Church had been
twenty-eight years under persecution. Her children had
been imprisoned, transported, branded, shot, hanged, drowned,
tortured. And yet he who called himself her deliverer had
not suffered her to see hef desire upon her enemies.* The

* Ooe .of the most carious of the many carious papers written by the
Ck>venantere of that generation is entitled " Nathaniel, or the Dying Tes-
timony of John Motthieson in Closebum.** Matthioson did not die tiU
^709, but his Testimony was written some years earlier, when he was in
txpectation of death. " And now," he says, ' I, as a dying man, woald
Id few Hwds tell you that are to live beliind me my thoughts as to tht

HiaTORT OF ENGLAND.

uverlioiise had been graciously received at Sahrt
The bloody Klackenziu had found a secure and lux-

i who bad prosecuted (he Sainte, (he elder Ditlrymple
ite in judgment on (lie Saint-s were great and power-
B3 said, by careless Gallios, (hal there was nn choica
en William and James, and that it was wisdom (a

less of two BviU. Such was indeed the wi^^dom of

But the wisdom which was from above taught ua

) things, both of which were evil in the sight of GihI,

choose neither. As soon as James pa* restoi-ed, ii

to disowD and withstand his son-in-law. Nothing
•aid, nothing must be dune that t'ould be construed
ognition of the authority of the man from Holland.
/ must pay no duties to him, must hold no otHcea
, must receive no wages from him, muwt sign no in-
in which he was styled King. Anne succeeded
and Anne was designated, by those who called them-

i woman, the Jezebel. George the First r^uo^eedei)

d George the First was the pretended King, the
:Ii-ust.' George the Second succeeded George iha
orge the Second too was a pretended King, and was
■ having outdone the wii^kedness of his wicked pre-
bymasin^^aj^i^efianc^nhaulivir^^

UISTOKT OF ENGLAND 659

tinued, with uii abated stedfastness, though in language lest
ferocious than hefore, to disclaim all allegiance to an unoove-
nahted Sovereign.* So late as the year 1806, tuey were still
bearing their public testimony against the sin of owning his
government by paying taxes, by taking out excise licenses, by
joining the volunteers, or by laboring on public works.t The
nuuiber of these zealots went on diminishing till at length they
were so thinly scattered over Scotland that they were nowheie
numerous enough to have a meeting-house, and were known
by the name of the Nonbearers. They, however, still assemblui
and prayed in private dwellings, and still persisted in consider^
ing themselves as the chosen generation, the royal priesthood,
the holy nation, the peculiar people, which, amidst the common
degeneracy, alone preserved the faith of a better age. It is by
no means improbable that this superstition, the most irrational
and the most unsocial into which Protestant Christianity haa

* In the year 1791, Thomas Henderaon of Paisley wrote, in defence of
some separatists who called themselvM the Reformed Presbytery, against
a writer who had charged them with ** disowning the present excellent
sovereign as the lawful King of Great Britain." " The Beformcd Pres-
bytery and their connections, says Mr. Henderson, ^' have not been roach

accustomed to give flattering title's to princes." " However,

they enteitain no resentment against the person of the present occapant,
nor an}' of the good qualities which he possesses. They sincerely wish
that he were mons excellent than external royalty can make him, that ha
were adorned with the image of Christ," &c., &c., &c. " Bat they can by
no means acknowledge him, nor any of the episcopal persuasion, to be a
lawful king over these covenanted lands."

t An enthusiast, named Grcorge Calderwood, in his preface to a CoUec-
tion of Ikying Testimonies, put)lished in 1806, accuses even the Reformed
Presbytery of scandalous compliances. '* As for the Reformed Presby-
tery," he saySf '* tiiough they profess to own the martyr's testimony m
bau^ and hoofs, yet they have now adopted so many new distinctions, and
given up their old ones, that they have made it so evident that it is neither
Uie martyr's testimon} nor yet the one that mat Presbytery adopted at
first that they are now maintaining. When the Reformed Presbytery was
in its infancy, and had some appearance of honesty and faithfulnest
among them, they were blamed by all the other parties for asing of dis-
tinctions that no man could justify, i. e. they would not admit into thur
communion those tiiat paid the land tax or subscribed tacks to do so ; but
now they can admit into their communions both rulers and members who
▼oluttiarily pay all taxes and subscribe tacks." ....'< It shall be only
referred to government's books, since the commencement of the French
war, how many of their own members have accepted of places of tmst, to
be at government's call, such as bearers of arms, driving of cattle, stop*
plug of ways, &c. ; and what is all their Ucense for trading by sea oi land
cmt a serring under government ? "

maToar of esgi.astj.

1 corrupted by buninn prejudices and passions, miij
: ill a fen obscure farm bouses,
iig was but Imlf salisfied with Ihe manner id wliich
(iasiical polily of Scotland had beva settled. Ha
ml the Episcopalians bad been bardly used ; and b«
led iliat they might be still more hardly used when
ytjiem was fully organized, lie had been very de«iiw
the Act which established the Presbyterian Cburah
accompanied by an Act allowing persons who wum
}ers of that Chureh lo hold their own religious a»-
reely ; and he had particularly directed Melville ta
his." liut soLDB popular preachera karaugued as
ly at Edinburgh against liberty of conscience, which
1 the mystery of iniquity, that Melville did not venture
hU maslur's ingtruetiona. A draft of a Toleralioa
jfiered to the Parliaiuerit by a private member, but
' received and suffered to drop.f

1, however, was fully 'letermined to prevent the
Beet fi'om indulging in the luxury of persecution ; and

General Assembly of the newly eslabUahed Church

appoint a Commissioner and send a letter. Soma
resbyterians iioped that Crawford would be tlie Com-
; and the ministers of Edinburgh drew up a paper

llioy very intelligibly hinled that this was their

HI8TOBT OF SHOLAKD. 561

from 70Q, and what we recommend to jou.'* The Sixty and
their associates would probably have been glad to reply in
language resembling that which, as some of them could well
remember, had been held by the clergy to Charles the Second
during his residence in Scotland. But they had just beea
informed that there was in England a strong feeling in fayor
of the rabbled curates, and that it would, at such a conjuncture,
be madness in the body which represented the Presbytcriaa
Church to quarrel with the King.* The Assmnbly therefore
returned a grateful and respectful answer to the royal letter,
and assured His Majesty that they had suffered too much from
oppression ever to be oppresor8.t

Meanwhile the troops all over the Continent were going
into winter quarters. The campaign had everywhere been
indecisive. The victory gained by Luxemburg at Fleurus had
produced no important effect. On the Upper Rhine, great
armies had eyed each other, month after month, without ex-
changing a blow. In Catalonia, a few small forts had been
taken. In the east of Europe, the Turks had been successful
on some pbints, the Christians on other points ; and the termi*
nation of the contest seemed to be as remote as ever. The
coalition had in the course of the year lost one valuable mem*
ber, and gained another. The Duke of Lorraine, the ablest
oaptain in the Imperial service, was no more. He had died,
as he had lived, an exile and a wanderer, and had bequeathed
to his children nothing but his name and his rights. It was
popularly said that the confederacy could better have spared
thirty thousand soldiers than such a generaL But scarcely
had the allied Courts gone into mourning for him, when they
were consoled by learning that another prince, superior to him
in power, and not inferior to him in capacity or courage, htiA
joined the league against France.

This was Victor Amadeus Duke of Savoy. He was a yooag

* See» in (he Leven and Melrilla Papers^ BCelrille'i Letters written
ftom London at this time to Crawford, Bale, Williamson, and other vehe-
ment Presbytoriaod. He says : " The clergy that were patt oat, ' and
come ap, make a great clamour : many here encoarage ana rejoyce at it
.... There is nothing dow bat the greatest sobrietie and moderation im-
Hginable to be used, aniess we will nazard the overtaming of ail : moA
take this as earnest, and not as imaginations and fears only/'

r Principal Acts of the General Assembly of the Chnrch of Scotland,
held in and began at Edinburgh the 16th day of October, 169C; Edia
burgh, 1691.

24*

HISTOKT OF ENGLAND.

lie was already reined !□ those arts for whicli tba •
of Itkly had, ever eince llie thirleeijlh ceotury, been
1, liiose arU hy wbich Caslruccio Castracani and
fdi'za ri)3e to i;r<:alnGKS, and vb'mh MacUiavel reduced
sra. Nu BOToreign in modern Europe has, wirh M
riiici[«ilitj-, exercised so great an influence during so
jriud. He liad for a time Bubmiiied, wiih a show of
ess, but with secret reluctance and resentment, to the
ecendency. When the war broke out, he profesaed
, but entered into private nt^tiations with the House
%. He would probably have continued lo disseniblo
md some ojiportunity of etrikiog an unexpected blow,
bis cra(\y schemes been disconcerted bv the dccisioD
of Lewi^. A French army commanded bjr Calinal,
of great skill and valor, marched ititu PiedmooL
e was informed that his conduct had excited saa-
lich he could remove only by admitting foreign garri-
Turin and Vercelli. He found thut he must be
! slave or the open enemy of his powerful and im-
eighbor. His choice was soon made ; and a war
ich, during seven years, found employment for some
ist generals and best troops of Lewis. An Envoy
inary from Savoy went lo the Hague, proceeded

id addressed to William a speech which was sjiecdily

HI8TOBT OP ENGLAND. 5M

eoDciliated bj the Act of Grace, and bj the large share which
thej had obtained of the favors of the Crown. Those Whigt
who were capable of learning, had learned much from thn
lesson which William had given tliem, and had ceased to ex-
pect that he would descend from the rank of a King to that of
a party leader. Both Whigs and Tories had, with few excep-
tions, been alarmed bj the prospect of a French invasion, and
cheered by the news of the victory of the Boyne. The Sov-
ereicrn who had shed his blood for their nation and their
religion, stood at this moment higher in public estimation than
at any time since his accession. His speech from the throne
called forth the loud acclamations of Lords and Commons.*
Thanks were unanimously voted by both Houses to the King
for his achievements in Ireland, and to the Queen for the pru-
dence with which she had, during his absence, governed Eng-
land.! Thus commenced a Session distinguished among the
Sessions of that reign by harmony and tranquillity*; No report
of the debates has been preserved, unless a long-forgotten
lampoon, in wliich some of the speeches made on the first day
are burlesqued in doggrel rhymes, may be called a report.}
The time of the Commons appears to have been chiefly occu-
pied in discussing questions arising out of the elections of the
preceding spring. The supplies necessary for the war, though
large, were granted with alacrity. The number of regular
troops for the next year was fixed at seventy thousand, of
whom twelve thousand were to be horse or dragoons. The
charge of this army, the greatest that England had ever main-
tained, amounted to about two million three hundred thousand
pounds ; the charge of the navy to about eighteen hundred
thousand pounds. The charge of the ordnance was included
in these sums, and was roughly estimated at one eighth of the
naval and one fifth of the military expenditure.§ The whole
of the extraordinary aid granted to the King exceeded font
millions.

The Commons justly thought that the extraordinary liberal-
ity with which they had provided for the public service, eoti*

* Van Citten to th«f States General, Oct. ^, 1690.

t Lords Journals, Oct. 6, 1690 ; Commons' Jonmals, Oct. 8.

1 1 am not aware that this lampoon has ever been printed. I nave
it only in two contemporary manuscripts. It is entitled The Oiening of
the Session, 1690.

% Commons' Journals, Oct 9, 10, 13, U, 1690

HIBTORT or EKOLASS.

to demand extraordinary securities againtt wuta *
klion. A bill wiis brought \.\ empotvering nine Coio-
to examine anJ slate (he public acuounts. The
Dftined in the bill, and were all members of the
luse. The Lords agreed lo the bill without amond-
id the King gave his aascni.*

af the Se)sston. It nas resolrcd (bat aixie<:n hundred
iioutiand pounds should be raised by a direct nionihly
1 on land. The excise duties on ale and beer wer«
and the import duties on raw silk, linen, timber,
some other articles, were increased.t Thus fai\
litlie difference of opinion. But soon the smooth
busineaa was disturbed by a proposition which waa
e popular than just or humane. Taxes of unprec^
'erity had bten imposed ; and yet it might well ba

uld not the cost of the Irish war be borne by th«
rgents? How those insurgents had acted in their
liiimeiit, all the world knew ; and nothing could b«
onahle than to mete to them from their own measure.
It to be treated as ihey had treated the Saxon colony.
■e which the Act of Settlement had left ihem, ought
;d by the state for the purpose of defraying that ex-
ch ihi^ir turbulence and perverscness had made Bee-

HI8T0BT OF ENGLAND. 5d5

be permitted to save anj part of their estates from the general
doom. He was not to have it in his power to grant a capitu-
lation which should secure to Irish Roman Catholics the enjoy-
ment of their hereditary lands. Nay, he was not to be allowed
to keep faith with persons whom he had already received to
mercy, who had kissed his hand, and bad heard from his lips
the promise of protection. An attempt was made to insert a
proviso in favor of Lord Dover. Dover, who, with all hie
faults, was not without some English feelings, had, ^y defend*
ing the interests of his native country at Dublin, made himself
odious to both the Irish and the French. After the battle of
the Boyne, his situation was deplorable. Neither at Limerick
nor at Saint Germains could he hope to be welcomed. In hm
despair, he threw himself at William's feet, promised to live
peaceably, and was graciously assured that he had nothing to
fear. Though the royal word seemed to be pledged to this
unfortunate man, the Commons resolved, by a hundred and
nineteen votes to a hundred and twelve, that his property
should not be exempted from the general confiscation.

The bill went up to the Peers ; but the Peers were not
inclined to pass it without considerable amendments ; and such
amendments there was not time to make. Numerous heirs at
law, reversioners, and creditors implored the Upper House to
introduce such provisos as might secure the innocent against all
danger of being involved in the punishment of the guilty.
Some petitioners asked to be heard by counseL The King
bad made all his arrangements for a voyage to the Hague i
and the day beyond which he could not postpone his departure
drew near. The bill was therefore, happily for the honor of
English legislation, consigned to that dark repository in which
the abortive statutes of many generations sleep a sleep rarely
disturbed by the historian or the antiquary.*

Another question, which slightly and but slightly discom-
posed the tranquillity of this short session, arose out of the
disastrous and disgraceful battle of Beachy Head. Torrington
had, inmiediately afler that battle, been sent to the Tower,
and had ever since remained there. A technical difficulty had
arisen about the mode of bringing him to trial There was no

* Barnet, iL 67. See the Joarnals of both Houses, particularly ths
Commons' Journals of the 19th of December and the Lords' Jonmalf of
tiie 30th of December and the 1st of January. The bill itself will be
foDud in the archives of the BU>use of Lords

i;]t Admiral ; and whether the Comuibsioners oT 11m
y were competent to execute martial law was a point
some jurists ajipeared not perfectly elear. The m^
the judges held that the Commissioners were ooiar
nit, for the purpose of removing all doubt, a bill wu
nto tlie Upper House ; and lo ihb bill several Lordj
L opiKjuition which Bcems to have been most uoreasoo-

thorcforc! ohjuctionable. If thuy used this argument
tith, they were ignorant of the vary rudiments of tiM
' legislation. To make a law for punishing that whic^
13 when it waa done, was not punishable, is conUary
ind prineiple. But a law which merely alters th«
procedure may with perfect propriety be made appli-
lasL as well as to future ofieneus. It would have been

1 made slave-trading felony. But there was not the
injustice in enacting that the Central Criminal Court
y le\vti\iis committed long before that Court wii« in

t liad always been. Tiie dtfinition of the crime, the
i' the penalty, remaned unaltered. Tlie only change
a form of procedure ; and tliat change the legislature
ctly juBtifled in making reirospeclively. It is indeed
issihle to believe that some of tliose who opposed the

HI8T0KT OF KKGLAMD. |>6/

the nobility were regarded with no friendly feeling, there was
little difference of opinion. Torrington requested to be heard
at the bar, and spoke there at great length, but weakly and
confusedly. He boasted of his services, of his sacrifices, and
of his wounds. He abused the Dutch, the Board of Admiralty,
and the Secretary of State. The bill, however, went through
all its stages without a division.*

Early in December Torrington was sent under a guard
down the river to Sheemess. There the Court Martial met
on board of a frigate named the Kent The investigation
lasted three days ; and during those days the ferment was great
in London. Nothing was heard of on the exchange, in the
oofiee-houses, nay even at the church doors, but Torrington.
Parties ran high; wagers to an immense amount were d^
pending; rumors were hourly arriving by laad and water
and every rumor was exaggerated and diitorted by the way.
From the day on which the news of the ignominious battle
arrived, down to the very eve of the trial, public opinion had
been very unfavorable to the prisoner. His name, we are told
by contemporary pamphleteers, was hardly ever mentioned
without a curse. But, when the crisis of his fate drew nigh,
there was, as in our country there often is, a reaction. All his
merits, his courage, his good nature, his firm adherence to the
Protestant religion in the evil" times, were remembered. It
was impossible to deny that he was sunk in sloth and luxury,
chat he neglected the most important business for his pleasures,
and that he could not say No to a boon companion or to a
mistress; but for these faults excuses and soft names were
found. His friends used without scruple all the arts which
could raise a national feeling in hb favor ; and these arts were
powerfully assisted by the intelligence that the hatred which
was felt to^iards him in Holland had vented itself in indigni-
ties to some of his countrymen. The cry was that a bold,
jolly, free-handed English gentleman, of whom the worst that
could be said was that he liked wine and women, was to be
shot in order to gratify the spite of the Dutch. What passed
at the trial tended to confirm the populace in this notion.
Most of the witnesses against the prisoner were Dutch officers.
The Dutch rear-admiral, who took on himself the part of

• Van Cittcn to the Sutes General, Not. j^, 1690. Tho Eail of To^
riiigton*9 speech to tho House of Commoiu/ 1710.

HISTORY or KSSI^KD.

■, forgot himself so far as b> accuse the judges of
When at length, on the evenmg of ihe third tlaj

for his blood seemed to be well pleased with hu
lie returned to London free, aniJ ivilh his sirord
e. As Ilia yacht went up the Thames, every ship
passed eoluteil him. He took his seat io the Houao
and even ventured Io present himself at court. Bui
le peers looked coldly on him : William would not
ind ordered him to be dismissed from the service.*
was another subject about which no vote was pusted
of the Houses, but about which there is reason la
lat some ucrimoniotis discussion took pluce in both.
;3, lliough much less violent than in the preceding
Id not patiently see Caermnrthun as nearly prima
aa any English subject could be under a prince of
character. Though no man had taken a more
t part in the Revolulion than the Lord President,
1 man had more lo fear from a coun let-revolution, hit
es would not believe that he had from his heart
1 those arbitrary doctrines for wliich he had onoB
uus, or that he could bear true allegiauce to a govern-
ing fit>m resistance. Through the last six mouths of

lUid bometimea Tom the TyraoLt William was ad-

■

HI8T0BT or BNOLAND. 569

jnred not to go to the Continent leaving his worst enemj clost
to the ear of the Queen. Halifax, who had, in the preceding
year, been ungenerously and ungratefully persecuted by the
Whigs, wad now mentioned by them with respect and regret ;
for he was the enemy of their enemy.* The face, the figure^
the bodily infirmities of Caermarthen, were ridiculed.f Those
dealings with the French Ck)urt, in which, twelve years before,
he had, rather by his misfortune than by his fault, been impli-
cated, were represented in the most odious colors. He wai
reproached with his impeachment and his imprisonment. Once^
it was said, he had escaped ; but vengeance might still over-
take him ; and London might enjoy the long deferred pleasure
of seeing the old traitor flung off the ladder in the blue ribbon
which he disgraced. All the members of his family, wife, son^
daughters, were assailed with savage invective and contemp-
tuous sarcasm.} All who were supposed to be closely con-
nected with him by political ties came in for a portion of this
abuse ; and none had so large a portion as Lowther. The feel-
ing indicated by these satires were strong among the Whigs'in
Parliament. Several of them deliberated on a plan of attack,
and were in hopes that they should be able to raise such a
storm as would make it impossible for him to remain at the
head of affairs. It should seem that, at this time, his influence
in the royal closet was not quite what it had been. Godolphin,
whom he did not love, and could not control, but whose finan-
cial skill had been greatly missed during the summer, was
brought back to the Treasury, and made First Commissioner.
Lowther, who was the Lord President's own man, still sate at
the board, but no longer presided there. It is true that there
was not then such a difference as there now is between the First
Lord and his colleagues. Still the change was important and
significanL Marlborough, whom Caermarthen disliked, was, in

* A Whig poet compares the two Marquesses, as they were often : ailed,
ind gives (^ige the preference over Thomas.

** If a Marquess needs must steer as,
Take a better in his stead.
Who will in your absence cneer ns.
And has far a wiser h«uL"

f A thin, iU natured ghost that haunts the King.'*

I '* Let him with his blue ribbon be
Tied close up to the gallows tree,
For my lady a cart; and I'd contrive it.
Her dancmg son and heir shonld drive It.'**

BlSTOBr OF LMOLAND.

affairs, not less trusted thati Godolpliin in financual

Tbe seaU which Shreweburj had resigned in thfl
liud evt^r sinoe been lying in William'^ secret drawer.
d President probably expected that he sbould be con-
;lcre they were given away ; but he was disappointed.
VH3 sent for from Ireland ; and the seals were deiiv-
liin. The first intimation which the Lord Preaidenl

of ihia important appointment wns not made in a
likely to Booth his feelings. " Did you meet tbe
■retary of Siaie going out ? " said William. " No,
twered Ilie Lord PresidBnl; "I met nobody hut my
dney." "He is the new Secretary," said William.
11 do till I find a tit man ; and be will be quite will-
e-sign as soon as I find a fit man. Any other person
luIU put in would tbiuk himself ill-used if I were to put
" If William bad said all that was in big mind, ha
rububly have added that Sidney, though not a great
r statesman, was one of the very few English pol-
»'ho could be as entirely [rui!tud as Bentiiick or Zules-
'ueruiarthen listened with a bitter smile, li was new,
wards said, to see a nobleman placed in the Secrelary'ji
. a footman was placed in a boi at the iheaire, merely

to keep a seat till his betters came. But this jest waa
lor BCrioua mortification and alarm. The situation of
le minister was unpleasant and even perilous ; and the

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 671

inn OD the beach near Rje, and who, when the French fleel
was on the coast of Sussex, had given information to Touiw
▼ille. When it appeared that this solitary example was
thought sufficient, when the danger of invasion was over, when
the popular enthusiasm excited by that danger had subsided
when the lenity of the government had permitted some con-
spirators to leave their prisons and had encouraged others to
venture out of* their hiding places, the faction which had been
prostrated and stunned began to give signs of returning ant*
mation. The old traitors again mustered at the old hauiiti,
exchanged significant looks and eager whispers, and drew from
their pockets libels on the Court of Kensington, ar 1 letters in
milk and lemon juice from the Court of Saint Germains.
Preston, Dailmouth, Clarendon, Penn, were among the most
busy. With them was leagued the nonjuring Bishop of Ely,
who was still permitted by the government to reside in the
palace, now no longer his own, and who had, but a short time
before, called heaven to witness that he detested the thought
of inviting foreigners to invade England. One good oppor-
tunity had been lost ; but another was at hand, and must not
be suffered to escape. The usurper would soon be again out
of England. The administration would soon be again con-
fided to a weak woman and a divided council. The year which
was closing had certainly been unlucky ; but that which was
about to commence might be more auspicious.

In December a meeting of the leading Jacobites was held.*
The sense of the assembly, which consisted exclusively of
Protestants, was that something ought to be attempted, but
that the difficulties were great. None ventured to recommend
that James should come over unaccompanied by regular troops.
Yet all, taught by the experience of the preceding summer,
dreaded the effect which might be produced by the sight of
French uniforms and standards on English ground. A pape**
was drawn up which would, it was hoped, convince bofh Jame->
and Lewis that a restoration could not be effected witnout th3
eordial concurrence of the nation. France, — such was the
substance of this remarkable document, — might possibly make

* Mj occouDt of this conspiracy is chiefly taken from the evidence, oral
and documentary, which was produced on the trial of the conspirators. Bc«
tlso Bnmet, ii. 69, 70, and the Life of James, il. 441. Narcissos LattreO
lemarks, that no Roman Catholic appeared to haye been admitted to Uhi
wofiilUitioiis of the oonspiraton.

mSTORT OF ENOLAMD.

id a heap of ruins, but never a sul ect province. Il
iy [)08sible for any pereon, who lutd not had aa opi^r-
observing ihe tuaper of [lie public mind, lo iiuagine
ge and dogged deicrminaiion with which men of aU
ei:ls, and factions were prupai-eil to resist any ftreign
1 who should attempt to conquer Ihe kiogdom by foree
Nor could England be governed as a Uoman Calho-
ry. There were five millions of Protestants io the
iiere were not a hundred thousand PapiatH ; that auch
;y should keep down euch a majority wad physically

St give way. Jamea would therefore do well to take

le establiiibed religion. Uuhappilj^ every letter which
ti-om France contained something tending to Lrrilate
which it was mo«t desirable to aoothe. Stories were
;re current of flights offered at Saint Gierraains to
lis who had given the highest proof of loyally by fol-
ito baiiishmeut a mastfir zealous for & f^th whicli wag
own. Tbe edicts which had been issued against the

and pracCii^s of those aectariea ; but it was the height

leti who had been driven from tikeir country solely on
if Iheir aitacbment to a lloman Calliolic King. Surely

HI8T0BT OF SNOLAND. 578

miuns the resolutions and suggestions of the conspirators. John
Ai>hton, a person who had been clerk of the closet to Marj of
Modena when she was on the throne, and who was entirelj
devoted to the interests of the exiled fainilj, undertook to pro-
cure the means of oonvejance, and for this purpose engaged
the cooperation of a hot-headed joung Jacobite named Elliot,
who only knew in general that a service of some hazard waf
to be rendered to the good cause.

It was easy to find in the port of London a vessel the owner
of which was not scrupulous about the use for which it might
be wanted. Ashton and Elliot were introduced to the master
ci a smack named the James and Elizabeth. The Jacobite
Agents pretended to be smugglers, and talked of the thousands
m pounds which might be got by a single lucky trip to France
and back again. A bargain was struck ; a sixpence was
tm^en ; and all the arrangements were made for the
Toyage.

Preston was charged by his friends ?nth a packet contain-
ing several important papers. Among these was a list of the
English fleet furnished by Dartmouth, who was in communi-
cation with some of his old companions in arms, a minute of
the resolutions which had been adopted at the meeting of the
eonspirators, and the Heads of a Declaration which it was
thought desirable that James should publish at the moment of
his landing. There were also six or seven letters from persons
of note in the Jacobite party. Most of these letters were par-
ables, but parables which it was not difficult to unriddle. One
plotter used the cant of the law. There was hope that Mr.
Jackson would soon recover his estate. The new landlord was
a hard man, and had set the freeholders against him. A little
matter would redeem the whole property. The opinions of the
best counsel were in Mr. Jackson's favor. All that was neces-
sary was that he should himself appear in Westminster HalL
The final hearing ought to be before the close of Easter Term.
Other writers affected the style of the Royal Exchange. There
was a great demand for a cargo of the right sort. There was
reason to hope that the old firm would soon form profitable
connections with houses with which it had hitherto had no
dealings. This was evidently an allusion to the discontente<l
Whigs. But, it was added, the shipments must not be delayed.
Nothing was so dangitrous as to overstay the market. If the
expected goods did not arrive by the tenth of 5Iarch, the whole
profit of the year would be lost As to details, entire reliance
might be placed on the excellent factor who was going over.

<n assumed the ctiaracter of a inatch-miiker. Thnn
t iio|«! thitt the bu.iinesA which he had been ncgotl-
1)1(1 lie brought lo hear, «nd that the mnrringe porlion
i well secured. " Your relatioas" he wrole. in altu-
lis recent confinemuni, "hare been very hard on iii«
summer. Yi;t, as soon as I coulil go safety abroad, I
the business." Citlharlne Sedley entrusted Presior
Ker in whidi. without allegory or circumlocution, she
ed that her lover had left her a daughter lo support,
^ed very hani for money. But the two most iinpor-
latcliea were from Bishop Turner. They were direct-
. and Mrs. Redding; but the language was such as tl
i thought abject in any genikman to hold except lo
The Bishop assured their Majesties that he was de-
their cause, that he earnestly wished for u great occa-
rave his zeal, and that he would no more swerve from
to them than renounce lii^j hope of heaven. He
phraseology melaphoi-iual indeed, but perfectly intel-
lat he was the mouthpiece of several oF the nonjurirg
and especially of Sancroft. " Sir, I speak in the plu-
liese are the words of the letter to James, — " becausa

,f our family." The letter to Mary of Modena is lo
eflect. "I say this in behalf of my elder broiber

ej^^ji^jeares^ehitionSj^^elU^rw

HTSTOBT OF RKOLAND. 575

Every thing was now ready for Preston's departure. But
the owner of the James and Elizabeth had conceived a suspi-
cion that the expedition for which his smack had been hired was
rather of a political than of a commercial nature. It occurred
to him that more might be made by informing against his pas-
sengers than by conveying them safely. Intelligence of what
was passing was conveyed to the Lord President. No intelli«
could be more welcome to him. He was delighted to find that
it was in his power to give a signal proof of his attachment to.
the government which his enemies had accused him of betray-
ing. He took bis measures with his usual energy and dexterity.
His eldest son, the Earl of Danby, a bold, volatile, and some-
what eccentric young man, was fond of the sea, lived much
among sailors, and was the proprietor of a small yacht of
marvellous speed. This vessel, well manned, was placed un-
der the command of a trusty officer named Billop, and was sent
down the river, as if for the purpose of pressing mariners.

At dead of night, the last night of the year 1690, Preston,
Ashton, and Elliot went on board of their smack near. the
Tower. They were in great dread lest they should be stopped
and searched, either by a frigate which lay off Woolwich, or by
the guard posted at the block-house of Gravesend. But, when
they had passed both frigate and block-house without being
challenged, their spirits rose ; their appetite became keen ;
they unpacked a hamper well stored with roast beef, mince
pies, and bottles of wine, and were just sitting down to their
Christmas cheer, when the alarm was given that a vessel from
Tilbury was flying through the water after them. They had
scarcely time to hide themselves in a dark hole among the
gravel which was the ballast of their smack, when the chase
was over, and Billop, at the head of an armed party, came on
board. The hatches were taken up ; the conspirators were
arrested ; and their clothes were strictly examined. Preston,
in his agitation, had dropped on the gravel his official seal
and the packet of which he was the bearer. The seal was
discovered where it had fallen. Ashton, aware of the import-
ance of the papers, snatched them up and tried to conceal them ;
but they were soon found in his bosom. The prisoners then
tried to cajole or to corrupt Billop. They called for wine^
pledged him, praised his gentlemanlike demeanor, and assured

—Not the chilling of them — But the satisfying of friends." The Modoil
Inquiry was the pamphlet which hinted at Dewitting.

BISTORT OF EfTOLAND.

:, if be woulJ accompHny them, nay, if he would onl]'

little roll of paper full oTvrboanl into the Thames, hia

luld be marie. Thu tide of aStun, itiey mid, whs on

; things could not go on forever as ihey had gone on

and it was in the capLain's power to be as great and

|a8 he could desire. Uillop, though courteous, was io-

rhe con8|)irutors became sensible thai tbeir necks

mrainent danger. The emergency brought oui

! true characters of all the three, characters which,

[i an emergency, miglit have remained forerer un-

I Preston had aln-ays been reputed a bigh-apirited nnd

lan ; but the near prospect of a dungeon and a

laltogethttr unmanned him. Elliot stormed and bla»-

1 vowed thai, if be ever got free, he would be revenged,

h horrible imprecations, called on the thunder ti> atrike

on London Bridge to fall in and crush her.

plone behaved with manly firmness.

evening the yacht reached Whitehall Stairs ;

I prisoners, strongly guarded, were conducted to the

'a office. The papers which had been found in Ash-

im were inspected that night by Nottingham and

rtheii, and were, on the following morning, put by Caer-

o the bands of the King.

'OS known all over London that a plot had been
itt the messengers whom the adherents of James

JJNDEX

TO THE THIRD VOLUME.

4Bf nrvATioiT Bill, brougkt into the Hoase of Commons, 451. It« pro*
▼i«i>iD8, 462. T^anny of its last clause, 462. Thrown out, 463. Anotl^M
Ahj oration Bill introauced into the House of Lords, 464. Its proTlsioni.
464. The bill eommitted, but never reported, 466.

Addison, Joseph, reference to, 78, twte.

Admiralty, under the control of James II., 11. Its administration confided
to a board, 16. A new commission of, issued, 436.

Aldrich, Deanof Christchurch, one of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, 372.
His character and abilities, 372. Absents himself from the meetings of
the commission, 374.

Allegiance, oath of, required of the members of both houses, 26. Discns-
sions on the bill for settling the oaths of, 78. See Oath of Alliance.

Alexander VIII., Pope, his accession to the Papal' chair, 348. Refuses to
acknowledge the bishops appointed by Lewis A.IV. in France, 348.

Alsop, Vincent, his zeal in favor of the dispensing power, 67*

Amsterdam, public rerjoicinas at, on the accession of William and Biary, 2, 8

Angus, Rarl of, raises the Cameronian regiment, 272, 273.

Annandale, excesses of the Covenanters in, 198.

Annandale, Earl of. Joins the Club of Edinburgh, 238. Absents himself
from the oommand of his regiment at the battle of Killieorankie, 280
His regiment routed, 286. Proceeds with Montgomery and Ross to
London, 640. Returns to Edinburgh, 640. Promises made to him by
Mary of Modena, 661. Breaks with the Jacobites, and becomes a Wif-
iiamite again, 662. Retires to Bath, 663. Brought up to London by a
warrant, 663.

Anne, the Princess, (afterwards Queen,) incivility of William III. to her,
40. Gives birth to a son, William, Duke of Gloucester, 313. The King
acts as sponsor at the baptism, 313. Annuities granted to her, 443. Not
on good terms with the King and Queen, 443. Her stupidity, 443. Her
fondness for Lady Marlborouffh, 443. Her bigotry, 445. Boundless in-
flttonee of the Churchills over her, 446. A Princess s party formed in Par-
liament, 446. Annoyance of the Queen at the conauct of the Princess,
446. Aa annuity of fifty thousand pounds settled on her, 448. Renewal
of her (Hendship with the Queen, 448.

Anne's Bounty, Queen, founded by the perseverance of Bishop Burnet, 61«

Antrim, migration of the people of, to Londonderry, 129.

Antrim, Alexander Macdnnnell, Earl of, his march to occupy Londonderry
113. Refused admittance by the citizens, 114, llo. Retiree to Coknine
116. His share in the battle of the Boyne, 499, 600.

Apocrjrpha, discussions respecting the, 388. .

Appin, Stewarts of, 262.

Apprentioes, the thirteen, of Londonderry, 114.

Arbutus, the, in Kerry, 107.

VOL. in. 25 (•TT)

e, the, of H»mp<on Con

Wrei

. iddili

A brorite tmiuBment of WIl-

■chibuld.) fail »

1 of, {falher o

iduiarttaeCsmpbella, 250. Uia will Archibuld. 250, 2^. Hii
|i,2.5I,!J3.

hibald. Earl of, "hit defeat of the eonfederacr formed agiinit
Driven into exile, 151. Hia telutn, lebellion, and execation,
■on. 216, 2.52.

1 of, (son of Earl Archibald,} presents himself ■( the CcnTen-
tdinburgh, 2\S, Appointed one uf the Comnuasione

and cUiT

It of Iho Scotch Coi

London. 291
itle and estates, 2^1. Enipoirerfd
biB domains for the serriee of tb*
ihiefbuDB, 252, 253. Ilis diSc-jllT

in of the Mucdonslds in, 249.

ic Spnoisti, 49.

m. IcnninK of the Hi)(h Church par^ tomds, T4.
Six Thomaa, his caM eminined bv the Home of Commoni,
I and nrrest at Leaden. 415. Hi's daughter, 4IS. Hi* ex<
AppearanL'e of his daughter at tbs bar of the House to

It on the ercFuinn of Williim
[ning conduct in rarious place
lO. Thf revolt Buppressei, 33

1. Disaffect

Ckiun of

Iverj party in ihoSlat

lUtiuT bilL

, M. Am.

^ „ Chariesil. and James il., 49; The army of

tbanded Ij order of PeTcrsham, 212. State of the Engliih
(, .136. Villany of the commissariat of (he amy under tha
Schnoiherft. 397. Stale of that of William lU., 493.
id. See Hishlanders.

0 numerioaf force under TTrconnel. 123. Low station of
'-■ ■ ill pay of ^he .Dldier.. 12.3. The arm^^f

THE THIRD VOLUME. 579

dor to acemnjMiTiy James II. to Ireland, 134. His instmetions, 13ft.
Sworn of the Prirj Council, 138. Supports the Irish party, which desires
to be placed under the government of France, 143. Uis dislike of Mel-
fort, 144. Accompanies the King to Ulster, 145. He begs the King to
return to Dublin, 146. Leares the King and retraces his steps to Dublin,
147. Remonstrates with James to abstain from openly opposing the
repeal of the Act of Settlement, 168. Persuades the Kmg not to allow
Irish Protestants to possess arms, 174. His character compared with
that of Count Rosen, 183. His atrocious adrice to James, 320. Hij
counsel rejected, 329. His opinion of the Irish troops, 330. His aston-
ishment at the energy of the Irish on the news of the landing of the
English, 332. His adiurations to James to prohibit marauding in the
Irian infantry, 460. Recalled to France, 462. Sends a translation of
Penn*s letter to James to Lewis, 466.

Austria, her alliance with England in the great eoalition, 96.

Aylesbury, Earl of, takes the Oath of Allegiance to William III , 26. lib
traitorous conduct, 464.

Ayrshire, disturbances of the Covenanters in, 198. The CoTenmnters from,
odled to arms in Edinburgh, 228.

B.

Baker, Major Henry, calls the people of Londonderry to arms, 151. Ap-
pointed one of the governors of the city, L54. Dies of fever, 180.

Bucarras, Colin Lindsav, Earl of, his station and character, 212. Meets
James II. at Whitehall, 212. Greets William at St. James's, 213 His
wife's relationship to William, 213. Returns to Scotland, 214. Prevails
on the Duke of Gordon to hold the Castle of Edinburgh for King James.
214, 217. Applies to the Convention for assistance, 219. Arrested and
imprisoned in the Tolbooth, 259. His perjury, 548. His mortification at
finding his name not even mentioned in the letter of Mary of Modena to
the Club, 551.

Balfour's regiment, 280. Broken and their chief killed at ELilliecrankie,
285.

Ballenach, Stewart of summons the clan Athol for King James, 279.

Ballincamg, Castle of, taken and destroyed by the Enniskilleners, 179.

Bandon, muster of the Englishry at, 110. Reduced by Lieutenant General
Macarthy, 127

Bantry Bay, naval skirmish between the English and French fleets in,
159.

Baptismal service, the, discussed by the Ecclesiastieal Commissioners,
3/4.

B^vtists, relieved by the Toleration Act, 65. Large numbers of, at the timt
of the Revolution, 75.

Barillon, end of his political career, 132. His death, 133.

Batavian federation, joins the great coalition, 96. Manifesto of, declarinf
war against France, 100.

Bates, 69.

Bavaria, Elector of, occupies Cologne, 346.

Baxter, Richard, 69. Charitable sentiments expressed by him befrre takhig
the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 70.

B.iyonet, improved by General Mackay, 293.

fUeachy Head, battle of, 481.

Beatoun, Cardinal, 218.

Beaufort, Henry Somerset, Duke of, takes the Oath of Allegiance to WV
Ham III., 26. Entertains King William at Badminton, 536.

B(*aumont. commands his regiment at the battle of the Boyne, 494.

Beccana, 70.

Belfiast, Its present condition compared with that at the tiire of tb« Bov*

IlfDEX TO

■ of the Chirhf "«

.ween the Enuialtillen(

7.

liEarlofPoTtUndOi:

■ivd, 188.

landing of Wmian
-S8.
!, 380. Hii gmtlaa

and Romui Cithollca tt, ITS

Dinted Oroom of the Stole U

18 Ul idTUtUC

ji-Chief of tbt

■nnel, 25. Hi* ><ui:Ke^tian3 I'or iloppinE Ihe retolt of the Mldic^T,
I Hi* upeoch on the RnllnDtrr of thFpwple of LondoDdctrj, IT?-

jity &CteiidAn« of, ut the coronation of W'illiun and Mary, 93*

Kh. bill brought into the Iiinh Pulinmcnt for dcpoaing all of

E,.hia Prince Aitbiit refetted to, IS, m^, Refereoce to bii Al&cd,

loth of, 77.

e, 279. Ocnniied by StCKnrt of Bnllcoacli. 281. Summoned hj
lender, feO. Bosieged by Lnrd Murruj, 2S0. Tlw
Held bj Ihe Highlgndcia after Ihe battle of KilU»-
ndere to Mttckaj; 298.
i connQBitd of the Iriah giUTUon of limerick, S2S.

THE THIRD VOLUME. i^8)

But, Capttin, his description of the Highlands at the time of the remh**

tion, 23a
Burton, John Hill, reference to his History of Scotland, 202, note.
Batler, Captain, leads the forlorn hope at the assault on Londondeny, 107.

Takes part in the blockade, 168.

C.

Oabal, the, the originators of parliamentary bribeiy, 431.

Gaermarthen, Marquess of, Lord Danby created, 95. Attacked by Howe in
the House of Commons, 321. His mfluence in the Ministrr, 406. Im-
plores the King not to return to Holland, 419. Continues to be President
under the new government, and in reality chief minister, 426. His ill
health, 426. His employment of parliamentary bribery, 431. Appointed
to be chief adviser to the Queen during William's stay in Ireland, 473.
AnimositT of the Whigs against him, 568. His mortification at the pro
motion or Sidney to the Secretaryship, 570. Obtains information of a
Jacobite plot, 573. Sends his son to intercept the vessel containing the
messengers of the conspirators, 573.

CaiUemot, Count de, appointed Colonel of a Huguenot regiment under
Schomberg, 326. His share in the battle of the Boyne, 499. Mortally
wounded, 501.

Calendar, ecclesiastical, revised by the Ecclesiastica] Commissicui, 37^

Calvin, John, his observance of the festival of Christmas, 197*

Calvinism, lenning of the Low Church party towards, 74.

Calvinistic Church government. See Presbyterians.

Calvinists of Scotland, 197. See Presbyterians.

Cambon, M., anpointed to the command of one of the Huguenot regimenti
under Schombei^, 326.

Cambridge, population of, at the time of the revolution of 1688. 82.

Cambridge University, its disgust at the proceedings of the Whigs respect-
ing the Bill of Indemnitv, 424. Its sympathv with their victims, 424.

Cameron, Sir Evran, of Locniel, his surname of the Black, 253. Hi^ person'
al appearance, his character, and singular talents, 253. His patronage of
literature, 253. His homage to the house of Argyle, 254. Joins the Cav-
aliers, 254. Knighted by James II., 254. Singular compliment paid to
him in the English Court, 254. His treatment of the Sheriff of Inverness-
shire, 254, 255. His dread of the restoration of the house of Argyle, 255.
The gathering of the insurrectionary elans at his house, 261. Opposes
the proposition of Dundee to induce the clans to submit to one com*
mana, mS. Macdonald of Olengarrv quarrels with him, 269. Assembles
his clan to assist Dundee in Athof, ZBl. His advice to hasard a battle
at KiUiecrankie, 282. Influence of his physical prowess, 284. Endeav-
ors to persuade Dundee not to hazard his life in battle, 284. Charges at
the head of his men in the thickest of the fight, 285. Proposes to give
Mackay battle again, 294. Overruled, 294. Retires to Lochaber in ill
humor, 294. Induces the clans to promise to reassemble, 541. Acci
dimtally wounded, 542.

Camerons, their dread of the restoration of the power of the house of Ar-
gyle, 255. Sir Ewan Cameron, 253, et seq.

Cameronian regiment, raised by the Earl of Angus, 272. Its first lieuten-
ant Colonel, Cleland, 272. Its rigid Puritanism, 272, 273. Its ehaplain.
Shields, 273. Ordered to be stationed at Dunkeld, 296. Attacked by
tne Highlanders, 296. Repulses them, 297.

Campbells, the jealousy of the Camerons of the ascendencv of the, 219
1 be ambition of Mac Callnm More, 250. His influence, 250. The Mar<

?uess of Argyle in 1638, 250. The Campbells defeated at the battle of
nvcrlochy, 250. Earl Archibald of Aisyle, 250. His son, 251. Insuf-
rections of the elans hostile to the, 261. Disarmed and diifttsiiiwrt.

e. 232. His be^il

I i> n-pulfcd. IBS. Hi>

B Irilh ttonpn u
la Bachan, 541.

hill shirt from the surpriii of Strsthtpey, MS.
Archbigbopiie of, ita fumiat importance compued with that

I of tb6 TreuuT7, 16. Slgoi

ndon, 479.

Old, lent by WUUim u Commi
le Chntch of Scotliind, SGI.
ibilitin and churacler, 235. Confldmc* Tcpoud in him br
., iS6. Nsined chnpluin to theii Mnjotio lor SmtUnd. 23S.
lishop of ChHtcr, &i. FoUowh Jamea II. to Ireland, 132.
e Priiy Conncil, 138. Hi« death. 174.
lond, 288.
b. imnenehcd end ami to the Tower, 40S.
the LonEcr and Shorter, of the Swttish Charch. 646.
' ' H. oilh a French aimj into SaTov. 562.

torment and rain of diaBeoting dirinH, 66. Ttiat ungnf-

ion«. 456.

in of the Pniteilanta of, to EnniikiUen, 129. Victorln of

iners in, 17i).

terry men. 1S8,

|f, presented to Willinin and Mary, 2. Her roniai

>n of the Court on the erening of tbs prodamatl

■ ■' ■ ■" !e HiBhlandcra.

8,2. note

iiNon

r. 370.

ct of the 1

TAX THIRD TOLUjCS. 5Sh

9i At BpiMCMMfiaB dcfgy in SeoUand, 197. Form of notieo Mvrcd <«ii
tfMBt SOO. Willi of Low Churchmen to preiKi t e Episcopacy in Scot-
land, S95. Opinions of William III. about Church goTemment in Scot
land, 906. ComparatiTC atrength of religious parties in Scotland. 207,
aoa. BpiscopscT abolished in Scotland, 228. An Ecclesiastical Com*
mission issued, 371. Proceedings of the Commission, 373. See Uigh
Churdi; Low Church.

Church of Scotiand, a church established bj law, odious to Scotchmen, 197.
Le^lation respecting the, 545. The law fixing the ecclesiastical consti-
tntion of Scotland, 546. The Confession of Faith, and the Longer and
Shorter Catechism, 546. The sjnodical polity reestablished, 547. The
power ffiTcn to the sixty deposed ministers, 547. Patronage abolished,
ooOu ueneral acquiescence in the new ecclesiastical polity, 554. Meet*
ing of the General Assembly, 560.

Churchill, John, Baron, (afterwards Duke of Marlborough,) created Bad
of Marlborough, 95. See Marlborough, Earl of.

Churohmen, their determination not to submit to supcrdliotti and unchar-
itable Puritans, 72.

Claim of Right, the, of the Scottish Contention, 229. The ebnae aboliah-
ing Episcopacy in Scotland inserted, 229.

Clans, Celtic, of Scotland. See Highlanders.

CUrges, Sir Thomas, his notion of a Tote of thanks to the King, 450.

Clarendon, Lord Chancellor, his impeadiment, 10.

Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, refuses to take the Oath of Allesiance to
William III., 26. His disgraceful conduct, 464. ETidence of his being
deeply concerned in the Jacobite sdiemes of insurrection, 478, 474. Re-
ceires a warning from William, 474. Arrested and lodged in the Tower^
479. Released, and joins a Jacobite conspiracy, 571.

Cleland, William, his share in the insurrection at Bothwell Bridge, 216.
His enmity to the Viscount Dundee, 218. His attainmento and charao-
ter, 218. Appointed Lieutenant Colonel of the Cameronian regiment,
272. Renulses the Highlanders at Dunkeld, 297. Shot dead in the
streets, 297.

Clelands, the, 219, notfe.

Clergy, their refusal to join in the triumph of William and Mary, 8.
Causes of this, 3. Then- seal for the doctrine of nonresistanoe, 8. iJep-
utadon of the London, to welcome William III., 55. Kellered fhtm the
necessity of subscribing the Articles, 74. Their claims to eontideratinn
favorably^ rM^arded by the Tories, 81, 82. Vehemently opposed by the
Whigs, 82, &. Compelled by Act of Parliament to take the oaths of
fealty to the King and Queen, 89. Exert themseWes to sustain the
spirit of the oeople of Londonderry, 154. The Iri«h Protestant clergy
turned out of^ their lirings, 166. An Act passed to enable the fugitive
Irish clerey to hold preferment in England, 177. " Kibbling " the " eu-
rates" in Scotland, 197, 199. Diritions among the High Church party
respecting the subject of the oaths, 348, 349. Arguments for and agfelntt
taking the oaths, 849, Z52. The " swearing clergy," 854. The absurd
theory of government of the clergy, 354. A great majority of them take
the oaths, 357. Oeneral character of the nonjuring clergy. 367. Their
temperate Convocation, 377. Ill aflfected towardii the King, 378. Their
exasperation against the Dissenters by the proceedings of the Scotch
Presbyterians, 380. Constitution of Conrocation, 382. The state of the
London and country clergjrmen compared. 390. Indulgence shown by
the King to the nonjuring prelates, 423. The clergy of Sootlsnd ordered
to publish the proclamation, and pray for Willism and Mary, 228.

Clifford, his diicoTery of parliamentary bribery, 431.

Clifford, Mrs., the Jacobite sgent, 469, 476, 477.

Clonmel, abandoned bv the Irish troops of James at the approach of WU
Bam, 524.

* Club," the, formed in Edinburgh. 236. lu members, 236. Ita

i^clli^h Purlinnipnt. "216. !!• Snln anFtion of ■ Iiw aimnl
■Uilirtnptes, 276. Its intrisues, 29B. Decline Gt iti inflanice,
™ orily, 6M. Beenmes m fsuntuna stock, 6*.. tbt coth-

IS Club and Ihc Juobitei ^olicd, 6d0. Tfa* chicb be-

■.M2.

blind '■ of Oio rferRT in. '98-

ut, ngaiiial France, fornuiion of, 96. The lUte* tcxmiDg

16. Vlctoc Amideun joinn it. S62.

of, bjr Juno H. in Ireland. 183. 170.
ut Ibe Bkirmish of Waleourt, 310.

cred by Dean Palricll, 377.

'. 361. Hii leTTlce to Bi
aracter, 383. Uii faults, 363, »
BaTfliia, 346.
1.336.
}f LordtL, 405.

of Ihedietion t __

Oman Calholic Church, ^S. .

int, EnfrUah, frnndi of lli
^^of Muidecof Ihe House

^ Lilunri^ of the .
aiastical ConimisiioneTa. j,o.
le House of Commons.
1, the quastinn of. 84.
jsion Bill, Ibo. of Nottinghun. 64. IlshistDrj, 70. AUowrd to

1 -. Be,je» of ita pronMODS, 71. Dwul

- -■ ■ ion of the WhiRi .

Hop of London, hfads i

tE^hbinhop San croft respect i

TUE THIRD VOLUME. 585

S7. Tlw Claim of Right, 227, 230 The Coronation Oath rerised, 230.
JMioontent of the Covenanters at the manner in which the ConrentioD
had decided the question of ecclesiastical poHtj, 232. Reassembling o
the Convention, 274. Act turning the Convention into a Parliament, 275
Act recognizing William and Mary as King and Qneen, 275. Ascen-
dent of the " Club,*' 276. The Act of Incapacitation carried, 271
Conmct between tiie Convention and the Lord High Commissioner Haut-
ilton, ^7. The Parliament adjourned, 289.

Sonvocation, address of Parliament to William III. to summon, 89. Ap-
pointed to meet, 371, 377. The der^ ill affected towards King William,
878. Constitution of the Convocation, 382. The Convocations of Caii-
terbnzy and York, 383. The two Houses, 383. Election of memher%
383. The Convocation meets, 387. Beveridge's Latin sermon, ZSf.
The High Church party a majority in the Lower House, 387. The King's
warrant and message, 389. Diflknrence between the two Houses, Sad,
Presents an address to the King, 389. The Lower House proves unmaa-
ageahle, 390. Prorogued, 391.

Conjmgham, Sir Albert, his share in the batde of the Boyne, 495. His
seat near the Boyne, 492, 495.

Cork, its present state compared with its condition at the time of the Rer-
olntion, 135. Visit of James U. to, 136. Besieged by Marlborough,
538. The Old Fort, 588. The Cathedral, 588. The Midi, 538. Grafton
Street, 538. Capitulation of the garrison, 538.

Cornish, Henir, his attainder reversed, 302.

Coronation of William and Mary, 93. The coronation medal, 94.

Ozonation Oath, discussion on the bill for settling, 91. Revisal of th*^ Vy
the Convention of Scotland, 280.

Corporation Act, bill for repealing the, 86. The debate adjourned, and not
revived, 86.

Con>oration Bill, introduced into the Commons, 409. SacheverelTs danse,
409. Sir Robert Howard*s motion, 410. Tumultuous debate on the h^U,
413. The odious clauses lost, 413.

Cermption, parliamentary, rise and progress of, in England, 42S.

Coryarrick, 257, 260.

Oosmas Atticus, deprivation of, referred to, 80.

Cotton, Sir Rofa«rt, his opinion on the Coronation Oath Bill, 02, note.

Council, Privy, the first, of William III. sworn in, 12.

Ccnrenantefs, disgust of rigid, at the reverence -paid to the holidays of
the Church, 198. The Church clergymen ** rabbled " by the Corenant-
ers, 197, 198. Fears of tiie elder Covenanters respecting the proceeding
of their riotous brethren, 199. Their outrages in Glasgow, 199. Their
inflexible pertinacity of principle, 216. They threaten the life of Tis-
oount Dundee, 218, Zl9. Their singularly savage and implacable tem-
per, 219. The Covenanters from Ayrshire and Lanarkshire caalled to
arms in Edinburgh, 223. Their discontent at the manner in which the
Convention had dedded the question of ecclesiastical polity, 232. Their
scruples about takins up arms for King William, T!*2, Their deadly
hatred of Dundee, 272. Their sufierings at his hands, 272. Determina-
tion of the majority not to take up arms, 272.

Coventry, Commissioner of the Treasury, 10.

Crane, bears a letter from James to the Scottish Convention, 219. Ad-
mitted to the sitting, 220.

Vrasrford, Earl of, appointed President of the Scottish Parliament, 238
His rigid Presbytenanism, 233. His character, 234. His poverty, 284-

Oreagbts, or Rapparees, of Ulster, 533.

Oromwell. Oliver, his position in the government compared with that of •
Prime Minister, 11. His wisdom and liberality respecting the freedom
of trade with Scotland, 201.

'3ione, fa Jacobite messenger from St Germains,) sets out with despati^hn
from England, 467. Betrayed bv his companion. Fuller, 467. Axranted.

25 •

nJDEX TO

a WhitohaU. 468. BroUKht to ttinl, *B9-47(I^
inghiuii In Npwjate,
■e the PtItj Council, t

cu'l^ mtl'tJ^torVsTO, S71.

DlUnd, 201.
Jg of, bciieged by Viscouut Monntcubel, ISL
|, DukeduTD of, KiTSD to Pnnce OeocfiP of Denmirl, 9fi.

TrMcberaiuly diaaundrd by tbe goTeraot. Lnodj, (ran

miDBDdi a leginieut it the batde of the Boyne, ISA.

D.

5f, aoD of the Duke ot Monmonlh. hii m«rri»gf to the I«d}

■de, 93, nott.

IfiTnilT of, itt taJenti, mlafortunn, and miadeedt, 209.

Sir JamoB, of Stur, chief idTlHcr of William III. od Scotch

Tilei told of him, 2f)9. Hii high ittainmenti uid «ta-

tch of hia csrecT, 309, Hia letter rnpectitig the abolitior

in Scotland, 228. Appoinlod Pipsidcnt of thp Cotift al

' ' of tbe Club at bis prosperilrand power, 2T&

iloco aa Freiideot of the Court of

S«g«^on, 299.

ir John, hit KCiricef rewarded by s

> remigaion nf the forfeitun

ar'a eaiales. 210. Hia talenta and <

character, 210. Frnmea lh(

of the Scottish Cotnention declar

ing tbe throne raeuit. 226.

a Commiaaioner to cam the inetni
nventinn to Iwondon, 230. Apnd

iment of gOTemtnetit of tlie
Inted Lord AdTocale, 234.

bT the Clnb >t hia father aud hie
Monlgonicrv. 544.

d, 276. Hii uuwer to the

the judt-ei of the Irish Commo]

1 Pleaa, 103. Offenda the

laa. Earl of. his impcacbment, 12.

Accepla (ho PreaidcncT cf

THE THIRD YOLUKE. 587

DifMntan, the first lend indulffenoe granted to, 56. Their gratitude ftn
it, 66. Leniencj witn which they were regarded bj Low Churchmen, 67
Peculiar grieTancee of their clergy, 66. The Act of Uniformity, 9b,
The FiTe Mile Act, 66. The CouTenticle Act, 66. Their dread and
aTersion of Comprehension, 74. Influence of the dissenting ministet
OTsr his flock, 77. Value of his position, in a worldly view, compared
with that of a chaplain of the Church of England, 77. Attempt to re-
lieve the Dissenters from the, 78.

Division lists, first printed and circulated, 423.

Dodwell, Professor Henry, his absurd attempts to distinguish between the
deprivations of 1669 and those of 1689, 80. Induded in tiie Act of At>
tainder of the Irish Parliament, 172. Becomes a nonjuror, 366. His
erudition, 366. His singular works, 365.

Dohna, Chnstophe, Comte de, his '* Mtoioires Originaux sur le B^gne et b
Cour de Frederick I., Roi de Prusse," quoted, 4l, noie,

Donegal, the Roman Catholics defeated at, 178.

Donore, 492. James takes his position at, 493. ^^

Dorset, Charles Sackville, Earl of, appointed Lord Chamberlain to 'WHUam
III., 18. His generosity to Dryden, 19

Douglas, great meeting of the Covenanters in the parish church of, 272.

Douglas, Andrew, Master of the Phoenix, assists in relieving London-
derry, 186.

DouRlas, James, commands the Scotch Guards at the battle of the Boyne.
494, 498.

Dover, Henrv Jermyn, Lord, accompanies James II. to Ireland, 132. Re-
ceives William'k promise of pardon, 666.

Drngheda, port of, 492. Its condition at present and at the time of tha
Revolution, 492. Held by James II., 493. Surrenders to the English
without a blow, 606.

Dromore, the Protestants make a stand at, 129.

Drowes, river, Irish forces encamped on the, 190.

Dryden, John, deposed from the Laureateship, 19. Treated with generos-
ity by the Lord Chamberlain Dorset, 19. His piteous complamts, 19.
Contempt of the honest Jacobites for his whinings, 19. His conversation
with Charles II. about poetry, 40. The orisin of Dryden's medal, 40,
note. His dedication to the play of Arthur, 619.

Dublin, Tyrconnel's motto on the Castle fiag, 122. Entry of James II
into, 137. Its condition at the time of the Revolution, ld7. Its present
ffraceful and sutely appearance, 137. Wretched state of Dublin Castle.
I37. The new buildings of Tyrconnel, 138. A proclamation issued
convoking a Parliament, 138. reactions at the Castle, 140. Alarm of^
at the news from the North, 193. The French soldiers billeted on Prot-
estants in, 463. Fearful agitation in, on the news of the landing of
William, 488. The Protestants forbidden to leave their homes after
nightfall, 489. The jails and public buildings crammed with prisonerv,
489. Reports in the city respecting the battle of the Boyne, o06. The
evil tidings reach the city, 606. Arrival of James and the remnant of
the defeated army, 606. Evacuated by the French and Irish troops, 608.
A provisional government formed to welcome King William, 608. Wil-
liam's entry into the city, 609.

Dublin University, fellows and scholars ejected firom, and allowed m a fk^roi
to depart in safety. 176.

Duinhe Wassel, Highland titie of, 241.

Dulrek, pass of, occupied by the Irish, 499, 604. And by the army ol
William, 606.

Dumont*s Corps Universel Diplomatique, 100, noU,

Duncannon, fort of, taken by William HI., 624.

Ounciad, the, 292, 308.

Ducdalk, Schomberg*s intrenchments near, 336.

Dundee, John Graham, Viscount, his oominaud of the Scottish troops f1»

INDEX TO

jr Watford woppme the DalPh. 212. Hii (
Hi* boDDi d'sbgnded. 212. U»
"2. Greets William St 8l Jun«'

md Dundee, 213. mriP. He returni toScollm

,214. PreioJiKoD tht DukBof Ovrdon tohold th<CsKlleof

|h for GinR Jamn, 2M, 217. His lifo ttarcHtennl b^ (he Connan^

OTT, William Cleliind, 218. Appliei to the ConTenlion

. Hi>aif(hl from Ediabornh, 222. His frsrntBxmnno-

edi in nisinf; Ihe clans hostile to the Cunpbrlla, ML

I Perth, and makra aome Whin gentlemen priBonen, 2«1. Hii
kwilh the Hi^hUnden. 065. Causes of ihoie diScultiei. 263-20&
kundl of War to endeavor to induce tbe clans to submit tn on*
1, 26S. Supported by ibe Lowland Lords. Dunfermline and I>cd
* RetirH to hifl eountr; neat in Scotland, 258. Letter ftom
Jim intercepted, 258. Urdered to be arreiled. 259. Escapeo to
I of Maedonald of Keppoch, 25fl. His proppaal (or placing tba
tar one coinmand rejected in council, 269. Appliea to Kinft
■^ -distance. 2TD. file assistance promised. 271. The irai su>-
Dondlj hatred of the CoTenantem for Dundee, 271. Som-
_ _.anB for an npeditinti to Athol, 2»1. Seu forth for Atbol,
bed by Cannon wilb the Irisb foot, 281. AjTirei at Blur Cai-
I Dsfeats the Kina'a Iruups ui Killiecraiikie, 28fi, 286. Uor
fnded. 286. Effect of bis death, 2t». 290, Hi* burial pUe^

nrage and mlUU^

ftuck of tl
KmcsOall.

Sotnn. Earl

.r bis death, '.

'porta Dundee,

rHighlai._ _

•ay. Lord, support* Dundee, Ki

ian minister, m-

TBsUtion of the Palatinate, 97.

■r joy and festiTiti
■ivedgn those who

ion of William III.. 2. Pa-
the King's esteem, 19. The
: of the soldiers at Ipswich.

THE THIRD VOLUICIS. 5^

Beetfent, Committee of, appointed by the Scottish OooTMitiom, 217.

Blisabetii, Queen, tcbism of her reign, 75. Her rejection of the bishope, 81

BIHot, the Jacobite, 578. Arreeted, 575.

Ely, Bishop of, Joins the Jacobite conspiracy, 571.

Bly Cathe^bral, ^

Emigration of the EngHsh f^om Ireknd, 106.

Bngund, the Toleration Act a specimen of the peculiar Tirtiies and ^ees cf
Knglish leg[i8lation, 66. The practical element always prenuls in the
English legislatnre, 67. Declares war u^ainst France, 101. Discontent it

, England at the news of the arriral of James in Ireland, 138. Effect
Moduced in England at the ne^rs of the persecntions in Ireland, 170.
Question of a Union between England and Scotland raised, 201. Hatred
of the English for the Highlancbrs in 1745, 245. A strange reflux of
pubUo feenng in their feTor, 245. Concludes a treaty with the States
General, 345. A general fast proclaimed, 437. Alarming srmptoms of a
Jacobite outbreak in the north of England, 466. Danger or inrasion and
insurrection, 477. TonnriUe's fleet in the Channel, 47/. France success-
ful on land and at sea, 482. Alarm of England, 482. Spirit of the na-
tion, 488. Antipathy of the English to the French, 483, 518. Attempts
of Tounrille to make a descent on England, 514. The country in arms,
517.

Ennlsldllen, one of the principal strongholds of the Englishrr at the time
of the Rerolntion, 110. Its situation and extent at that penod, 110. lu
boasted Protestantism, 110. Its determination to resist Tyroounel's two
reffiments being quartered on them. 111. Its arrangements for defence,
111. Oustarus Hamilton appointed gfOTenior by his townsmen. 111.
Sends a deputation to the Earl of Moun^oy, 116. Operations of tiie Irish
troops against the Enmskilleners, 190. Receives aasistance firom Kirke,
191. Colonel Wolseler and Lieutenant Colonel Berry, 191. Defeat the
Irish at Newton Butler, 192. Actions of the Enniskilleners, 179, 180.
Bravery of the Enniskillen dragoons, 485. Their part in Uie battle of
the Boyne, 502.

Episcopacy abolished in Scotland, 227.

Episcopalians of Scotland, their comnlaints, 555. Their contempt for the
extreme Presbyterians, 555. See Clerey, Scottish, Presbyteriaiia.

Equity, gradually shaping itself into a rduied icienoe, 17.

Erne, Lnugh, 110.

Error, writs of, 305.

Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of. Committee of the House of Lords to •'■^^"^
into the circumstances of his death, 300.

Estates of the realm, their annual grant respecting the gorerament of the
soldiery, 36.

Eucharist, the question of the posture at the, disooseed by the Boderiastl-
cal Commissioners, 873.

Elder, 67.

Eustace, his Kildare men, 158.

Exchcnuer, Court of, in Ireland, Stephen Rice appointed Chief Baron of
the, 103. Abuses of, under Rice, 103.

Exche<)uer Chamber, Coronation Feast in ^e, 98.

Exclusion Bill, reference to the, 82.

Kvcrtsen, Admiral of the Dutch auxiliary fleet, joldl Torrington at Si. Hel-
ens, 478. Bis braTery at the batUe of Beachr Hnd, &1. Takes the
part of proseeut >r at tiie trial of Torrington, 567.

P.

irarquharsons, the, their arrival at the camp at Blair, 291.
Fast, pubUc, prodaimed by WiUiam III., 437.

Pms, state of tiM, at the period of tho Revolutioii, 82. TMr popala
tion,S2.

INDEX TO

loliort, sppoinled to ■ >i
acter. 438. His serricea

necu.e in the B.ciie, 81.

Hi*

Mdl.

te-arded by goTcrnment, 438. Eig»

cd bT the J nco bites, 439.

ery, S40.

r.rden the diibtndina of

Bccomn agent bctwcetl Juan «iri

the royal army, 212.

w.

matt.

ipt to dofend hu conduct

. u counsel igaiiut KiuieU,

302.

It»

le hou«e to hou him, 302

tinder, Lord Chancelloi

r of Ireland, his oliancler.

102.

Hii

'Kr.5r'i,r,;?.'d„

Hiiinti*

1 Lord RiuHll, 3G7.

ct. s BtiPTance to the dim

i.entine"olcriy, e&.

InKliih. nnYil i>kiriiiiBb bi

itwcen the Enghah and French flecta

tleoffleachy Head, 481.

ndrew, of Saltpuu, aitrai

!t from hia work, 202, nolt.

Hie

Itical opiniong, 236. Joii

» the Club. 236.

.tie of, 482. Tbe new* a

irried to Wiltiani in Ireland,

62*.

lira, direction of, resErred to hiraaelf b; Wmiim III

:., u.

Sir

reinpl.!, 11. AhlyranniK

ed by Williun, S3.

.ppoinied one of tho Ecclpaiaalical Commi»aionen, 372.
i of wild swans on the, 112. Bridge oier tbe, llfi. Lord
pment on tbe. 1S8.
bishop of Glouceatei, become* a nonjuror, 358.
mpean coalition aauDst her aacei^dcncy, 12. Declarea wu
le Slate* General. 30. Her military greatnea* at the flu«e of
"- & rormideble enemy at the accesaion of William
the great cooUtion iKainal, 96, 345. War de-
liitanoe nffnrdod hy her lo James II.. 132. Cboica

imbBBHidor to a

imparl y Ji

1, 133. Naval akitmiah be-

l BngU»h end French fleeta, lo9. War raging all round her,
tct piodiicEHl in France by the ne»a of the battle of the Boyoe,

Duraa, 97.

THB THIRD YOLUHB. 591

9eoive, Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, his nhare in the battle of tne Bojne
490| 496.

Germanic federation, joins the great coalition, 96. Manifesto of, dedaimg
war against France, 100.

Germany, Emperor of, concludes a treaty with the States General, 346.

Gibbons Orinlmg, his earrings at Hampton Court, 44.

Ginkell, General, sent to suppress the revolt of the Scotch regiments at
Ipswich, 32, 33. His share m the battle of the Boyne, 496. Accompa
nies the King to the siege of Limerick, 629.

Glasgow, the cathedral attacked by the Covenanters, 199. Extent of the
town, 213. Archbishop of, 225, 226.

Glengariff, pass of, 109.

Glengarry, nis quarrel with a Lowland gentleman, 642.

Glengarry, its state at the time of the Kevolation compared with its pres*
ent condition, 261.

Glenroy, Lake of, 267.

Gloucester, William, Duke of, (son of the Frinoess Anne,) his birth and
baptism, 313.

Godolphin, Sidney, nominated Commissioner of the Treasury, 16. His use-
fulness, 16. Hated by his colleagues, 62. His superiorly over them in
financial knowledge, o2. His retirement from the Treasury, 434.

Goldsmith, Oliver, his dislike for the Highlands of Scotland at the time of
the Revolution, 238. His comparison of Holland with Scotland, 239,
mote,

Gordon, Duke of, prevailed on by Dundee and Balcarras to hold the Castle
of Edinburgh for Kinff James, 214, 217. His communication with Dun-
dee, 222. Requested by the Jacobites to fire on the city, 224. His re-
fusal, 224. Besieged in the Castle of Edinburgh, 274. Polite and face-
tious messages between the besi^ers and the bcuueged, 274. Surrenders
the Castle to William's troops, 2/4.

Gormanstown, Lord, his part in the siege of Londonderry, 168.

Government, the Whig theory of, 8, 9. The first, of William III., 12.
General maladministration from the restoration to the Revolution, 47, 48.
Absurd theory of, as taught by the clergy of the time of the Revolution,

ot/x.

Grace, Act of, the, of William III. for political offences, 466. Distinctions
between an Act of Grace and an Act of Indemnity, 466. The Act passed,
466, 468.

Grafton, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of, rumors of his determination to join his
uncle at Saint Oermains, 26. Takes the oath of allegiance to William
and Mary, 26. Carries the King's crown at the coronation, 93. Has the
colonelcy of the First Regiment of Foot Guards conferred on him by Wil-
liam, Sti, Accompanies Marlborough on his expedition to the south
of Ireland, 637. Struck down at the assault on Cork, 638.

Grameis, the lost epic Latui poem of Phillips, 262, note,

Granard, Lord, one of the Peers of James's Irish Parliament, enters his
protest agpinst tiie repeal of the Act of Settlement, 1^.

Granto, the, 260. Join Mackay, 264. Their territorv invaded by the Cam
erons, 269. Join Sir Thomas Livingstone against tne Highlanders, Sk\.

Gustavus, King of Sweden, 39.

Owyn, member of the House of Commons, 86, note.

H.

Habeas Corpus A?t, suspension of the, 87. Sarcasm and inveetive oansed
bv the measure, ^.

dales. Sir Edward, his impeachment for high treason, 404. Ocormitted to
the Tower, 406.

HalifSaa George Saville, Marquess of, his part in the proclamation 3f Wil-
liam and Mary, 1. His remark on the reactionary feeling of the people

IHDLX TO

riinrw of Iho Privy Soul, 13. Public feeling «„ ^ , __

tbf offpT of tbe Greiit Seal, 17. His Blann st ifae totoII at lh«
t Ipnrjch, 31. Hi* aniipMbT to Duljy. 60. Load or publk
ropoBcd oa him. 61. Hig diBtracliona c.-iuwd br the icalauHc*
ell or his lubordinnlo. Gl. Not in the list of pramotioiu it
utioD. 95. Hie caiitiDui policy. 96. Calumtiioua accuutioD
im, 117. AcNckm br Huwe ia the Uooee of Commont,

__.j in the Lnrda. S22. 333. Hii Ictler to Ladf RiuKcIl,

bnoWed by ■ mijoritr of the Commonn, 1)25. Relief from the
ship of llifl House of Lords, 394. EiamLncd by the Murder Com-
If ibe House of Lords, 4<16. Defended by Seymour In the Lorn
nit the ittnirka of John Hunpden, 407. Abalcmcnt of th<
' the Bouse effiinst him, 408. Uii mignation of the PnTj
His relireioent from public btuineM artfally alluded to by
:n the dedication to Arthi.r, fllB.

■ Duke of, supported by the Whi)(i in the Scottish Contention,

■ is cbaruetir, 2\o. Elected president of the Convention, 2lfl
■ce addtee* to the members of ihe Cunvenlion, 322. Dedued
■gh Comminioncr of Bcnllind. 233. Hii diBcoutonl, 276- Uia
'- paa* the Acta of the ConTention, 377. Bis false, ([Tceily chai-

Saying of King William respMling him, 543. Kin indiguk-
* ' " ' use of the bill tor tiiina the eccleussticnl

I Ambon y, a

□nded II

le battle of Ng

ton Butler, 191.

I.

i* distinguished

, appointed goTcmor •
\ Richard, hii foreiffn military

worn of the Irish Ptitt Couucu, i^j. oeiii to iLv^iiuuie wiia

120. His perfidy, 120, 121. Hia marth iuio Uster with ao

Terror of ^is name. 139. Marchea anaiiKi the Pruteatanu

orth. 13.'). Knsen and Miumont placed oier bia head, 148. Ap-

.mmund at Ihe siego of Londonderrv, 1.S5. Tnkei Ihe

le death of Mnumoiic, 166. Suner.'odcd in the ebicf

Rosen, 1»1. Rosen recalled, and HamdtoD again

immand, 183. Mis'-' ' ' - "- " "--

THE TBIBD TOLUMS. 593

with which he regarded France, 54. His correspondence with Willikik
III., 64. His importance after the death of William, 64.

fienderson. Major, takes the command of the Cameronians after the death
of Colonel Cleland, 297. MortalW wounded, 297.

Berhert, Arthur, Rear Admiral of England, appointed First Commissionei
of the Admiralty, 16. His services to his country, 16. Skirmishes with
the French fleet, in Bantry Bay, 159. Vote of thanks to Herbert passed
150. Returns with his squadron to Portsmouth, 342.

Hewson, the Scotch fanatic of Londonderry, 154.

Hickes, George, Dean of Worcester, becomes a noniunr* 862. His team
ing, 363. His views of passive obedience, 963. His btotker JohBy d6$
His bigotry, 368.

Hickes, John, 363.

High Church party, the, of the reign of WQliam IIL, 55. Ori|pi of tbt
term, 55. Tenderness of their regard for James II., 56. Thenr distaste
for the Articles, 73. Their leaning towards Arminianism, 74. Their nu-
merical strength in the House of Commons, 89. The High Church
Cleisnr divided on the subject of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance*
848» 9i9. The)r constitute a majority of the Lower House of Convoca*
lion, 388. Their refhsal to deliberate on any plan of comprehension, 389.

High Commission Court, 8. Its decrees every where acknowledged to b^
nullitieA, 303.

Highlands, breaking out of war in the, 237. Their state at that period,
^ Captain Burt's descrintions of them, 238. Oliver Goldsmith's
opinion of them, 238. Hardships endured bv travellers in, 241, 242.
The politics of the Highlands not understood by the government, 262
Viscount Tarbet, 262. Smallness of the sum required to settle the dis-
contented, 263. Poverty of the Celtic chiefs, 263. Mackay's indecisive
campaign in the Highlands, 264. The war suspended, 271. The Came-
ronian regiment raised, 272. The war breaks out again, 280. Shut out
hj a chain of posts from the Lowlands, 298. The war recommenced, 541.
Buchan surprised, and the war extinguished, 541, 542.

Highlanders, their characteristics at the time of the Revolution, 240.
Their religion at that period, 241. Their dwellings, 241. Their virtues,
242. Lofty courtesy of their chiefiB, 243. Value of their faculties if de-
veloped by civilisation, 244. Contempt of the Lowlanders for them,
244. The poem '* How the first Hielandman was made," 245. Their
complete subjugation in 1745, 245. Hatred of the populace of Lon-
don for the very sight of the tartan, 245. Strange reflux of feeling
in England in favor of the Highlanders, 245. Applause given to
Celtic manners, customs, and literature, 246. Peculiar nature of Jae-
obitism in the Highlands, 248. Tyranny of clan over clan, 240. Jeal-
ousy of the ascendency of the Campbells, 249. The battle of Invert
lochy, 250. The Marquess of Argyle, 250. Execution of his son. Earl
Arehibald, 251. His ^ndson, 251. The Stewarts and Macnaghtens,
252. Alarm of the chieftains at the restoration of the power of Argyle,
262, et seq. The Macleans, the Camerons, and Lochiel, 252. Insurrec*
jtion of the clans hostile to the Campbells, 261. The gathering at Loch-
aber, 261. Military character of the Highlanders, 265, et seq^^Want
of harmony amongst the clans when under one command, 266, 267.
Quarrels amongst them, 267, et seq. Their conduct at the battle of Kil-
liecrankie, 285, 286. Retire to the Castle of Blair, 289. Arrival of re«n-
forccments at the camn at Blair, 291. General Cannon's diffieulties,
292. Their attack on the Cameronian n^iment at Dunkeld repulsed,
297. Dissolution of the Highland army, W&. Surprised and rented at
Strathspey, 541.

Hiflhwayxnen, in the time of William III., 46.

Bill, left in command of Fort William at Inverness, 542.

Hodges, Colonel Robert, his gallantry at the skirmish of Wa^court, 346.

HolUaji of the Chureh, ancient, held in disgust by rigid Covenaatoa, 108

INDEX TO

(iJTidnga in, on the accession of William III., 2. BxpeuHM el
edition under WdUam III. repaid to her, 30. War decbred
her iir France, 30. The English contingent, under the Coont
aa, 3d. Natural resentment of, at the conduct of Totriagtoa

issuage her anger, 48S.

loose, the temporary residence of William snd Maty, 46.

respeetijig the revenue of James IL, 27.

ler, tbapahitt.r,44.

Eickiel. Biibop of Londonderry, 114. Preachea the doctriDO of
itarcB, 114. Withdraws from the city, 1,H.
, the tronpa at, reviewed hy Queen Mary, fil7.
Commons, the Conventiou turned into a Pailiament. 21. Tha
ion of 16C0 compared with that of 16N9, 23. Discussion on tha
.uritig the Convention a Parliament. 23. Passes the bill, 2S.
h of AUegianee, 2a- Power of the House over the lupplies, 27.
on renpccting hearth raonoy. 29. Passes ■ grant for repaying
*d Provinces the expenses of William's expedition, 30. AUrm
IK the defection of the Scottish resimenu at Ipswich, 31. Paasca
Mutiny Bill, 36. Suspends the Habeas Corpus Act. 38. View*
iouse respecting the Sacramental Test, W. Leave given to
a bill for repesling the Corporation Act, BS. The debate ad-
and never revived, S6. Carries a cLiuse in the bill for settling

iiuities committed by Lcivis of France in the Palatinate, 101.

m npplied to him, 101. Its munificent relief afforded to tho

at fugitives from Irclnnd. 177. Brings in a bill for reversing the
on Oatos, 306. Conference with the Lords, 309, 310. The bill
311. Hemonslrnnce SE-nt to the Lords on their uncourteous be-

0 the Commons, 311, The Bill of Rights passed, 313. Hejee-

twjmemjjncn^jMh^gHB^l^DiHj)^^

THR THIKD YOLUMB. 595

opinioo of the Judees on Oates's case, 306. ReftiKos to rtTene bk
■entente, 307. A bill brought into the Commons annulling the sentenee,
806. The committee appointed to inquire into the circumntances attend
ing the death of Essex, 3(X). Reverses the sentence on the Barl of Der-
onshire, 304. Sentence of Titus Oates brought before it by writ of error^
805. Embarrassment of the House, 309. Conference irith the Com
mons, 309, 310. The bill dropped, 311. The Bill of Righto passed b;
the Commons, 312. The Lords' amendment, 312. Retirement of Hah-
fBX, 393. The House appoints a Committee of Murder, 406. BiU in-
tioduced declaring all the acts of the late Parliament to be Talid, 449.
A second Abjuration Bill introduced into the House of Lords, 464. An
Act of Grace read and passed, 455-468. The Parliament prMOgued, 458.
Reassembled, 563. The bill for confiscating the estates of the Irish
rebels withdrawn, 565.

Howard, Sir Robert, his noble birth, 307. His bad poetry, 307. Calls
the attention of the House of Commons to the unjust decision of the
Lords rMpecting the sentence on Oates, 308. His motion on the Corpo-
ration Bill, 410. His clause lost on the debate, 413.

Howe, John, or " Jack Howe," appointed Vice Chamberlain to the Queen,
20. His singular character, 20. Proposes to send the Dutch soldiers to
suppress the revolt of the Scotch regiments at Ipswich, 31. His advo-
cacy of strong measures for Ireland, 178 His mtemperate motion in
the House, 321. His attack on Caermarchen, 321. Ana on Halifax, 322.

Huguenots in exile in Holland, theirjoy on the accession of William and
Mary, 3. Regiments of, raised in England to accompan;^ Schomberg to
Ireland, 325. Their conspiracy at Dundalk, 337. Their share in the
battle of the Boyne, 495, 499, 601.

Hume, Sir Patrick, his character after his retium from exile, 236. He
joins the " Club " in Edhiburgh, 236.

Humieres, Marshal, his army near the Straito of Dover, 482. ^^

Hyde, Lady Henrietta, her attendance at the coronation of William and
Mary, 93. Married to the Earl of Dalkeith, 93, twU.

I.

Impeachment, parliamentary, resolution of the House of Commons that a
pardon cannot be pleaded in bar of impeachment, 822.

Inderanitv, Bill of, aisputes in Parliament about, 313, et seq. Suffered to
drop, 315. Debates on the, renewed, 414. The mock Bill of Indemnity
for King James, 414. Difference between an Act of Indemnity and ac
Act of Grace, 455.

Independents, large numbers of, at the period of the Revolution, 76i
llieir views respecting the sovereignty of every congregation of be>
lievers, 76.

Indulgence, Declaration of, 8. Gratitude of the Dissenters for the, M.

Innocent XL, his death, 347. His strange fate, 347. Effect of hk
death, 348.

Inverary Castle, 251, 252, 254, 278.

Inverlochy, battle of, 250.

Inverness, founded by Saxons, 255. Insolence with which the burghers
were treated by the Macdonalds, 254. The town threatened by Macidon-
aid of Keppoch, 257, 258. Settlement of the dispute, 258. fort Wil-
liam built and garrisoned, 642.

Invemessshire, possessions of the Macdonalds in the, 2^.

lona, island of, 255.

Ipswich, revolt of the Scottish regiments at, 31.

Ireland, state of, at tne time of the Revolution, 102. The civil pownr ia
the hands of the Roman Catholics, 102. Lord Deputy Tyrconnel, 103.
The Courto of Justice. 102-104. The Municipal institutions, 104. Bor
•Qglit, 104. Aldermen and sheriffi, 104. The military power in the

I Pnpiati, ins. Mtitiinl pnmiiT bPtweni the EnBlhhrr ud
Pnnia BmonR the EnttliFbry', 108. EmiRTSlJon rrom Irp-
■nd, 106. Aa illmliition of Ihe general ilate of the i-inf
Infenled with woWeii >( the lime of tho RcTolution, 107.
»r (he BngUshrr, 110. Condui-t of the EnniikiUcncn, 111.
e people of I^ndondeny, 114. Effect of the Bew« of lh»
.. .11, 116. MDuntjo}- tut to pnciff the ProteBtanU of Ubter,
lliun III. epena a neRotintion with Tyrconnel. 118. Tyrmnnel
ih, 122. Sendi necrti inntruction. to oHer Ire-
ce, 121. AminR of the whole kinftdom, 121
nt, 12!. Eihortationi of the prieit* to their
I prepare for hmile with tho Soion, 122. The Iriih ■rmr. 131
■ 'mt, 122. The connWy DTTrmn with banditti, 123. BurbHr-
lesa of the Kappareea, 125. Landing of Junes at Kinsale,
try intu Dublin, 137. The two factiono at the Ca.tle. 141-
! journey to Uliter, 146. The country impOToriBhed. 146,
ideiry beiie)(Fd, 1S6, et soq. Chamcter of the Irish (centle-
hc period of the aeTolution, 163. A Portinmeot conrened by
Dublin, 180. Acta pueed for the ennSacatian of the nrcpcrtr
- ilanU, 165. Eicdsm for the bigol 1e|^>1atora, l«». Di-
trish for Jamea, 109. I^aue of bsie roonrT, 160. Cruet
if the Froteitajita in Ireland, 171, ITS. Their eacapc to
I ITT. Ainrm in Dublin et the news from Londonderrr, 181.
1 of Londonderry raiaed, 187. The battle of Newton Sutler,
rrepanticins for a catnpaiitn in Irrland, 326. Landing uF
■R in Ireland, 328, 333. State of the munlry, 328. CaniM of
I and diaKraeei of the Iriib troops, 380. Schomberg'* Opera-
Inquiry of Che House of Conimona into the conduet of the
and, 337. KinK William detenoines to go himarff to Ireland,
iirntiona m England for the Drat war. 4S9. Tho adminiitratioa
t Dublin. 4-W. Condition of the conntry aceordinK to Laozuq,
ite along tbe marcb of Williun III., 491. The battle of the
FUght of James to France, 608, Surrcndar of Watrrfl "

1.624.

B Irish a

THE THIRD VOLUMB. 5M

M7. The nonjorora, 891, 356. AeeeMions to the strength of tiie JMob"
ite pertTf 43d. Their hopes from William's journey into Ireland, 430*
Their PUAs, 464. Their cause betrayed by Fuller, w8. Their dismay.
468. Their anxiety at the trial of Crone, 476. Clarendon, another notea
member of their party, arrested and lodged in the Tower, 479. Threat
ened inrasion of the French, 482, 483. Dangers of the Jacobites, 485
Character of the Jacobite press, 520. Methods of distributing their pro*
ductions, 520. The Jacobite Form of Prayer and Humiliation after the
battle of the Bovne, 521. /acobite intrigues with Montgomery, 540.
Their army routea at Strathspey, 541. Forswear themselyes, 544. Find
themselves in a minoritv, 544. Their rage, 545. Their attack on that
clause of the bill for establishing the ecclesiastical constitution of Scot-
land, which sanctioned the acts of the Western fanatics, 548. Their
coalition with the Club dissolved, 551. Letter from Mary of Modena to
the Club, 550. Formation of a Jacobite conspiracy, 570. Meeting of
the leading conspirators, 571. They determine to send Preston to St.
Oermains, 572. Papers intrusted to him, 572. Information of the plot

Jiven to Caermarthen, 575. Preston and his men arrested, 575. The
acobites torror-sitrioken, 576.

lames I., gires the site of Derry to the Corporation of London, 112. His
treatise on the Pope as Antichrist, 395.

lames II., reactionary feeling in his favor, 6. This feeling extinguished
by himself, 8. Discussion respecting his revenue while on the throne,
27. Amount of his revenue, 27. Hu .civiUty to those who did not cross
him, 40. Maladministration during his reign, 48. His correction of
■ome of the gross abuses of the navy^^ 49. His pusillanimity and depend
enoe on France, 49. Tenderness with which he was regarded during
his exile by the High Church party. 56. His piteous appals to Vienns
and Madrid, 99 Places the civil and military power in the hands of ths
Papists in Ireland, 102-104. Mountjoy and Uice sent from Tyrconnel to
him, 121. Causes Mountioy to be sent to the Bastile, 129. He det^*
mines to go to Ireland, Izd. Assistance afforded to him by Lewis, 131.
Comforts prepared for him on the voyage, 131. Pays his farewdl visit tc
Versailles, 131. Sets out for Brest, 1&. His retinue, 132. The Count
of Avaux chosen as ambassador to accompany James to Ireland, 133-
Lands at Kinsale, 134. Learns that his cause is prospering, 135. Pro-
ceeds to Cork, 135. Tyrconnel arrives there, 136. Leaves Cork for
Dublin, 136. His progress, 137. Beaches Dublin, 137. His entry intc
the city, 137, 138. Holds a Privy Council, 138. Issues a proclamation
eonvokhig a Parliament in Dublin, 138. Factions at Dublin Castle, 140.
He determines to go to Ulster, 145. His journey to Ulster, 145. Reaches
Charlemont, 145. Arrives at Omagh, 146. Alarming informatiom
reaches him, 146. He determines to proceed to Londonderry, 148. Ap*
proaches the walls of Londonderry, and his staff fired on, 151. Sum
mons the inhabitants to surrender, 155. Their refusal, 155. Returns to
Dublin, and intrusts the siege to his officers, 155. Orders a Te Deum
for the naval skirmish in Bantry Bay, 159. Meeting of the Parliament
of James in Dublin, 160. His speech from the throne, 163. Little in
eommon between him and his Parliament, 166. Permits the repeal of
the Act of Settlement, 168. Gives his reluctant consent to the great
Act of Attainder, 170. Prorogues the Parliament, 173. Effect proauced
in England by the news from Ireland, 177, 178. James's alaim at the
news from Londonderry, 182. His indignation at the cruelty of Count
Roeen, 182. Siege of Londonderry raised, 187. Battle of Newton But-
ter, 192. His consternation, 194. The Castle of Edinburgh held for
him by the Duke of Oordon, 200. His agents in Scotland, Dundee and
Balcarras, 212. Sends a letter to the Estotes of Scotland, 219. His
letter read, 221. Their resolutions that he had forfeited his crown, 226.
His letters to Dundee and Balcarras intercepted 2'38. Application from
l>«iidee for assistance in the Highlands, 2/0. James sunk in deepond

IKDGX TO

■ frara the north of IrvUnd, 338. Atrocfotia kdrlee «!
nni'a adTicr rejected, 329. Jamea'a pronprcti begin Ic
Diimims Melfort, and giToi the lealii In Sir IlichiH
iTc" Dublin to enmnnter Bchomberg, 333. ColIeeU hit
In, 334. Adiised b^ llD-«n nnt 10 (Entiue b battle, 33$.
i;r of battle before Hchnmberit'i intrrnchnienti at Dun-
ipnlches Surelield with a division to CnimiLUEht, 33S.

laint Oetmaim. 438. Shrewaburj and Ferpuaon, *38.

itratiOD at Dublin, 439. Scnndnlaug inefflciencr of hi>
L 4-^9, 460. His fiscal admintetratioD, 460. ReeeiTea auecor*
lance. 461. Pinna of ihe EnKliih Jocobiten. 464. Letter from
ceptj) ihB aemee* of the Eari of Shrewibury, 472. Wil-

__..ick(erKUii,487. J»n

I. 488. Retreats before Willian

if (he ri

r. 403
e, «D3.

and niimber of hi* anur, 494. His armf
to Dublin. 503. Hit ipnobla conduct, S04. ^u.. .■^•^,i^ u-
Via. Kcsehei Dublin Caitle, £06. Tnkes ln*e of the ctiiiem

607. Bis flixht la France, 503. Uia arrival and recepliol

Hi* iniportiinitiei to Leiria to inTsde Enf^land, ot3. Con

ho Frenctl oourtiera for him, fil4. Diaoorerj of a Jacobin

ieror« the Cppei Hoage, 389.

n the Tower, 31S. Senrible of
bia duimrall, 316. Uis diiease
1, 317- TbP I

«k. SL

,38.40.

;■» Prol

r«.or of Div^

inilT,

> polit

ical onoslasT and

, of the Commiwrio

n, a,;

■Convo
lil i^od.

icallpn, 308.
r,70.

Hia

eorge,

Lord, his ii

npri..

ondenc)-, 317. Ri' drunkon

iv Dean Shaip aad Dr. Jot

THK THIRD VOLUME. 599

Ibftt period, 1^)8. Its raannfaetnrM and trade, 108, 109. ForraTB eommit-
ted by the Irishrj, IIO. Reprisals of the people of Keniuare, 110. Thej
act as an independent commonwealth, 110. Compelled to capitulate to
a large force, and suffered to depart for England, 127-

Renmore, Lord, commands a regiment at the battle of Killiecrankie, 281.

Kensington House purchased and the gardens planted by William HI., 46

Keppoch, Colin Macdonald, of. See Macdonala, Colin.

Kerry, beauties of the southwestern part of, 107. Ilittle known at the tinM
of the ReTolution, 10?. Its wild state, 107, note,

Kettlewell, John, rector of Colehill, becomes a nonjuror, 366. Hit tntl
macy with Lord RuAsell, 366.

KUdare, 508.

Kilkenny, abandoned by the Irish troops at the approach of William, 524b

Killarney, Lakes of, 103.

Killiecrankie, glen of, its present appearance, 279. Its condition at the
time of William HI., 279. Occupied by the Williamite troops, 282
Battle of Killiecrankie, 284, 285. Effect of the battle, 288. Comparet
with the battle of Newton Butler, 290.

Kin|(, Doctor William, Dean of St. Patrick's, his sufferings, 175. Com
mitted to prison in Dublin, 489. Welcomes the King to Dublin, 506.
Preaches before the King in St. Patrick's Cathedral, 509.

King's Bench, Court of, iu sentence on Devonshire reversed, and declared
to have violated the Great Charter, 304.

King's EvU, sneers of King William at the practice of touching for, 879.
Ceremonies of touching, 379. Popular belief in the efficacy of the King's
touch, 379, 380.

Kinsale, Jamea lands at, 134. Capitulates to Marlborough, 539.

Kintyre,255.

Kirke, Colonel Percy, appointed to command a force for the relief of Lon-
donderry, 178. Iiis character, 178. His expedition windbound at the
Isle of Man, 178. Arrives in Loch Fo^le, 180. Considers it not advisa-
ble to make any attempt, and remains mactive. 180. Peremptorily ordered
to relieve the garrison, 18o. Does so, and the siege is raised, 187. In-
vited to take the command, 188. His conduct disgusting to the inhaUl-
aats, 188. Sends arms to the Enniskillenera, 191.

li^ke. Bishop of Chichester, becomes a nonjuror, 358.

Lanarkshire, the Covenanters from, called to arms in Edinburgh, 223.

Lanier, Sir John, commands the Queen's regiment of horse at the battle of
che Boyne, 494.

Lan«ulowne, Lord, takes the command of the army for repelling the Frendi
invaders, 517. His military experience, 517.

Latin, the bad, of the Roman Catholic services, 376.

Latitudinarians, their objections to the Easter holidays, 89.

Lauzun, Antoine, Count of, a favorite with James II., 130. Hated by Loo-
vois, 130. His ambition, 131. Appointed to the command of the Irish
forces in Ireland, 462 Lands in Ireland, and takes up his residence in
the castle, 462. His share in the battle of the Boyne, 497, 498. Reaches
Dublin, 507. Marches out of Dublin, 508. Retires to Limerick, 525. His
opinion that Limerick cannot be defended, h'io. His impatience to get
away from Ireland, 526. Retires to Oalway, learin^ a strong garrison in
limerick, 529. Goes with Tyrconnel to France, 53o.

Law, William, Dr. Johnson's opinion of him as a reasoner, 360, noie.

Lawers, Ben, 288.

Laws of England, the peculiar virtues and vices of our legislation, 06. T%t
fihujtical element always predominates over the speculative, 67.

UttdenhaU Market, 77.

THB THIBD YOLUME. 90l

Locklutft, Lord President, murder of, 229.

Loekhart, Sir William, appointed Solicitor General of Scotland, 2M.

Lonff, Thomas, his Vox Cteri, 390, nots,

Londeriad, the, 139, note.

London, its loyalty to William and Mary, 1. Proclamation of the iMW
King and Qneen in, 1. Its filth at the time of William III., 43. High-
waymen and scourers in the outskirts of, 46. The site of Derrr giTen by
James I. to the Corporation of, 112. Sorrow and alarm of the Londoners
at the news of the landing of James II. in Ireland, 138. Hatred of the
Londoners for the Highland^v in 1740, 245. News of the successes of
the Protestants in the north of Ireland, 32d. Reception given by the
London companies to the Reverend Oeorge Walker, 398. Excitement in«
on the dissolution of Parliament and general election, 423. The citisens
return four Tories for the City, 424. Agitated stote of the City, 437.
Proclamation of a general fast m, 437. Alarm at the news of the battle
of Beachy Head, 482. Joy fnl news from Ireland, 486,611. Effect pro-
duced b^ the news of the battle of the Boyne, 511. Its joyful receptim
of the Bang on his return from Ireland, 63o.

[i'ondon Gazette, its lying statements, 341, note.

Londonderry, one of the principal strongholds of the Bnglishry at the dme
of the Revolution, 110. Destruction of the ancient city of Derry, 112.
The site and six thousand acres in the neighborhood given by James I.
to the Corporation of London, 112. Foundation of the new city of Lon-
donderry, 112. The cathedral, 112. The bishop's palace, 112. The
new houses, 112. The city walls, 118. llie inhabitants all Protestants
of Anglo-Saxon blood, 113. Besieged in 1641, 113. Its prosperity, 113.
Alarm of the inhabitants, 118. Anival of the Earl of Antrim to occupr
the city, 113. Doctrine of nonresistance preached by the bishop, 114.
Low character of the Mayor and Corporation, 114. The thirteen Scot
tish apprentices, 114. The city gates closed against the King's troops,
114. James Morison, 114. Retreat of the troops, 115. A small garri-
son of Mountjoy's regiment left in the city unaer Robert Lundy, 116.
Lundy gives in nts aohesion to the government of William and Mary,
128. Confirmed by them in his office of governor, 128. All the Protes
tants of the neighliiorhood crowd into the town, 129. The fall of the dtj
expected, 149. Lundy considers resistance hopeless, 149. Arrival of sno-
cors from England, 149. Treachery of Lundy, 150. The citizens resolv*
to defend themselves, 150. Their disgust at the conduct of the governor,
150. A tumultuous council of the inhabitants called, 151. The people
called to arms, 151. Major Henry Baker, Captain Adam Murray, and
the Reverend George Walker, 151. Character of the Protestants of
Londonderry, 152. Two governors elected, and the people divided into
regiments, 154. Frequent preaching and praying, 164. Remarkable as-

Kets of the cathedral, 155. Summons from James to surrender, 166.
)fusal to do so, 155. Commencement of the siege, 156. The assault at
Windmill Hill, 167. The siege turned into a blockade, 158. A boom

f laced across the stream, 158. Interest excited in F.ngland in the siege,
77. Distre'ts of the inhabitants, 180. Hunger and pestilence, 180. Cru-
rity of Count Rosen, 181. Rosen recalled by King James, 183. Attempt
at negotiation, 183. Extreme famine in the city, 183. Walker uniustlv
suspected of concealing food, 184. ** The fat roan in Londonderry," 18o.
Kirke ordered to relieve the garrison, 185. Attack on the boom, 186. The
boom gives way, 186. The garrison relieved, 187. The siege raised, 187
Loss sustained by the besiegers and besieged, 187. Kirke invited to take
th« command, 188. Largs qiiantities of provisions landed from the fleet,
180. Letter from William III. acknowledging his grateful thanks to the
defenders, 188. Pride of the inhabitants in their city as a trophy of the
tiravery of their forefathers, 189. Ten thousand pounds granted by the
Commons to Uie widows and orphans of the defenders of LoudonderrytlOQl
Loo, the palace of, 44.

▼OL. m. 26

la Artioles of the Scotch PirlianlenU, 333.
dbythemenof Athol, 278.

larln, Duka Df, drives tlie French cmt of Iba Pulsllut^ u
' ""i. Hi) death, 661. A gnni lOH to the ccwlitipn, ML

I ot the PiDtnUul
snof I*di, XIV.
.line the Palstimii

a hibei of Uuiu

97. HU ehumctir, 97. Hli
9. 97. Retrenled hj MaduM

I, 130. nil Tinwt reapratiBg

lin, Lnrd, t.
, their coDlempt for HighUndcn, !4fi.
lot SdutUnd, tlioir BUte after the ieteM of tha Highluiden ■!
■ 298.
h part*, the, of the relen of WiUlHm III.. 5fi. Origin of O*
-.. 65. Their Tien nspecting James U. and Wi;iiain III.. ST.
f of Irfiw Churchmen to pmerre EpiicopaoT in Scotland, 301.

Sin (ho Loirrr HooH of Con vocation. 387, 3SH.
n, appointed to a conuniinonenhip of [he Adminltj, U-
■> csnr the thanka nf the Todoi to King Williau — '

rat Urd of the Treanorr. 4S7. Uil ahilitin and in , _..

■,ti-m with Caeroiaithi-ii, 427. Not well nuited for hi« post. 418.
grant nf the oicise uud cuatama' diitie* to tbo King for lif^

.^.

I. hi» earlT life, 400, Hit

and burial place. 4113.
Calgoel Robot, left by MouutjojF t
tnjacherj'i 149, ISl. ConsideB mist
(rom the citr by night. Ifil. Bis

.fter the RetolutiDa, 409
QoDKHt them, 402. Fia^
I eicape to Switxerland,

THE THIRD TOLUMB. COA

S80. Tho dispute with InveniM* settled by Dundee's iutarfeKtioii, S0Qt
Oreeti the standard of Dundee, 261.

liaodonalds power of the dan of the, 249, 256. Their elaim to the Lord
ship of the Isles, 255. Their feud with the Mackintoshes, 256. Thefa
insolence to the people of Invemess, 256. Their muster at the gather-
ing of Lochaber, 261. Quarrels of tiie Macdonalds of Olengarrj with
the Camerons, 270. Their position at the battle of Killiecraakie, 28S
Maodonald of Sleat quits the Highland camp, 295.

liaecregors, terrible example made of the, 251.

Mackay, Andrew, a soldier of fortune, 224. Appointed Oenersl bj^ the
Scottish Convention, 224. His indedsive campaign in the Highlands,
264. Withdraws from the hill country, and the war 8uspen£d, 271.
Urges the ministers at Edinburgh to give him the means of construct-
ing a chain of forts among the Grampians, 271. Hastens to assist the
besiegers of Blair Castle, 280. Occupies the defile of Killiecrankie, 282.
Defeated by the Highlanders at Killiecrankie, 285, 286. Retreats across
the mountains, 287. His trying situation, 287. His troops refreshed at
Weenu Castle, 288. Reaches Castle Drummond and Stirling, 288. Re-
stores order among the remains of his army, 292. His improvement of
the bayonet, 293. Route the Robertsons at Saint Johnston's, 293. His
■dnce diflvegarded bv the Scotch ministers, 295. The consequences, 296.
Takes the Castle of Blair, 298. His unopposed march from Perth to
Inverness, 642. Constructe and ffarrisons Fort William, 642.

liackays, the, 260. Join General Biackay and the Bang's troops, 264.

Mackenzie, Sir George, Lord Advocate, his resignation, 210. His life
threatened by the Covenanters, 219. Applies to the House for protte-
tion, 220.

Mackendes, the, 260.

Mackintoshes, origin of their name, 266. Their fend with the elan of
Macdonald, 266. Origin of the dispute, 256. Their friendship with the
b'lrghers of Inverness, 257. Their lands wasted bv Macdonaia of Ke^
poch. 258. Their refusal to join the banner of Dundee with the Mae-
dionalds, 260.

Maclean of Lochbuy, musters his clan at the gathering of Lochaber, 281.

Maclean, Sir John, of Duart, 262.

Macleans, their oppressions at the hands of the Campbells, 262. OAr
their assistance to James, 262. Gathering of the Macleans of Mull at
Lochaber, 262. Muster of the, of Lochbuy, 262. Their position on tbt
field of KilUecrankie, 283.

Macleods, the, 260.

Macnaghten of Maenaghten, musters his elan at Lochaber, 261.

Maonaghtens, their alarm at the influenoe and power of the Duke of Ar-
gylo. 252.

Macphersons, the, 260. Their arrival at the camp at Blair, 29L

Maf^dalene College, 8.

Main tenon, Madame de, her early li£B, 98. Her eharacter, 98. Her mr>
riage with Lewis XIV. of France, 98. Intercedes for the dt) ef Tr«fo%
98. Her enmity towards Louvois, 99.

Mallow, muster of the Englishry at, 110. The Protestanta dxivea oot
from, 127.

Manheim, destroyed by the French under Duras, 98.

Mantegna, Andrea, his triumphs at Hampton Court, 46, noU.

Marlborough, John, Baron, (afterwards Duke,) commands an English
brigade under Prince Waldeck, 346. Imputations thrown on him, 847.
His love of lucre, 347. Opinion ol foreigners of the relation in which he
stood to the Princess Anne, 444. Power of his Countess over him, 444.
His greed of gain, 444. Boundless influence of him and the Counteaa
over the Princess Anne, 445. Marks of favor bestowed on him by Wil-
liam, 448. Supports the Abjuration Bill, 454. Appointed to the ooan*
ouukd of the troops in England during the stay of William in Irehuid,

DfDEX TO

■ plan tot reducing Cork and Kinaalc, 525. Ordcrad If
team bin plnn, 52-S. Snili for the sooth of IreUnd, SXf.
b the Duke of Wirlembeie, A37. The diapate ■ccomiDO
! takes Curk, 5SS. Cumjiel* KIniile to capitulate, £89.
■land. 6SS, Qracinunlv feceiiid bv the KinR, 539.
ah, Countes* of, foiidnens of the 'Pnuoen Aime for ber,
gular relationship, 444. Ucr pnncr OTer her hiubuid. 414.

I. 44S. Shtfm

i. 4(6.

jclaimpd, I. Ilet popularilT "rifh her Bubjecta, 41.

ranee and chqr:icl«r, 41. Her dislike of evil apeokinji

ondticl. <2. Her ooroimtion. 32, 93. Inaumiraled U

Her munificent relief to the fugitive Protestantn from

Jmed in

EdinbiitKh, 2^7

. Ac

Mpte

the Crown

of Scot-

ir?.

terms iriih the

of the Prinre«,

446.

Her

against

I1.448.

Her renewal of

1 of friendship iri!

h Anne.

appoinl

ar till

!l gOT^

smment du

ring tha

n in Irel

land. 468. Her

agoni

his depart'

lire, 469.

' the defence of the go

'.47B.

Bigna the

Itan'udo:

n snd other noted Jac

ubitei

•,47S. Bet

dislreai

n Ireland, 611. Her tender letter to Willmin. fill. Hn

ir both her huihnnd anrf her fulhcf, Sll. England ihrmtenrt

tench iuTiuion, 614. The whole kinsdom iu anna, S16. Hair
'' at Huuusluw. SIT. Her letter to William nnpMtinK

irongli for reducing Cork and Kinsale, 625. WiUiaml
England. 630,

minted to the Ueu

e direct

ralry. 156. His

THB THISD TOLUMS. 6M

MQdmay, Colonel, member for Essex, his proposal for suppressing the fo-
Tolt of the soldiers at Ipswich, 32.

Militia, the, of England at the time of the ReTolution of 1688, 82.

Ministers, the, of the Plantasenets, Tudors, and Stuarts. See Ministrj.

Ministry, what is now called a, not known in England till the reisn of
William III., 10. Distinction between ministers and a ministry, 10. A
Prime Minister hateful in former times to Englishmen, 10.

Biitchelburne, Colonel John, appointed governor of Londonderry, 180. Hii
share in the battle of the Boyne, 495.

Modena, Mary of, her letter to the Club of Edinburgh, 651, 552.

Money, issue of base by James II., in Ireland, 168. Allusion to Wood's
patent, 170.

Monmouth, Earl of, Mordaunt created, 95. His attack on Halifax in the
Lords, 92S. Resigns his seat at the Treasury, 426. Sets out for Torxing-
ton's fleet, 479.

Montgomery, Sir James, supports the resolution of the Scottish Conven*
tion declaring the throne vacant, 226. Appointed a Commissioner to
carry the instrument of government of the Scotch Convention to London,
230. His talents and character, 234. Appointed Lord Justioe Clerk,
236. His disappointment, 236. Forms the Club, 236. His arrival in
London, with Annandale and Ross, 540. Coldly received by the Kin^,
640. Offers his services to James, 640. Returns to Edinburgh, 540. His
confldence in his position in the Scottish Parliament, 643. His faction
in a minority, 544. His nffe, 545. Promises made to him by Mary of
Modena, 551. Breaks witn the Jacobites and becomes a WilUamito
again, 552. Refusal of the King to give him any thing but a |»Ardon,
653. His subseouent life, 653.

MontrosQ, his Highlanders, 267, 292, 298.

Mordaunt, Charles, Viscount, placed at the head of the Treasury, 10. Hit
character, 16. His jealousy of Delamere, 61. His character, 51. Cre>
ated Earl of Monmouth, 95. See Monmouth, Earl of.

Morison, James, of Londonderry, 114. His consultation with the troops
from the city walls, 116.

Mountcashel, Lieutenant General Macarthy, Viscount, lays sim to the
castle of Crum, 191. Defeated at the battle of Newton Butler, 193. Vio-
lates his parole, 461. See Macarthy.

Mountjoy, William Stewart, Viscount, sent to pacify Ulster, 116. His
character and qualifications, 116. Founder of the Irish Roykl Society,
116. His reception of the deputation from Enniskillen, 116. His advice
to them, 116. Sent, with Rice, on an embassy to St. Oermains, 121.
Arrives in France, and is thrown into the Bastue, 129. Included in the
Irish Act of Attainder while in the Bastile, 171.

Mountjoy, merchant ship, breaks the boom at the si^pe of Londondony,
186. Her brave master killed, 186.

Moume river, the, 193.

Mulgrave, John Sheffield, Earl of. plights his fidth to William IIL, 26.

Mull, Isle of, occupied by the Irish, under Cannon, 298.

Munroe, Captain, takes the eommand of the Cameronians at Dunkeld, 897.

Munros, the, 260.

Murray, Captain Adam, calls the people of Londondenry to arms, 161.
Meets the flag of truoe from James, 155. Refuses to surrender, 166.
Makes a sally, 166. The Morray Qub, 189.

Murray, Lord^eldest son of the Marquess of Athol,) calls the clan Athol
to arms for King WiUiam, 278. Demands to be admitted to Blair Castle,
280. Besieges ttie castle, 280. Raises the siege, 282.

Musgrave, Sir Christopher, his opinion on the Coronation Oath Bill, 91,
note.

Mutiny at Ipswich, 31. The flrst Mutiny BillpuMd, 88. Eztreaie di»
trasl with which the measure was regarded^ 36C

HTDEZ TO

■ichnrtl, sppmnted t

LttomFT 0«w

ion or bin. 103. t»U

Dablin. 160. Chox

■q Spaker, I

licIiDd. 103. Oianm

iccpU tha Mala [nua

_. jn of Ihf, duririK the tfifnn of Charlaa II. and Jama

■ ta wndjliun under Irirriaiitoii, »43. ImjuiiT of the lluiue of
I into the BbuBH of the, 396. Comiptiou of tbe Nar; fioud,

n nf, 334.

5, hi* obaerrnton oter Triuitj College gata, 131. Gim

A Sir Itobcit Sawror, 424.

Par, Inttle of, 19l Compart^ nitb that of KiUiwnnki*, 390.

mniatian of, referred to, SO.

. Niabj of the Specutnr, 7S, note.
!'■ oflhodontyio, IBS.

lampooner, 95, noU. Uii two pamuinadei, B5, tuiU.

loffrejB wa» poisoned bj William 111.. 3 IB. note.

r union with the Confoimiats naainit Poporr, 66.

the DecUration of Indulgenco, S7. The Totentioa

B, S-M,

0 Iho :

a the oalht. 3-ia. 3
36o. The nonjari
J Leslie. 360. Sherloek, 361.
■wrll, 365. Kotilewell and FitiwilUsm, 366.
, 368, 36
r. 370. Clou

THB THIRD TOLUMB* 607

bh sentenM, 807. Bfll aimuUmff his sentence bn>ng1it into tiie H«iiM
of Ccmiinons, 908. Pardoned ana pensioned, 311.

Oath, Coronation. See Coronation Oath.

Oath of AU^^noe and Supremacy, the, required of the memhees of both
Houses, 25, 65. Discussion on the bill for settling the, 78, 79. Divided
opinions of the High Church cleiK7 respecting the Oath of Supremaoj,
348, 349. Arguments for and against taking the oaths, 349, 352.

O Donnel, fialdearji;, (the O'Donnel,) his exile at the Spanish Court, 532.
Refused permission to go to Ireland, 532. Escapes and anriTes at Lim-
erick, 533. Muster of the Creaghts around him, 533. His notion of in-
dependence, 533.

O'Donnels. their struggle against James I., 112. Their exile at the cooft
of Spain, 532.

Oldbridge, ford of the Bojne at, 492. WUliam IIL wounded at, 497. The
Boyne passed by William at, 499.

Oldmixon, his statements referred to, 63, note,

Omagh, arrival of James II. at, 147. Wretchedness of, 140. Destroyed Vy
the Protestant inhabitants, 129, 146.

CNeil, struggle of the house of, against James I., 112.

O'Neil, Sir NeU, his part m the nege of Londonderry, 168. Killed at the
battle of the Boyne, 498.

Ormond, Duke of; appointed Lord Hi^ Constable at the coronation of
William and Mary, 93. Created a Knight of the Garter, 95. Heeliiig
of noblemen and gentlemen interested in Ireland at his house, 118. En-
tertains Kin^ William at the ancient castle of the Butlers, 524. Com-
mands the Life Guards at the battle of the Boyne, 494, 496.

Ossian, reference to, 247.

Outlawry, the Act of Edward YI. relating to, 416.

Oxford, Lord, conunands the Blues at the battle of the Boyne, 494.

P.

Painted Chamber, the, 311, 813.

Paintings of Charles 1., fate which they met, 45. The cartoons of Raphael^
45. The triumphs of Andrea Mantegna, 45, mote.

Palatinate, the, derastated by a French army under Marshal Dnraa, 97.
Ravaged by Marshal Turenne. 97. Sufferings of the people, 97. The
cry of Tengeance from surroundinff nations, 98. Desolation of the, 488.

Palatine, Elector, his castle turned into a heap of tuin» by the Freoah
under Duras, 97.

Papists. See Roman Catholics.

Pardoners, the, of Germany, 75.

Parker, Bishop of Oxford, 58.

Parliament, the Convention turned into one, ^1. Etymology of the word,
24. Members of both houses required to take the oath of aUegianoe, 25.
The Oxford Parliament, 64. Parliament^ according to sozne. not compe-
tent to compel a bishop to^ swear on pain of depciTation, 79. Presents
an address to William III. to summon Convocation, 89. Sitting of, on an
Easter Monday, 89. Disputes in the, 300. Prorogued, 300. ^Bversal of
Attainders, 301, et seq. Disputes about the Bill of Rights, 311-814.
Quarrel about a Bill of Indemnity. 313. Recess of the Parliament, 328.
Meets again, 393. Prorognid by William, 421. Dissolved, and writs for
a general election issued, 438. Rise and progress of parliamentary eor-
mption in England, 428. Meeting of the new Parliament, 440. BiU
brmight into tne Lords, declaring all the acts of the Convention valid*
449. The Parliament prorogued, 458. The House, reassembled, 568. The
Irish Parliament passes an act annulling the authority of the Rngliah
Parliament, 164.

Parliament, Irish, assemUes in Dublin, 160. The House of Peers, 160
The Heme ol Commoae, 160. Defteieney of legislative qnalitka is thli

0 the Ihrone, 162.

Ar^U paased for the mnfiicition of the propertj dF Prole*-
LitUe in commun between Junn *nd his Pulument, l6flL
ip for denonna »11 th« Proie>iaut biahopa. IBS. The gntt
inder, ITl. James prorOEi>« the Pirliamrnt, 173-

— „;_i. .i.n—i. r.n Melvillf Hppointed LoiA

JnmimBJontT.Ma. An
1 Utiidalian, 515. T*a

■ Scottish,

IBioncT. S43. The i;o>

BUpply touhI, fi44.

Intarj Acti paiiied, M9.

-;, quotation from the, B!

n o[ PeterbotDuph, one

I altera tiom of the Collect

of It

I of Chick-

abolished in Scotland, 519.
bgeot of Ihp exiled mral famil)', 540. Hb u
IPS ¥rith MonlBomBii, 640. Anrsied and
h, 654. Subjected to the torture. 664. Ui> bnTerr, 664. Im-

-■- lie of Edinburgh, 654.

,. niption ofhisadminiitnition, 4S2.
iJudge, 301, note,

omM Herbert, Enrl of, beats the pointed anord at the ooro-
Ap^ninted ?'int Lord of the Admiraltj, 436.

I, his KcandalauB Jnwbitiiiu, 4H. tiii Utisr to Junn, 4S&

, Cnstody, but acquitted. *6-5. A Utter from Jams In him
[d. 474. taken before the PriTj

THE THIBD VOLDMS. 009

Bplsflopalians of Scotland respecting the Presbyterians, 206. Company
tiTe strength of religions parties in Scotland. W7, Their hatred of th«
merciless persecutors of their brethren of the faith, 222. Their ur&Tora«
ble opinion of the Dutch Lutherans, 231, note. Origin of the annual
grant of the government to the Presbyterians of Ulster, 489. The law
fixing the ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland, 547. Satisfaction of
the Presb^rians, on the whole, at the new ecclesiastical polity, 554. Tht
Presbytenan nonjurors, 556. The reformed Presbytery, o59. fwte,

Preston. Richard Graham, Viscount, his Jacobitism, ^5, 466. In high
fsTor with Lewis, 466. Joins the Jacobite conspiracy, 571. Proposal to
send him to St. Oermains, 572. Papers intrusted to him, 678. He and
his companions arrested in the Thames, 575.

Priests, the brokws of the Court of James II., 48.

Printing offices, the, of the Jacobites, 520.

Prior, Matthew, his complaint that William III. did not undentand poet*
ical eulogy, 41, note.

E*rivy Seal, put into commission, 425.

Proscriptions of the Protestants in Ireland, 165. Sanguinary proscriptioni
of the Roundheads and Cavaliers, 456.

Protestantism, its history in Europe analogous to that of Puritanism in
England, 75.

Protestants, their gratitude to Maurice of Germany and William of Eng-
land, 39. Their condition in Ireland under the Roman Catholic officiaw,
104. Six thousand Teterans denrived of their bread, 105. Their hopei
centred in King William, 105. Panic among them, 106. History of the
town of Kenmare, 108. Musterings at the principal Protestant strong-
holds, 110. Bold front shown bv the EnniskUleners to the Roman
Catholic troops, 111. Alarm of the Protestants of Londonderry, 114.

Mountjoy sent to pacify the Protestants of Ulster, 116. General arming
of the Roman Catholics and disarming of the Plrotestants, 123, 124. Ap-
proximate estimate of the pecuniary losses caused by the freebooters, 126.
The Protestants of the South unable to resist the Roman Catholics, 127.
Enniskillen and Londonderry hold out, 128. The Protestants of Ulster
driven before the devastating army of Richard Hamilton, 129. They
make a stand at Dromore, 129. Their condition at the landing of James
II., 135. They abandon and destroy Omagh, 146. Character of the Prot-
estants of Ireland, 152, 153. Their contempt and antipathy for the Ro-
man Catholics, 153. Acts passed for the confiscation of the property of
the Protestants, 165. Sufferings of the Protestant clergy of Ireland, 165.
The great Act of Attainder, 171. Cruel persecutions of the Protestant!
of Ireland, 174. Roman Catholic troops quartered in the houses of bus
pected Protestants, 174. Doctor William Eang, Dean of St. Patricks,
175. Ronquillo's indip^nation at the cruel treatment of the Protestants
in Ireland, 177. Munificent relief afforded to the fugitives who escaped
to England, 177. Actions of the EnniskUleners, 178. Distress of Lon-
donderry, 180. Cruelty of Count Rosen to the Protestants of the neigh*
borhood of Londonderry, 181. Extremity of distress in Loniondeny,
184. The siege raised, 187. Gain the battle of Newton Butler, 192, 193i
Atrocious advice of Avaux to James to massacre all the Protestants of
Ireland, 329. The Protestants desire to revenge themselves on the Irish
of Carrickfergus, 833. The French soldiers billeted on Protestants in
Dublin, 463. Joy of the Protestants of Ireland on the landing of William
at Belfast, 487-489. Proclamation in Dublin forbidding them to leave
their homes after nightfall, 489. Their fierce and implacable desire to
trample down the Irish, 495. The battle of the Boyne, 497. Their joy in
Dubkn after the battle of the Boyne, 508. Booty token by the yieton of
the Boyne, 508.
Puritanism, its history in England analogous to that of Protestantism in

Europe, 75u
Puritans, in what their scrupulosity really consisted, 72. Thdr

26*

IKDEX TO

ai^s of hOBionitaj,

uieI to take the Onlb of SuprrmiuiT. ind (ha penil eon*
eclJtralionn required from, under the Toleration AM, 68
of, a\ Ihe tiniB of the Revulutiun, TG. Pecuniur k«M
I by thoni al the hsudi of (he freebooters in Ireland, 127.
y, Uuke of, mrtives in EdinburRh and Ukea hi( pUce in the Coif
'•'•' lefubei to TOte ou the reuilulion that Jumea had forftatsd

tgiment. 280. Batreal of, at KilUeerankle, 036, 287-
n» of, «t Hsraplon Court. «.

t barbatitf and fi)thiae», 1!6, 135, 137- The ProtntanU
iDBBoaa aima, and theit houaea at the laercy of the Bapp*>

■the, 308.
"fJohu. 8,96,B0fa.

ic pLiblic, at Ihe lime of the IteTolutEon of 1688. 37. The nra-
IS 17th oentorr, 440, Sonrcea of, 441. Tha heredibu;, nl Iba
|t1.442.
' " '* h, more Tjolent in ScoUaod than in England, I9S. B»

Bwa all perolutiona, 4, S, nola.
fita. appointed Chief Baron of the Eiohequcr, 103. D*a ha

m.: ,^_ lug gg„( ^„ ^ enlboMy to St. Oannaina. 121. HH

19 aa to Ihe otfering of Irelnud to Fruice, 121. Hia ani-

.1,38.

■a between the Boaatm

THE THIRD VOLUHB. Ml

eoniieatiiig th« eitatet of all Papists who had joined in Ue Ush nbel*
Uoir,664.

Rome, effect produced at, by the news of the battle of the Boyne, 51Q.

Rosen, Count, the chief command of the French placed at the disposal of
James II. given to, 131. His talents and character, 148. Piaoed ii
coounand in James's army in Ireland, 148. Returns with James to Dub-
lin, 165. Appointed to conduct the siege of Londonderry, 181. His cru-
elty, 181. James's disgust at his conduct^ 182. Recalled to Dublin, 18S.
His character compared with that of the Count of Avaux, 188. Adyisei
James not to hazard a battle with Schomberg, 335. Recalled to Franee,
462.

Ross, Lord, joins the Club, 236. Proceeds with Montgomery and Annan-
dale to London, 540 Returns to Edinburgh, 541. Promises made to
him by Mary of Modena, 551. Breaks with the Jacobites and boeomM •
Williamite again, 552. Turns informer, 552.

Roundheads, their sanguinary proscriptions, 456.

Rowe, member of the House of Commons, 86, noi^.

Royal Society of Ireland, foundation of the, 116.

Royal Voyage, the drama so called, 341, noU.

Russell, Lady, widow of Lord William Russell, 1. Her daughter, Ladf
Cavendish, 2. Her letter to Halifax, 324. Her aocount of the perplezi^
of Ken respecting the oaths, 359, note.

Russell, Lord William, reference to, 83. His attainder reTersed, 800. Hit
upright and benevolent character, 301. Reverence in which hu memory
was held by the Whiffs, 301. 302.

Russell, appointed to advise the Queen on naval matters, 478. Sets out ftir
Torrington's fleet, 479.

Ruvigny, the Marquess of, his Huguenot opinions, 326, His residenee at
Oreenwich, 326. His English connections, 826. His sons, 826. Hia
death, 826.

Rye House Plot, 415.

8.

Sacheverell, William, appointed to a Commissionership of the Admiralty,
16. His clause in the Corporation Bill, 409. Ito effect, 409. The dansa
lost on the debate, 413.

Salisbury Earl of, his impeachment for high treason, 404. Sent to tha
Tower, 104.

Salisbury . see of, Burnet appointed to, 59.

Bancroft Archbishop of Canterbury, his refusal to obey the precept of Wil-
liam I 'I.. 60. His final submission and foolish expedients, 61. Letter
from Bisnop Compton to him, 72, noU. Absmts himself from the coro-
nation of William and Mary, 93.

Sarsfleld, Colonel Patrick, returned for Dublin to the Irish Parliament of
James II., 161. His station and character, 161. His services, 161, 840.
Avaux*s opinion of him, 161. Abandons Sliiro, 193. Aopointod to the
command of a division sent into Connaught, 340. Raisea to the rank of
brigadier, 340. Present at the battle of the Boyne, 497. Accompaniea
the King in his flight to Dublin, 504. His resistance at Limerick, 528.
His despondency, 630. His surprise of the English artillery, 531. His
popularity with ms countrvmen, 531.

Sawyer, Sir Robert, his opimon on the Coronation Oath Bill, 92, note. Hia
ease brought before the House of Commons, 415. Hb connection with
tho State Trials of the preceding reign, 415. Hii manly stand against
Popery and despotism, 415. Called by the House to account for his
conduct in the case of Sir Thomas Armstrong, 415. Excepted from tha
Indemnity and expelled from the House, 417. Retumed to the now
House of Commons by the University of Camlvidge, 424.

Scarborough, Mayor of. tossed in a blanket, 191.

Schomberg, Frederic, Count of, appointed to the aommand of the RngHik

TtJDEX 1

■id Bolluid, 30. CreF>tr<

imnuiDd in Irelind, 33a. Furmi

'puliiitT in LnKlnDd, 32C. His undoubted ITolHUntiim,

it of a hundred thousnnd pouudu aimnlrd ta him bj iba

I 327, KetuniB thinks (o the Houh. 327. Land* in IreUind,

f« CBrricklriRua, 333. Joined by ibxtt regiments of Ennis-

I 334. Advances into LeirXei. 334. Declinei a battle, 335.

■ 1 CommiBSariot, 335. Intienche* hinuelf near

r&ci and pottlenni in fais camp, 337. 33S. Gww

[r <iaaHet» at Lisburn, 3)1._ llisjmmenae Ioa>(s of inai, ML

1, 183. The

itlo of ll

■ho B,>yae, '

^hjterian Eloquence diiplaye

ih eetabllBhed b; li

id, Ml. Hnnort. . .

□niaDdi the tiuht wine nf the Eneliah at ih«

<. Tiimi the left Sank of tho Irish ana;, 18&.

Lved, the book bo cilled. mO.

-' '- "—'--.■ ■■— '- England, 19B.
Kin^WiUiam

g Pretbvteriani of the elect!"

Ions for the CoaTeiilion. IS?. "Rabblinn" of the Epinenpal

DisniBT of the Scatliah bishupn. 139. State of Edinburitu,

[stion of ■ Union betvetn EuRbiid and acotlund raised. 201.

" "cotland undBr the Free triide renalBtiana of Oliiei Crura-

I It« grievaneoi under Chniles IL, 202. A eommerdttl treat;

'-' ' "-" "' ungs of the Union of 1707, SM. Opin-

ccmmcnt in Scotland, 206. Compant-

n Scollnnd, 207. Meeting of the Con-

■ 1^. Diahunealj'and time^crTiiia conduct of the ttuteimen of

"le time of tho Kevolulion, 216. Letter fiom James to tb«

B plan of gDvem-

Itesi

dbyit

Aboliti

THE THIBD TOLUHX. 61S

8«dltj, 8b Ckailei, 440. Hii talents, 440.

Separatists, their imion with their opponents a^nst Popery, 66.

Session, Court of, Sir James Dahymple appointed president of the, 281

Sittings of, recommenced, 299.
Settlement, Act of, r^pealed by the Irish Parliament of James II., 166.
Ssifnmour, Sir Edward, his opposition to the Act 1 W. ft M., sees. 1, e. 1, 34.

Takes the Oath of Allecfiance, 26. Declares his support of measures

for tranquHizing Ireland, 179. His defence of Lord Halifax against th«

attacks of John Hampden, 408.
Shsles, Henry, Commissary General, his peculations, 336. Cry raised

against him, d97.
Sharp, John, Dean of Norwich, his interriew with Lord Jeffreys in the

Tower, 318. Appointed one of the Ecclesiastical Commission, 372.
Sharpe, Archbishop, 219.
Sherlock, Doctor William, 69. Becomes a nonjuror, 361. His distineoishtd

character, 361. His Toluminons writings, 361. His conflict with K>s8net,

362. His name mentioned with pride by the Jacobites, 362. Indulgence

shown to him, 423.
Shidds, Alexander, ap^inted chaplain of the Cameronian regiment, 274^

His opinions and temper, 274.
Shorel, Sir Cloudesley, couTcys King William across to Ireland. 476.
Shrewsbury, Charles, Earl of, appointed to a secreuryship in the first go^

emment of William III., 15. His youth, 15. His antecedents, 15. His

auarrels with Nottingham, 50. Absents himself from Parliament during
tie discussion on the Sacramental Test, 86. His position in the Whig
party, 408. Implores King William to change his intention of leaving
England, 419. His apostasr to the cause of the Jacobites, 438. Sem
to wait on the Countess of Marlborough respecting the Princess's party
in Parliament, 447. Scandalous reports respecting him and the Count-
ess, 447. His extraordinary conduct, 470. His peculiar character, 470.
His mother, 471. His treason, 472. His mental distress, 472. His re»-
ignatiun of the seals, 472. His illness, 472. Renewal of his allegianoe»
485. His offer to retrieve the honor of the English flag, 485.

Sidney, AJ^gemon, redTerence to, 82. His attainder reversed, 302.

Sidney, Lord Oodolphin, the vacant seals given to him, 570. Hortifieatta
of Caermarthen at the appointment, 570.

Sky, the Macdonalds of, 261

Slane Castle, 492.

Slane, Lord, his part in the siege of Londonderry, 158.

Sleaford, battle of, 33.

Sligo, musterings of the Englishry at, 110. Taken by the Roman Catho*
lies, 127. Abandoned by Sarsfield, 193. Occupied by Kirke, 193.

Smitii, Aaron, appointed Solicitor to the Treasury, 21. His scandalou
antecedents, 21.

Smith, Adam, 67.

Society, English, state of Court society at the time of the Revolution, 47.

Solmes, Count of, commands a brigade of Dutch troops under Schomben
in Ireland. 325. His share in the battle of the Boyne, 495, 496, 499, 501.
Appointed Commander-in-Chief of the army in Ireland, 524.

Bomers. John, (afterwards Lord Somers,) his opinion respecting the reve
nue oerived by James II. from the parliamentary grant, 27. His refleo*
tions on the miustice of the Lords' decision on the sentenoe on Oateiu
307. Chief orator in the free conference with the Lords, 309. His proud
appearance in the Painted Chamber, 311. Draws up a manifesto firom tlM
Commons to the Lords, 311. Brings up the report on the Corpoimtifm
Bill, 409. His disapproval of the violence of the Whigs, 413. His spMoli
on tLe bill for declaring the acts of the late Parliament valid, 450.

Somers Tracts, the, 94, note,

Somerset, Duke of, csrries the Queen's crown at the ooronatioB« 93.
tertaii^ King Wldiaro at Marlborough, 536.
VOL. la.

Bruntwick Lunenbnrs;, nropo«d by Wjlllun ni. M Oa
ilian in lb? gaTemiuent before 4Dd %tltt tbe Beroto-
with Eniiluid, 96. MnoifatD of, decUriag wu tgtiatl

b lo WiUJun in., 2S
id tiarj, 93. One OI
■bout Ihe I^alilf at

.f WiUi»[
S 373. His do
■ self, 373.

in of the Hurdei Committee, MS.

itj Tith EngtMid and

HUude HirnQton, I<ard, lummons the wople of LondaiutmT td

■ 135, REturns unsuceesiful, 165,

jl of, included in the ItUb Act of Altunder, I7I.

routof,S41.

la th< EDBliali crown, diCSculIin reapectiog the (mtktl, SIS.

1 that it «huuld be entailed on Sopbm of Bmiuirick, 313. Tha

ictcjcolodbf thoCommoni, 313.

ulioD of the, diacua»ed by the EcdeBlaitzcal CommiBVtEicnr

I Ontb uf, So. Disc

THB THIRD TOLUH£. 615

T«t Aet, tIowv of Nottingham concerningthe, 63. Attempt to reliere th#
DiMontera from the, 76. Desire of the Whig* for ite abolition, 6fi. How
viewed by the Tories, 85. Bqjection of a motion in the Lords for lilt
abolition of, 86.

Tilloteon, Archbishop, his sermon on Evil Speaking, 42. His popnlaritj •«
a preacher, 371. His character as a theolo{^ian, 371. His importance in
the Ecclesiastical Commission, 372. Appointed to the Deanery of St
Pauls, 384. Promised the Primacy, 88o. His astonishment and sorrow,
385. His testimony to the humamty and kindness of HaliCsx, 406.

rheban l^on, the, 363.

rkomas, M., his report on the defences of Londonderry, 149, noi^.

** To horse, brave boys, to Newmarket, to horse,** the song, 40.

Tolbooth, the, of Edinburgh, 251, 259.

Toleration, the question of, 64. The Toleration Bill of Nottingham, 64
Relief granted by the Act, 64.

Toleration Act, review of its provisions, 67» et seq. One pasted by tht
Parliament of James II., at Dublin, 164.

Torbay, an army of volunteers formed near, to repel the threatened Frendi
invasion, 517. The command taken by Lord Lansdowne, 617.

Tories, their submission without loyaltv to William and Mary, 6. Dangert
apprehended from them, 8. Their snare in the first government of Wil*
Uam, 12. Their jealousies and ouarrels with the Whigs in all the depart-
ments of the government, 51, 52. Take the port of the clergy at the dit-
cussion respecting the Acts for settling the Oaths of Allegiance and Su-
premacy, 81, 82, 85. Their view of the Sacramental Test, 85. 86. Their
tatisikction at the result of the Comprehension Bill, 88. Their annoy-
ance at the Introduction of the Corporation Bill, 409-412. Their muster
la the House to oppose the biU, 4]p. Their triumph, 413. Their renewal
of the debate on the Indemnity Bill, 414.* The bill thrown out, 414.
Defeated on the Discussion on the Indemnity Bill, 418. Their ^titude
to William for proroguing Parliament, 422. A general election, 423.
Four Tories returned mr the City of London, 424. Predominance of the
Whigs in 1689, 425. Their parliamentary bribery, 431, 432. The Toriet
admitted to a share in the government, 435. Their majority in the
House, 448. The war between the two parties, 449. Debates on the
Abjuration BQl, 451-455.

Torrmgton, Herbert, Earl of, receives signal marks of the favor of the
Grown, 343. His maladministration of the navy, 343. His vices, 397.
Hit anger at being removed firom the Admiral^, 435. His displeasure
appeased, 435. Tue^ command of the fleet in the Downs, 478. Joined
b^ the Dutch under Evertsen, 478. Retreats before the French towards
Dover, 479. Ordered to give battle to Tourville. 479. Baseness of his
arrangements of battle, 480. Gives the French battle, 481. Defeated
and escapes into the Thames, 481. Sent to the Tower, 486. Consulta-
tion amongst the Judges relative to his trial, 565, 566. Brouffht to trial
and acquitted, 567, 568. Dismissed by the King from the service,
568.

Torture, always declared illegal in England, 229. Declared by the Scottish
Claim of Rights to be, under certam circumstances, according to law,
2J», 554.

Tourville, Admiral of the French fleet, cruises in the British Chaxmel, 47Si
His teamanlike qualities, 478. Accepts battle from Torrington. 48L
DefeaU Torrington at the battle of Beaohy Head, 481. His timidity of
responsibility, 482. His unopposed range of the Channel, 614. Hii
galleys and their crews, 614. Their practical value, 516. Ravages
Teignmouth, 616. His exploits inglorious and impolitic, 618.

Tralee, 109.

frantabstantiation. Declaration against, 65, 395.

fkeaturer. Lord High, admifuttration of the office of, under WiUita tad
Mtiy, IS

INDEX TO

boird of, coD8tltation of the. bf Willlnni IH 16. SoUdlor t*
irtmcroFthedutieaof, 21. Coiruptian of.in :<bl timeof CbiulM
iiniFi It., 21. Aiipuiiitmenl or Ajuon Srailb, 21. OuMrrell ud
I of the CommiaJunera of Ihc. 51.
eorge, »ppointrd Allonii7 General, 18. Hii opinion reipeefr

' '-.mes 11., 27. His suggettioM for lujiprwuing Um

It Hnrwioh, 32.

ruclion bf Mndnme ds MointenoD, 99.
I John, (Mosler of the Kullt.) hit earlf life and fpunbling [to-
I 433. His friendship niCb Jelfrora, 434. Hia popuUrilj tmong
bamsntarj briber;
of Ihe ComowDi,

Hi* nvagn in the PalnlinBle, S?
with France apninEt the jrrenC coi
enriiL and Bulgnriit, 34S. Vietoriei
I Lewia of Biden, 34.^.
bop of Ely, beoomei i

', 358. Hii Utter to X

uiled with the desi
flshrj' centred in hi
m nf the Revo

: LpnBE

_ 115. EU

1,116. Opens a niwotialiDn with William III., 118. II
■raise the ^rii<h, [20: Sends Monntjoj and Rirl

at Cork U
le Castle. 137. Carries the i
duke, 1^, Advisft Jan

of the Bovne, 497, 499. flOO. Ma
HetiiBS to Limetiek. 625. IMsopproie* of
dean estimate enleilaincd bi the French o
Men, 528. Retires to Oalway, leading a Itiani
>. Goes with Lauiun to France, 535.
f, (Fanny Jennjuga,) 606.

II., 130. Hb
efors Ja
Dublin,

THE THIBD TOLUHB. 617

teini a grant from the Commons for the widows and orphans of the de>
fmders of Londonderry, 400. Thanked bj the House for his seal and
fidelity, 400 Appointed by William III. to the see of Derry, 498. Ac-
companies the army of William, 496. His share in the battle of tha
Boyne, 601. Shot dead, 501.

Walker, Obadiah, his impeachment for treason, 404. Sent to the Toww*
405.

War declared ai^inst France, 100, 101.

Ward, Seth, Bishop of Salisbury, his death, 59.

Warrington, Earl of, Delamere created, 427. See Delamera.

Wash, the, state of the country near, at the time of the Befolntkni 9t
1688 32

Waterfordi taken by William III., 524.

Watford, Scotch troops of James II. stationed near, 212.

Weems Castle, 288.

Wellington. Aithur, Duke of, reference to him, 328.

West Indies, trade of, at the time of the Revolution, 208.

Wharton, Lord, his speech on the Abjuration Qill, 454.

Whigs, their attendance at Court on the erening of the proclamation of
William and Mary, 1. Peculiarity of their fondness for the new mon-
archs, 8. The Whiff theory of government, 9. Their share in William*a
first government, 12. Their jealousies and quarrels with the Tories in
all the departments of the government, 51, 52. Concessions of the gov-
ernment to the, 63. Division among the, respecting the Comprehensior
Bill, 7S. Oppose the clergy at the discussions on the Acts for settling
the (Hiths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 82. Their view of the Sacra-
mental Test, 85, 86. Their objections to an Ecclesiastical Commission
for revising the liturgy and canons, 86, 87. Pleasure which the result
afforded them, 88, 89. Elections for the shires and burghs to the Scottish
Convention almost all fall on Whigs, 197. Their support of the Duke
of Hamiltoit in the Convention, 215, They elect him as President, 216.
Conduct of the Whig Club of Edinburgh, 298. Reverence with which
the Whigs of England r^^rded the memory of Lord William Russell,
801, 302. Redress obtained by some living Whigs for injuries sustained
during the preceding reign, 302. Dissatisfaction of the Whigs with
William, 320. Their views of the end for which all governments had
been instituted, 355. Their ostentatious triumph over the divided priest-
hood, 356. Their violence and vindictiveness in th^ House of Commons.
403. Their crafty conduct on the Corporation Bill, 409. Their successful
opposition to the Indemnity Bill, 417, 418. Their triumph over the To*
HM, 418. Their opposition to the King going to Ireland, 420. Lesson
thcT receive from the King, 421. A genco^ elation, 423. Their artifices
ana exertions in the City of London, 423. Four Tories returned for the
City, 424. Their parliamentary bribery, 432. Discontent of the Whigs
at Uie suoeesses of the Tories, 436, 438. Dealings of some of the Whin
with Saint Oermains, 438. Their waxr tactics in the House, 448. Thm
artful parliamentary war with the Tones, 448. Their only victory during
the whole session, 450. Stormy debates on the Abjuration Bill, 451, 465,
Their vindictiveness against the nonjuring bishops, 522. Thefar animoai-
ty^ against Caermarthen, 568.

White, Bishop of Peterborough, l^pcomes a nomuror, 858.

Whitehall, scene at the Banoueting House of, 1. Removal of the Conii
from, to Hampton Court, 43. Wuliam and Mary accept the Crown of
Scotland in the CouncQ chamber at, 231, 232.

Wicklow, lawlessness in, at the time of Tyreonnel's rebellion, 124.

Wi^t, Isle of, the hostile fleets of England, Holland, and Franoa lylag
o£478.

Wildman, appointed Postmaster General, 21.

Wilkie, reference to his Eptgoniad, 246.

William XXL, proclaimed Kmg, 1. Gorgeons aaaenblaga at tha palaua 9m

rND£X TO

IninR 3r the nni<;lBiiiotinn, 1. Rtjnielnipi thronghmit BngkiBd
IliiUanil, % Hia letter to the Stntet Ontenl, 2. BelTQl to b«
1 and uthippj, 3. Diflcoutiint of the cltqry nad srmj, 3. Abite-
1. <i— public BnlliUBiiuni ftir the new monnrchi, 4. BemeiioDur
iE>l tttt pMplc, 4. Unniief* of tho irnternnient, 11. Wif.
ition to tifniself of the direction of forcian ■ff'in. II. Hi*
ess foi foreign neffotintiDn, 11. His aelccCion of big fint
d hiRh ofRern. 12. Hin state Tiait to the Confention. 23. .
to Bboliih hrnrlh monej, 29, Hia meunres for the >up-
iie reiolt of the i.nldicri Bt Ipnrith. 33. Hii politia clem-
I the lendet* of the rebdlion. 33. Hia unpepnlaritj. 38. Hii
«. 38. Hia UlpntB, 38. How regarded by fpfpienen, 39. And
en, 39. Hi< freriing mannm cumpiTed with lh« ntsrilf
of Charlet II., ind the aacinblenesa of Jsntn 1[ "'

viiity to ti

lePrii

tie, 40.

Hi» ba

d English. 41.

.r liie

rature, i

I. Hi.

di.l.ke

of haciihitine,
iptou Conn, *4.

41. His

irHi'3"^Iulmo»Es

from \VhiU-h.ll

toUnn

, Archi-

ind gird™

,i>,g hi

14. His paiacc

. of LOD,

[rilod

if ihe O

DurtfromlVhiIehiJl.49.

for a time

.liund Hr

Pnrch

Mea Kensingto

n House.

foreign ft

vorile

s, 46, 47.

Hi.r

a lowered bj th

.e milad.

u AfFaiTS, £4. Reli^
Appoii

.» and 8i
« Purliair
)ath. 92. Hia eomantion, 92, 93. Ho

addrrwa from the Commons eondi
ite, ion. War dfclare>i a(
. Effect in Irel.ind nf hi
ition with the Lord rl^p

He Oaths Q
a the clericT, S(
PsMing of the Con
B bcstnwcd by bim, 91
on SRBvist France, 9i
ling the buinritjes ol
.at Frsnee, 101. Uaai
narrh to London, IL!
118._ Open n-bcUi-i

THK THIRD YOLUMB. 61B

ohitioii, 419. Detennfaiet to proceed himidf to Irelsnd, 419. Tike
Wldgt oppoB< hit going, 4X0. He prorognes Parliametit, 421. Ont&*
tade of tne Tories to him, 422. His conciliatory policy, 422. Chaneee
effected by the King in the executive departments, 425. His scruple*
respecting parliamentary bribery overcome, 433. Hopes of the Jacobites
ftom his absence in Ireland, 439. His speech on the iftmtM of ParUA-
■Mot, 440. Not on good terms with the Princess Anne, 44a, Hb Tisit
to the Lords daring the debate on the Abjuration Bill, 454. He sends
down an Act of Orace, 456. Peculiar character of his clemency, 457«
He prorogues the Parliament, 4dH. The Queen appointed to admiiiistfr
the government during his absence in Ireland, 4oo. His preparations
463. Despatches from St. Oermains to the English Jacobites delivered
into his hands, 468. His difficulties, 469. His selection of nine Privy
Councillors for Mary's guidance, 472, 473. His serious remarks on Clar-
endon's conduct, 474. His interview with Burnet, 475. Sets out for
Ireland, 475. Kis embarkation at Chester, 475. Lands at Carrickfer
^8, and proceeds to Belfast, 487. Meets with Schomberg, 487. His
loyfiU reception by the Protestants, 488. His arrival made known to
James, 488. His militarv arrangements, 488. Bestows a donation on
the dissenting divines of Ulster, 489. His popularity with his army. 490.
His march southward, 490. Reaches the valley of the Boyne, and sur-
veys the Irish lines, 491, 492. State of his army, 494. Alights and
breakfasts at OMbridge, 497. Is wounded, 497. The battle of the
Boyne, 498. Heads the left wing himself, 499. Crosses the river, 501
Charges in the thickest of the Aght, and changes the fortune of the day,
602. His disregard of danger, 5o2. James's flight to Dublin, 503.
Losses sustained bv the two armies, 505. Advances to Duleek, 506.
Surrender of Drogheda, 506. William enters Dublin, 509. Receives
the news of the defeat of Waldeck, 524. Writes a kind letter to Wal-
deck, 524. Intelligence brought of the defeat of Torrington s fleet, 524.
Takes Waterford and the fort of Duncannon, 524. Sets out for Eng-
land, 524. Returns to the army at Cashel, 525. Receives a letter from
the Queen respecting a proposal of Marlborough for reducing Cork and
Kinsale, 525. C^ers ftlarlborouf^h to execute his plan, 525. Marches to
besiege Limerick, 529. His artillery surprised by Sarsfield, 530. Re-
pairs his loss, and proceeds to batter the town, 531. His army suffers
m>m the rains, 533. The assault on Limerick unsuccessful, 534. Raises
the siege, 534. Returns to England, 536. His progress to London, 536.
His reception, 536. His difficulties with the Scottish Parliament, 543.
His exclamation respecting Scotland and Hamilton, 543. Distrust and
abhorrence with which he regarded Montgomerv, 553. The opinion of
the nonjurors of Scotland respecting Wiluam, o57. His dissatisfaction
with the ecclesiastical arrangements in Scotland, 560. Sends a Commis-
sioner and a letter to the General Assembly, 560. Respectful answer of
the Assembly, 561. State of affairs on the Continent, 561. Victor Am»>
deus of Savoy joins tb^ coalition, 562. William reassembles the Parliap
ment, 563. His speecn from the throne, 563. His dismissal of Torring-
ton from the service, 56S. Gives the vacant seals to Sidnev, 569. A
Jacobite conspiracy, 570. The plot discovered, 575. The Parliament
adjourned, 57o. Sets out for the Congress of the Hague, 576.

Williams, Doctor, (afterwards Bishop of Chichester,) his diary of the pr»>
oeedings of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, 373, note.

Winnington, Solicitor General, 10.

Wirtembeiv, Duke of. See Charles Frederick, Duke of Wirtembors.

Wolseley, Colonel, sent to the assistance of the Enniskilleners, 193. His
qualifications, 192. His stanch Protestantism, 192. Defeats Monst-
cashel at the battle of Newton Butler, 193. His share in the battle nf
the Boyne, 495.

Wood's moniey, allusion to, 170.

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lin>£X TO THS THIBD TOLUMB.

Wbffoester, Thomas, Biihop of, dioi a noi^inor, 868.
Wnot Sir Chxiatopher, hia additiona to Hanpton Court M.

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Tcrik, ArdiUih^pik of, ita former portrty, 881 Its

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Stinford UnHerslty Ubnty

Stanford, Califoniia

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